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^7.? ) 57 lO 



fT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. 

E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. 
L. A. POST, M.A. E. H. WARMIKGTON, m.a. 



















J'rinttd in Great Britain 



trasslator's preface vii 

THE manuscripts ix 






summary of book xxv 503 

appendix: the topography of Syracuse .... 505 

INDEX OF names 511 

maps and PLANS — 







This volume furnishes one span of a bridge ulti- 
mately to connect the Vth (1929) with the IXth 
(1935), that is, to link book XXII, the last of those 
translated by Professor Foster, with book XXXI, 
where the late Professor Sage began his work upon the 
Fourth Decade. In these three books (XXIII-XXV) 
are covered the years 216-212 B.C., including the 
consequences of disaster at Cannae, also Capua 
taken, Syracuse besieged for two years and finally 
captured, and the successes of Publius and Gnaeus 
Scipio in Spain, until they were separately over- 
whelmed by numbers. 

For works dealing Avith this period of the Second 
Punic War the reader is referred to the Cambridge 
Ancient History, Vol. VIII, and the bibliographies for 
its chapters ii-iv, pp. 721 ff. Lists so recent and so 
generally accessible make it unnecessary to insert 
here a bibliography, to supplement those already 
contained in Vols. V (pp. xiii ff.) and IX (p. xv fi.). 
A recent work of Professor Fabricius, of Copenhagen, 
correcting current errors in the topography of Syra- 
cuse, is discussed in the Appendix. 

The text here offered represents careful and oft- 
repeated consideration of its many problems. Obli- 
gations to a long hne of previous editors, including 
Madvig, Weissenborn, H. J. Mviller, Riemann, are 
gratefully acknowledged. In particular evei-y student 
of Livy is now constantly aware of his great indebted- 
ness to the labours of the late Professors Walters and 



Conway, whose Oxford text edition reached a third 
volume in 1928 (books XXI-XXV). Every citation 
of the Puteanus made by them has been verified 
for the present volume by collation of the facsimile 
published by the IJibliotheque Nationalc, Avith cor- 
rections in a very few instances. 

Limited space for critical notes on so small a page 
obviously forbade the inclusion of the mass of inter- 
esting conjectui'cs, often of recent date, especially 
many of the plausible supplemeiita suggested by 
Conway or Walters, where a short line (14-22 letters) 
may have been omitted in P or its archetype ; also 
such emendations as Professor G. H. Hirst's aries for 
acies in XXIII. xvi. 12 (p. 54 ; Classical Review XXV, 
109), or Professor E. H. Warmington's suggestion 
that in XX\'. xxxvii. 11 (p. 480) ad anna may origin- 
ally have been directly followed by ad portas, which 
in the MSS. and in our text follows the second dis- 
ciirnmt, suspiciously repeated and hence, he thinks, 
to be omitted (as also ac, which may have been 
inserted later before velut). 

The translator is indebted to the publishers of the 
Camhridge Ancient History for permission to use 
three maps from Vol. \ 111, with such alterations 
as were deemed necessary. The map of Syracuse 
is based upon a large Italian sheet (Catania, 1931), 
with important additions and radical changes due 
chiefly to the map of the Danish historian Fabricius 
mentioned above. 

It may be added that this translation was begun, 
as it happened, at Syracuse, with the passages in 
XXIV and XXV dealing with the siege and capture 
of the city, and that such an opportunity was due 
to a second visit after an interval of forty years. 




P = codex Puteanus, Paris, Bibliotheque Natioiiale 

5730, 5th century, 
C = Colbertinus, Paris, do. 5731, 10th century (or 

R — Romanus, Vatican Library, 9th centur}\ 
M— Mediceus, Florence, Laurentian Library, 10th 

B = Bambergensis, Bamberg, 10th century (or Uth). 
D = Cantabrigiensis, Trinity College, Cambridge, 

12th century. 
A = Agennensis, British Museum, 13th century. 
N — Laurentianus Notatus, Florence, 13th century 

(rarely cited). 
F = Fragmenta Monacensia (two), Munich, 11th 

r — inferior MS. or MSS., 14th or 15th century (for 

P^, A^, etc., see below). 
1/ — late correction in a MS. (e.g., Ay), 
z = early editor or commentator. 

From P all the rest of the MSS. of XXI-XXV are 
directly or indirectly descended. In the critical notes 
corrections presumed to be by the original scribe are 

^ For details consult the Oxford text of Walters and Conway, 
vol. Ill, 1928. The best MS. of the Epitomes is the Naza- 
rianus, Heidelberg, 9th century. 

- A few chapters of XXIII only, beginning at xxxii. 11 and 
xlvii. 1. 



marked P^, by later hands, P^, P^, etc., corrections 
which cannot be so listed (mainly erasures), P^; and 
so for the other MSS. Arabic numbers in parenthesis 
indicate three or more MSS., as follows: 

(1) CRMDA (with B from XXIV. vii. 8, and so for 
each of the numbers below ^). 
(2) CRMD (3) CRMA (4) CRM (5) CRDA 
(6) CRD (l) CMDA (8) CMD (9) CMA 
(10) RMDA (li) RMD (12) RMA (13) RDA 
(14) MDA 

^ Unless B is separately mentioned. 








A.u.c. I. Hannibal^ post Cannensem pugnamcastraque 2 

'■*'* capta ac direpta confestim ex Apulia in Sannuum 

moverat, accitus in Hirpinos a Static Trebio ^ polli- 

2 cente se Compsam traditurum. Compsanus erat 
Trebius nobilis inter suos ; sed premebat eum 
Mopsiorum factio, familiae per gratiam Romanorum 

3 potentis. Post famam Cannensis pugnae volga- 
tumque Trebi sermonibus adventum Hannibalis cum 
Mopsiani ^ urbe excessissent, sine certamine tradita 

4 urbs Poeno praesidiumque acceptum est. Ibi praeda 
omni atque impedimentis relictis, exercitu partito 
Magonem regionis eius urbes aut deficientis ab 
Romanis accipere aut detractantis cogere ad defec- 

5 tioneni iubet, ipse per agrum Campanum mare 
inferum petit, oppugnaturus Neapolim, ut urbem 

6 maritimam haberet. Ubi fines Neapolitanorum 

1 Hannibal Valla : haec Hannibal P(l). 

* castraque Valla : castra A'z : binaque castra Lucks : 

' Trebio Gronovius : om. P(l). 

* Mopsiani Qronovius : compsam P(l). 




I. After the battle of Cannae and the capture and b.c. 2k 
plunder of the camps, Hannibal had moved at once 
out of Apulia into Samnium, being invited into the 
land of the Hirpini by Statius Trebius, who promised 
that he would turn over Compsa to him. Trebius 
was a Compsan of high rank among his people, but 
opposed by the party of the Mopsii, a family made 
powerful by the favour of the Romans. After the 
news of the battle of Cannae, and Avhen the coming; of 
Hannibal had been made known by utterances of 
Trebius, since the Mopsii had left the city, it was 
handed over to the Carthaginians without resistance 
and a garrison admitted. There Hannibal left all his 
booty and the baggage, divided his army, and ordered 
Mago either to take over such cities of that region 
as were deserting the Romans or to compel them to 
desert in case they refused. He himself made his 
way through the Campanian region to the Lower 
Sea,i intending to attack Neapolis, that he might 
have a seaport. On entering the territory of the 

^ I.e. the Tuscan Sea; of. xxxviii. 1. 



A.u.c. intravit, Numidas partim in insidiis — et pleraeque 
cavae sunt viae sinusque occulti — quacumque apte 
poterat disposuit, alios prae se actam praedam ex 

7 agris ostentantis obequitai-e portis iussit. In quos, 
quia nee multi et incompositi videbantur, cum turma 
equitum erupisset, ab cedentibus consulto tracta in 

8 insidias circumventa est; nee evasisset quisquam, 
ni mare propinquum et baud procul litore naves, 
piscatoriae pleraeque, conspectae peritis nandi 

9 dedisscnt efFugium. Aliquot tamen eo proelio 
nobiles iuvenes capti caesique, inter quos et Hegeas, 
praefectus equitum, intemperantius cedentes secutus 

10 cecidit. Ab urbe oppugnanda Poenum absterruere 
conspecta moenia haudcpiac^uam prompta oppug- 

II. Inde Capuam flectit iter luxuriantem longa 
felicitate atque indulgentia fortunae, maxime tamen 
inter corrupta omnia licentia_^lebis sine modo liber- 

2 tatem exercentis. Senatum et sibi et plebi obnoxium 
Pacuvius Calavius fecerat, nobilis idem ac p opula rjs 

3 homo, ccterum malis artibus nanctus opes. Is cum 
eo forte anno quo res male gesta ad Trasumennum est 
in summo magistratu esset, iam diu infestam senatui 
plebem ratus per occasionem novandi res magnmn 
ausuram facinus ut, si in ea loca Hannibal cum vic- 
tore exercitu venisset, trucidato senatu traderet 

1 He was caYlodmcjlix tuticus; of. xxxv. 13. For the defeat 
of Flamiiiius at the Trasumcnnus cf. XXII. iv ff. 

BOOK XXllI. I. 6-II. 3 

Neapolitans, he stationed some of the Nuniidians in b.o. 216 
ambush, wherever he conveniently could (and most 
of the roads are deep-cut and the turnings concealed). 
Other Numidians he ordered to ride up to the gates, 
making a display of the booty they were driving 
along before them from the farms. Against these 
men, because they seemed to be few in number and 
disorganized, a troop of cavalry made a sally, but 
being drawn into the ambush by the enemy's pur- 
posely retreating, it was overpowered. And not a 
man would have escaped if the proximity of the sea 
and the sight of vessels, chiefly of fishermen, not far 
from the shore had not given those who could swim a 
way of escape. However a number of young nobles 
were captured or slain in that battle, among them 
Hegeas, a cavalry commander, who fell as he rashly 
pursued the retreating. From besieging the city 
the Carthaginian was deterred by the sight of walls 
such as by no means invited an attacker. 

II. Hannibal then directed his march to Capua, 
which was vegetating from long-continued prosperity 
and the favour of fortune, but, along with the general 
corruption, especially from the licence of the common 
people, who enjoyed an unlimited freedom. As for 
the senate, Pacuvius Calavius, a noble who was at 
the same time of the people's party, but had gained 
his influence by base arts, had made it subservient 
both to himself and to the common people. He, 
being in their highest oflice,^ as it happened, in the 
year of the defeat at the Trasumennus, thought that 
the commons, long hostile to the senate, Avould use 
the opportunity of a revolution and dare to commit a 
great crime, namely, if Hannibal should come into 
the region with his victorious army, they would slay 


A.u.c. 4 Capiiani Poenis, inprobus homo sed non ad extremum 
perditiis, cum mallet incolumi quam eversa re 
publica dominari, nullam autem incolumem esse 
orbatam publico consilio crederet, rationem iniit 
qua et senatum servaret et obnoxium sibi ac ^ilebi 

5 faceret. Vocato senatu cum sibi defectionis ab 
llomanis consilimii placiturum nullo mode, nisi 

G necessarium fuisset, pracfatus esset, quippe qui 
liberos ex Appii Claudii filia haberet filiamque 

7 Romam nuptum M. Livio dedisset ; ceterum maiorem 
multo rem magisque timendam instare ; non enim 
per defectionem ad tollendum ex civitate senatum 
plebem spectare, sed per caedem senatus vacuam 
rem publicam tradere Hannibali ac Poenis velle ; 

8 eo se periculo posse liberare eos, si permittant sibi 
et certaminum in re publica obliti credant, — cum 

9 omnes victi metu permitterent, " Claudam " inquit 
" in curia vos et, tamquam et ipse cogitati facinoris 
particeps, adprobando consilia quibus nequiquam 
adversarer, viam saluti vestrae inveniam. In hoc 

10 fidem, quam voltis ipsi, accipite." Fide data 
egressus claudi curiam iubet, pracsidiumque in 
vestibulo relinquit, ne quis adire curiam iniussu suo 
neve inde egredi possit. 

III. Turn vocato ad contionem--PQpiulo " Quod 
saepe " inquit " optastis, Campani, ut supplicii 
sumendi vobis ex improbo ac detestabili senatu 



the senators and hand over Capua to the Cartha- B.r. 216 
ginians. A bad man, but not utterly abandoned, he 
preferred to dominate a state still intact rather than 
one that had been Avrecked, yet believed that none 
was intact if deprived of i1s deliberative body, _He 
accordingly entered upon a scheme to save the senate 
and at the same time to make it submissive to himself 
and to the commons. Summoning the senate he 
began by saying that, unless it should prove necessary, 
a plan to revolt from the Romans "would by no means 
have his approval, since he had children by a daughter 
of Appius Claudius and had given a daughter in 
marriage to Marcus Livius at Rome. But, he went 
on to say, something much more serious and more to 
be dreaded was impending ; for the common people 
were not aiming to rid the state of the senate by a 
revolt, but by the massacre of the senate wished to 
hand over the republic, left helpless, to Hannibal 
and the Carthaginians. From that danger he could 
free them if they should leave it to him, and, for- 
getting civil conflicts, trust him. When, overctJtftC- 
byfear, theyunanimously left matters to him, " I 
wilTshut you up," he said, " in the Senate House and, 
just as if I were myself a sharer in the crimelntended, 
by approving plans which it would be vain for me 
to oppose, I will find a way to save you. For 
this accept a pledge, as you yourselves desire." 
Having given the pledge he went out, ordered the 
Senate House to be closed and left a guard before 
the entrance, that no one might be able to enter 
the Senate House or leave it without his order. 

HI. Then calling the people to an assembly he 
said: "You have often desired, Campanians, to 
have the power to exact punishment from a base and 


A.u.o. 2 potestas esset,"eam non per tumultum expugnantes 
domos singulorum, quas praesidiis clientium servo- 
runique tueiitnr, cum summo vestro periculo, scd 

3 tutani habetis ac liberam ; clauses omnis in curia ^ 
accipite, solos, inermis. Nee quicquam raptim aut 
forte temei-e egei'itis ; de singulorum capite vobis 
ius sententiae dicendae faciam, ut quas quisque 

4 meritus est poenas pendat ; sed ante omnia ita vos 
irae indulgere oportet, ut potiorem ira salutcm atque 
utilitatem vestram habeatis. Etenim hos, ut opinor, 
odistis senatores, non senatum omnino habere non 

5 voltis ; quippe aut rex, quod abominandum, aut, 
quod unum liberae civitatis consilium est, senatus 
habendus est. Itaque duae res simul agendae vobis 
sunt, ut et veterem senatum tollatis et novum 

G cooptetis. Citari singulos senatores iubebo de 
quorum capite vos consulam ; quod de quoque 
censueritis fiet ; sed prius in eius locum virum 
fortem ac strenuum novum senatorem cooptabitis 

7 quam de noxio supplicium sumatur." Inde consedit 
et nominibus in urnam coniectis citari quod primum 
sorte nomen excidit ipsumque e curia produci iussit. 

8 Ubi auditum est nomen, malum et inprobum pro se 

9 quisque clamare et supplicio dignum. Tum Pacuvius 
" Video quae de hoc sententia sit ; date igitur pro 
malo atque inprobo bonum senatorem et iustum." 

10 Primo silentium erat inopia potioris subiciundi ; 
deinde cum aliquis omissa verecundia quempiam 

^ curia D? Aladvig : curiam P(3)D^? 

BOOK XXIII. in. i-io 

odious senate. That power you have, not by b.c. 216 
riotously storming, with great danger to yourselves, 
the houses of individuals who defend them with 
garrisons of clients and slaves, but you have the power 
secure and unrestricted. As they are shut up there, 
every man of them, in the Senate House, seize them, 
left alone, unarmed ! And do nothing in haste or at 
haphazard. I will give you the right to decide their 
fate in each separate case, so that each shall pay the 
penalty he has deserved. But above all things you 
should vent your.wntli ^vitlwtn? ve(yard'T?rfTrec?nT^ 

victToiT^tTiat >xuirL-safety"-aTtd---adviintaa:e are worth 
more than wraths— -For it is these senators T;hat you 
hateTTThlnk ; it is not your wish to have no senate 
at all. In fact you must either have a king — save 
the mark ! — or else a senate, the only deliberative 
body in a free state. And so you have two things to 
do at the same time — to do away with the old senate, 
and to choose a new one. I Avill order the senators 
to be called one by one and will consult you as to 
their fate. Whatever is your opinion in each case 
shall be done, but before punishment is inflicted on the 
guilty one you Avill choose in his place a brave and 
active man as a new senator." He then sat down, 
and after the names had been placed in the urn, he 
ordered the first name drawn by lot to be called and 
the man himself to be led out of the Senate House. 
On hearing the name evei-y man shouted his loudest, 
that he was a bad man and base and deserved punish- 
ment. Upon that Pacuvius said: " I see what your 
verdict is in this man's case ; therefore in place of a 
bad man and base nominate a good and just senator." 
At first there was silence from their inability to 
suggest a better man. Then when someone, over- 



noniinassct, niulto nxaior extcmplo clamor oricbatur, 

11 cum alii ncgarent nosse, alii nunc probra nunc 
humilitatem sordidamque inopiam et pudendae artis 

12 aut quaestus genus obicerent. Hoc multo magis 
in secundo ac tertio citato senatore est factum, ut 
ipsius paenitere homines appareret, quern autem in 

13 eius substituerent locum deesse, quia nee eosdem 
nominai'i attinebat, nihil aliud quam ad audienda 
probra nominates, et multi> humiliores obscurioresque 
ceteri erant eis qui primi memoriae occurrerant. 

14 Ita dilabi homines, notissimum quodque malum 
maxime tolerabile dicentes esse iubentesque sena- 
tum ex custodia dimitti. 

IV. Hoc modo Pacuvius cum obnoxium vitae bene- 
ficio senatum multo sibi magis quam plebi fecisset, 
sine armis iam omnibus concedentibus dominabatur. 

2 Hinc senatores omissa dignitatis libertatisque me- 
moria plebem adulari ; ^ salutare, benigne invitare, 

3 apparatis accipere epulis, eas causas suscipere, ei 
semper parti adesse, secundum cam litem iudices 
dare quae magis popularis aptiorque in volgus 

4 favori conciliando esset ; iam vero nihil in senatu 
agi 2 aliter quam si plebis ibi esset concilium. Prona 
semper civitas in hixuriam non ingeniorum modo 
vitio sed afluenti copia voluptatium et inlecebris 

5 omnis amoenitatis maritimae terrestrisque, tum vero 

1 a.du\Ari Salmasius : advari P : adfari P2(l). 
" agi Madvig : act P{4) : actum CD A. 

1 Capua, prospering by its varied industries established by 
the Etruscans, was already noted for its wealth and a luxury 
greater than that of Croton and Sybaris; I'olybius VII. i. 1 
and III. xci. 6 ; Cicero Leg. Agr. II. 95 ; of. Strabo V. iv. 3. 


BOOK XXIII. III. lo-iv. 5 

coming his timidity, named a man, at once there was b.c 21 
a much louder outcry, some saying they did not 
know liini, others taunting him, now Avith shameful 
conduct, now with low rank and sordid poverty and 
the disreputable nature of his trade or business. 
All the more was this done in the case of the sf^cond 
and third senator called. So it was clear that people 
were dissatisfied with the man himself, but had no 
one to put in his place. For nothing was gained by 
once more naming the same men, who had been 
named only to be reviled. And the rest were much 
lower in rank and less known than those who first 
came to mind. Accordingly men slipped away, 
saying that the most familiar evil is the most en- 
durable, and bidding Pacuvius release the senate 
from confinement. 

IV. Iiv4iiis-wa^V-^axui:duSiJiayin^ made the senate 
much more subservientL.ti3 himself than to the com- 
mon people by saving their li ves, rule d without arms, 
as all now g ave way j p hlrrT. TliereaSex tTi esenator s , 
forgetting"Their rank ajid freedom, flattered the 
comrnon ^eoplcj^ greeted them, __ invited them 
graciously, entei-tained them at mcII appointed 
feasTs ; "Trivariably undertook cases, appeared as 
counsel, or as jurors gave a verdict, only for that 
side which was the more popular and better suited 
to win favour with the populace. Moreover, nothing 
was done in the senate otherwise than if a meeting 
of the common people was being held there. The 
state had always been inclined to luxury ,1 not only 
from defects in character, but also from the abundant 
opportunity for indulgences and the beguilement of 
all the charms of sea and land. But at that time, 
thanks to the servility of the leading men and the 



ita obse(|iii() ]iriiicipuni et licentia jilebei lascivire 
G ut nee libidiiii nee sumptibus modus esset. Ad 
conteniptum legum, magistratuum, senatus accessit 
tum, post Cannensem cladem, ut, cuius aliqua vere- 
eundia erat, Komanum quoque spernerent imperium. 

7 Id modo erat in mora ne extemplo defieerent, quod 
eonubium vetustum multas familias claras ac potentis 

8 Romanis miseuerat, et ^ cum militarcnt aliquot - apud 
Romanos, maximum vinculum erant trecenti equites, 
nobilissimus quisque Campanorum, in praesidia Sicu- 
larum urbium delecti ab Romanis ac missi. V. Horum 
parentes cognatique aegre pervicerunt ut legati ad 
eonsulem Romanum mitterentur. 

li nondum Canusium profectum sed Venusiae cum 
paucis ac semiermibus eonsulem invenerunt, quam 
poterant ^ maxime miserabilem bonis soeiis, superbis 
atque infidelibus, ut erant Campani, spernendum. 

2 Et auxit rerum suarum suique conteniptum consul 

3 nimis detegendo cladem nudandoque. Nam cum 
legati aegre ferre senatum popuUmique Campanum 
adversi quicquam evenisse Romanis nuntiassent 
pollicerenturque omnia quae ad bellum opus assent, 

4 " Morem magis " inquit " loquendi cum soeiis ser- 
vastis, Campani, iubentes quae opus essent ad bellum 
imperare, quam convenienter ad praesentem for- 

5 tunae nostrae statum loeuti estis. Quid enim nobis 

1 et Crevier : et quod P(2)A Conwaj-*. 

2 aliquot (aliquod) P{2)A- : aliquando Conway, placing 
cum-daiise after Campanorum. 

' poterant P(l) : poterat z. 

1 As belonging to the most prominent families and dis- 
persed among the cities of Sicily, they were in effect hostages. 


BOOK XXIII. IV. 5-v. 5 

licence of the common people, they were so un-B.c. 216 
restrained that no limit was set to passion or to 
expense. To their contempt for laws, the magi- 
strates, the senate, there was now added, after the 
defeat at Cannae, their disparagement of the Roman 
power also, for Avhich there used to be some respect. 
All that held them back from at once revolting was 
that the long-established i-ight of intermarriage had 
united many distinguished and powerful families 
with the Romans, and that, although a considerable 
number were serving on the Roman side, the sti'ongest 
bond was the three hundred horsemen, noblest of the 
Campanians, who had been chosen to garrison Sicilian 
cities by the Romans and sent thither.^ V. Their 
parents and relatives with difficulty carried their 
point, that representatives should be sent to the 
Roman consul. 

These men found the consul not yet departed for 
Canusium, but with a few half- armed men at Venusia,^ 
exciting the utmost pity in good allies, but contempt 
in the haughty and faithless, such as were the 
Campanians. And the consul increased the con- 
tempt for his situation and for himself by needlessly 
uncovering and laying bare the disaster. For when 
the delegation had I'eported that the senate and the 
Campanian people were distressed that any reverse 
had befallen the Romans, and were promising every- 
thing that might be needed for the war, he said : 
" You, Campanians, have observed the customary 
manner of speaking to allies, in bidding me requisition 
whatever is needed for the war, rather than spoken 
conformably to the present state of our fortunes. 

* Immediately after the battle of Cannae; XXII. xlix. 14; 
liv. 1 and 6. 


ad Cannas rclictum est, ut, quasi ^ aliquid habeamus, 
id quod deest expleii ab sociis velinuis ? Pedites 
vobis imperenius, tamquam equites habeamus ? 
Pecuniam deesse dicamus, tamquam ea tantum desit ? 

6 Nihil, ne quod suppleremus quidem, nobis re]i(|uit for- 
tuna. Legiones, equitatus, arma, signa, equi virique, 
pecunia, commeatus aut in acie aut binis postero die 

7 amissis castris perierunt. Itaque non iuvetis nos in 
bello oportet, Campani, sed paene belUuu pro nobis 

8 suscipiatis. \eniat in mentem, ut trepidos quondam 
maiores vestros intra moenia compulsos, nee Samni- 
tem modo hostem sed etiani Sidicinum parentis, 
receptos in fidem ad Satieulam defenderimus, coep- 
tmnque propter vos cum Samnitibus beHum per 
centum prope annos variante fortuna eventum 

9 tukrimus. Adicite ad liaec, quod foedus aequvmn 
deditis, quod leges vestras, quod ad extremum, id 
quod ante Cannensem certe cladcm maximum fuit, 
civitatem nostram magnae pai'ti vestrum dedimus 

10 communicavimusque vobiscum. Itaque comniunem 
vos hanc cladem quae accepta est credere, Campani, 
oportet, communem patriam tuendam arbitrari esse. 

11 Non cum Samnite aut Etrusco res est, ut quod a 
nobis ablatum sit in Italia tamen imperiimi maneat ; 
Poenus hostis, ne Africae quidem indigena,^ ab 
ultimis terrarum oris, freto Oceani Herculisque 

1 quasi ^>' : quiaP(l). 

^ indigena P(l) : indigenam x Madvig. 

1 On the contrary, it was by aiding the Sidicinians against 
the Samnites that the Canipanians became involved in the 
Ist Samnite War, 343 B.C.; VII. xxix. 


BOOK XXIII. V. 5-1 1 

For what has been left to us at Cannae, so that, as if b.c. 21c 
Ave had something, we may wish what is lacking to be 
made up by the allies ? Are we to requisition in- 
fantry from you, as though we had cavalry ? Are we 
to say that money is lacking, as if that alone were 
lacking ? Nothing has fortune left us, even to 
supplement. Legions, cavalry, arms, standards, 
horses and men, money and supplies have vanished 
either in the battle or in the loss of two camps the 
next day. And so you, Campanians, have not to 
help us in war, but almost to undertake the war in 
our stead. Recall how, when your ancestors were 
once confined in alarm within their walls, dreading 
not only the Samnite enemy but also the Sidicinian,! 
we took them under our protection and defended 
them at Saticula. Also how with varying fortunes 
we endured for almost a hundred years - the war 
begun with the Samnites on your account. Add to 
this that upon your submission we gave you a fair 
treaty and your own laws, and finally — and before 
the disaster at Cannae this was certainly the greatest 
privilege — our citizenship to a large niunber of you 
and shared it with you. A share, then, Campanians, 
you should believe you have in this disaster which 
has befallen us, and should think that you must 
defend the country in which you have a share. Not 
with the Samnite or Ktruscan is the struggle to have 
the power which has been wrested from us never- 
theless remain in Italy. A Carthaginian enemy, 
not even of African origin, is dragging after him from 
the farthest limits of the world, from the strait of 
Ocean and the Pillars of Hercules, soldiers who 

* Really seventy-one years. More rhetorical exaggeration 
in propter vos, and especially in the following sentence. 



columnis, cxpevtem omnis iuris ot condicionis et lin- 

12 guae propc huinanac luilitein traliit. Hunc natura et 
rnoribus inmitem ferumque insuper dux ipse efferavit 
pontibus ae molibus ex humanorum corporum strue 
faciendis et, quod proloqui etiam pijjet, vesci cor- 

13 poribus liunianis docendo. His infandis pastes 
epulis, quos contingere etiam nefas sit, videre atque 
habere dominos et ex Africa et a Carthagine iura 
petere et Italiam Numidarum ac Maurorum pati 
provinciam esse, cui non, genito modo in Italia, 

14 detestabile sit? Pulchnim erit, Canipani,i prolapsum 
clade llomanum imperium vcstra fide, vestris viribus 

15 retentum ac rccupcratum esse. Triginta milia 
peditum, quattuor milia equitum arbitror ex Cam- 
pania scribi posse ; iam pecuniae adfatim est fru- 
mentique. Si parem fortunae vestrae fidcm habetis, 
nee Hannibal se vicisse sentiet nee Romani victos 

VI. Ab 2 hac oratione consulis dimissis redounti- 
busque domum legatis imus ex iis, Vibius \ irrius, 
tempus venisse ait quo Campani non agrum solum ab 
Romanis quondam per iniuriam ademptum recupe- 

2 rare, sed imperio etiam Italiae potiri possint ; foedus 
enim cum Hannibale quibus velint Icgibus facturos ; 
neque controversiam fore quin, cum ipse confeeto 
bello Hannibal victor in Africam decedat exerci- 
tumque deportct, Italiae imperium Campanis relin- 

3 quatur. Haec Virrio loquenti adsensi omnes ita 

1 Campani,:;: campanis P(l). 

2 ab Oronovins : om. P(l) Conway. 

1 So PolyI)ius liad said of Hannibal's polyglot troops, ols 
ov vo/J-os, ovK edo9, ov Xoyos, ktX., XI. xix. 4. 

2 Livy makes Varro repeat exaggerated statements about 
Hannibal ; cf. Appian Haim. 28. 


BOOK XXIII. V. ii-vi. 3 

are unacquainted with any civilized laws and or- b.c. 216 
ganization and, one may almost add, language too.^ 
Ruthless and barbarous by nature and custom, these 
men have been further barbarized by the general 
himself, in making bridges and embankments of piled 
up human bodies, and by teaching them — horrible 
even to relate — to feed upon the bodies of men.^ 
To see and have as our masters men who fatten upon 
these unspeakable feasts, men whom it is a crime 
even to touch, and to get our law from Africa and 
Carthage, and to allow Italy to be a province of the 
Numidians and the Mauri — who, if merely born in 
Italy, would not find that abominable ? It will be a 
glorious thing, Campanians, if the Roman power, 
brought low by disaster, shall have been maintained 
and restored by your loyalty and your resources. 
Thirty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand 
horsemen can be enrolled from Campania, I beUeve. 
Moreover you have sufficient money and grain. If 
you have a loyalty to match your prosperity Hannibal 
will not be aware of his victory, nor the Romans 
of their defeat." 

VL After this speech of the consul the legates were 
dismissed, and on their way home \'ibius \'irrius, 
one of them, said the time had come when the 
Campanians could not only recover the territory 
formerly taken from them unjustly by the Romans, 
but could also gain authority over Italy. For they 
would make a treaty with Hannibal on their own 
terms. And there would be no doubt that, when 
Hannibal, upon the completion of the war, retired as 
victor to Africa and removed his army, authority 
over Italy would be left to the Campanians. Having 
agreed unanimously with these words of \'irrius, they 



renuntiant legationem uti deletum omnibus videretur 
nomen Romanum. Extemplo plebes ad defectionem 
ac pars maior senatus spectare ; extracta tamen 

5 auctoritatibus seiiioium per paucos dies est res. 
Posti-emo vincit seiitentia plurium, ut iidem legati 
qui ad consulem Romanum ierant ad Hannibalem 

6 mitterentur. Quo priusquam iretur certumque de- 
fectionis consilium esset, Romam legatos missos a 
Campanis in qmbusdam annalibus invenio, postu- 
lantes ut alter consul Campanus fieret, si rem Ro- 

7 manam adiuvari vellent ; indignatione orta summo- 
veri a curia iussos esse, missumque lictorem qui ex 
urbe educeret eos atque eo die manere extra finis 

8 Romanos iuberet. Quia nimis compar Latinorum 
quondam postulatio erat, Coeliusque et alii id haud ^ 
sine causa praetermiserant ^ scriptores, ponere pro 
certo sum veritus. 

VII. Legati ad Hannibalem venerunt pacemque 
cum eo his ^ condicionibus fecerunt, ne quis imperator 
niagistratusve Pocnorum ius ullum in civem Cam- 
panum haberet, neve civis Campanus invitus militaret 
2 munusve faceret ; ut suae leges, sui magistratus 
Capuae essent ; ut trecentos ex Romanis captivis 
Poenus daret Campanis, quos ipsi elegissent, cum 
(juibus cquitum Campanorum, qui in Sicilia stipendia 

1 id haud Aldus : haud A^ : sit aut P(4) : ita ut C'^DA. 
* praetermiserant P(l) : -miserint C*; -missuri erant 

3 his 2: o?H. P{1). 

1 Not so to Calavius' son ; viii. 3 and 11. 

2 Cicero mentions this demand of Capua ; Leg. Agr. II. 95. 


BOOK XXIII. VI. 3-vii. 2 

made such a report of their embassy that the Roman b.c. 216 
name seemed to all to have been blotted out.^ At 
once the populace and most of the senate were aiming 
to revolt. But action was postponed for a few days 
by the weighty advice of the older men. Finally 
the view of the majority prevailed, that the same 
legates who had gone to the Roman consul should 
be sent to Hannibal. Before they went to him and 
before the plan to revolt was settled upon, I find in 
some of the annals that legates were sent to Rome by 
the Campanians with the demand that, if they wished 
them to aid the Roman state, one of the consuls 
should be a Campanian ; 2 that resentment was aroused 
and the legates were ordered to be removed from the 
Senate House, and that a lictor was sent to lead them 
out of the city and bid them lodge that night outside 
of Roman territory. Because there was once a 
suspiciously similar demand made by the Latins,^ and 
Caelius and other historians had not without reason 
omitted the matter, I have been afraid to set this 
down as established. 

\'II. The legates came to Hannibal and made an 
alliance with him on these terms : that no general or 
magisti-ate of the Carthaginians should have any 
authority over a Campanian citizen, and that no 
Campanian citizen should be a soldier or perform any 
service against his will; that Capua should have 
its own laws, its own magistrates; that the Car- 
thaginian should give the Campanians three hundred 
of the Roman captives of their own choosing, with 
whom there should be an exchange of the Campanian 

' That one of the consuls should be from Latium, 340 B.C., 
VIII. V. 5 and 7 (the thi-eat of Manlius mentioned below, 
xxii. 7). 



A.u.c. 3 facerent, pcrmutatio fieret. Haec pacta ; ilia in- 
super qiiam quae pacta erant facinora Campani 
ediderunt : nam praefectos socium civisque Romanes 
alios, partim aliquo militiac munere occupatos, 
partim privatis negotiis inplicitos, plcbs rcpcnte 
omnis eonpvehensos velut custodiae causa balneis 
includi iussit, ubi fervore atque aestu anima interclusa 
foedum in modum exspirarent.^ 

4 Ea ne fierent neu legatio mitteretur ad Poenum, 
summa ope Dccius Magius, vir cui ad summam 
auctoritatem nihil praeter sanam civium mcntcm 

5 defuit, restiterat. Ut vero pi*aesidium niitti ab 
Hannibale audivit, Pyrrhi superbam dominationem 
miserabilemque Tarentinorum servitutem excmpla 
refevens, primo ne reciperetur praesidium palam 

6 vociferatus est, deinde ut I'cccptum aut eiceretur aut, 
si malum facinus quod a vetustissimis sociis consan- 
guineisque defecissent forti ac memorabili facinora 
purgare vellent, ut interfecto Punico praesidio 

7 restituerent Romanis se. Haec — nee enim occulta 
agebantur — cum relata Hannibali essent, primo 
misit qui vocarent Magium ad sese in castra ; deinde, 
cum is ferociter negasset se iturum, nee enim Hanni- 
bali ius esse in civem Campanum, concitatus ira 
Poenus conprchcndi hominem vinctumque adtrahi 

8 ad sese iussit. Veritus deinde ne quid inter vim 
tumultus atque ex concitatione animorum inconsulti 
certaminis oreretur, ipse praemisso nuntio ad 
Marium Blossium, praetorem Campanum, postero 

^ ex{s)pirarent P(l) : exspirarunt Heusinger. 


horsemen who were serving in Sicily. Such were the b.c. 216 
terms. In addition to what was agreed upon the 
Campanians perpetrated these misdeeds : the popu- 
lace suddenly seized prefects of the allies and other 
Roman citizens, some of them employed in a military 
duty, some engaged in private business, and with the 
pretence of guarding them ordered them all to be 
confined in the baths, that there they might die a 
terrible death, being suiFocated by the extreme heat. 
Such conduct and the sending of an embassv to the 
Carthaginian had been opposed to the utmost by 
Decius Magius, a man who lacked nothing for the 
attainment of the highest authority except sanity 
on the part of the citizens. But when he heard that 
a garrison was being sent by Hannibal, recalling the 
haughty rule of Pyrrhus and the wretched servitude 
of the Tarentines as warning examples, he at first 
openly protested that the garrison should not be 
admitted ; then, after it had been admitted, either 
that it should be driven out, or, if they wished to 
atone for their evil action in having revolted from 
their oldest allies and men of the same blood by a 
brave and notable act, that they should slay the 
Punic garrison and return to their Roman allegiance. 
\\'hen this was reported to Hannibal (for it was not 
done in secret), he first sent men to summon Magius 
to him at the camp. Then when the latter replied 
with spirit that he Avould not go, for Hannibal had no 
authority over a Campanian citizen, the Carthaginian 
was enraged and ordered the man to be seized and 
brought before him in chains. Later, fearing that 
in the use of force some commotion, and in view of the 
excitement some unpremeditated conflict, might 
occur, he first sent word to Marius Blossius, the 



A.u.o. die se Capuae futurum, proficiscilur e castris cum 
9 niodico praesidio. Marius contione advocata cdicit 
lit frequeiites cum coniugibus ac liberis obviam irent 
Hanniba'li. Ab univcrsis id non obocdicnter niodo 
sed enixe, favore etiam volgi et studio visendi tot 
iam victoriis clarum imperatoi'em, factum est. 

10 Dccius Magius nee obviam egressus est nee, quo 
timorem aliquem ex conscicntia significare posset, 
privatim ^ se tenuit ; in foro cum filio clicnlibusque 
paucis otiose inambulavit trepidante tota civitate ad 

11 excipiendum Poenum visendumquc. Hannibal in- 
gressus urbem senatum extemplo postulat, precanti- 
busque inde primoribus Campanorum ne quid eo die 
seriae rei gereret diemque ut - ipse adventu suo 

12 festum laetus ac libens celebraret, quamquam 
praeceps ingenio in iram erat, tamen, ne quid in 
principio negaret, visenda urbe magnam partem diei 

VIII. Deversatus est apud Ninnios Celeres, Sthe- 
nium Pacuviumque, inclitos nobilitate ac divitiis. 

2 Eo Pacuvius Calavius, de quo ante dictum est, prin- 
ceps factionis eius quae traxerat rem ad Poenos, 
filium iuvenem adduxit abstractum a Deci Magi 

3 latere, cum quo ferocissime pro Romana societate 
adversus Punicum foedus steterat, nee eum aut 
inclinata in partem alteram civitas aut patria maiestas 

4 sententia depulerat. Huic tum pater iuveni Hanni- 

^ privatim P(l) : private Gronovius. 
2 utP(l) : et Grtiter. 

1 Chapters ii-iv. 


BOOK XXIII. VII. 8-viii. 4 

Campanian magistrate, that he would be in Capua the b.c. 216 
next day, and then he set out from the camp with a 
small escort. Marius, calling an assembly, ordered 
them to so out to meet Hannibal e;i masse with wives 
and children. This was done by all not only obedi- 
ently but also eagerly, owing to the enthusiasm of the 
crowd as well and the desire to go and see a general 
already famous for so many victories. Decius Magius 
neither went out to meet him nor remained in seclu- 
sion, by doing which he might show some fear due to 
conscience. He strolled idly in the market-place 
with his son and a few clients, although the whole 
city was astir to welcome and to see the Carthaginian. 
Hannibal entered the city and at once demanded a 
session of the senate, and then when the leading 
Campanians begged him not to do any serious 
business that day, and that he should himself cheer- 
fully and willingly honour the day gladdened by his 
coming, though he was naturally hot-tempered, still 
in order not to deny them anything at the start, 
he spent a large part of the day in seeing the city. 

VIII. He lodged at the house of the Ninnii Celeres, 
the brothers Sthenius and Pacuvius, men dis- 
tinguished for their rank and wealth. To that house 
Pacuvius Calavius, of whom mention has been made 
above,^ leader of the party which had drawn the state 
to the side of the Carthaginians, came bringing his 
young son. He had got him away from the company 
of Decius Magius, with whom the son in the most 
confident spirit had stood up for the Roman alliance 
against a treaty with Carthage. And neither the 
decision of the state for the other side nor his father's 
high position had dislodged him from his opinion. 
Such was the young man to whom his father, rather 



balem deprecando magis quam purgando placavit, 
victusque patris precibus lacrimisque etiam ad 

5 cenam eum cum patre vocari iussit, cui convivio 
neminem Campanum praeterquam hospites \'ibel- 
liumque Tauream, insigncm bcllo virum, adhibiturus 

6 erat. Epulari cocperunt dc die, et convivium non 
ex more Punico aut militari disciplina esse sed, ut 
in civitate atque etiam domo diti ac ^ luxuriosa,^ 

7 omnibus voluptatium inlecebris instructum. Unus 
nee dominorum invitatione nee ipsius interdum 
Hannibalis Calavius filius perlici ad ^ vinum potuit, 
ipse valetudinem excusans, patre animi quoque eius 

8 hand mirabilem pevturbationem causante. Solis 
ferme occasu patrem Calavium ex convivio egressum 
secutus filius, ubi in secretum — hortus erat posticis 

9 aedium partibus — pervenerunt, " Consilium " inquit 
" adfero, pater, quo non veniam solum peccati, quod 
defecimus ad Hannibalem, impetraturi^ ab Romanis, 
sed in multo maiore dignitate et gratia simus Cam- 

10 pani quam umquam fuimus futuri." ^ Cum mira- 
bundus pater quidnam id esset consilii quaereret, 
toga reiecta ab umero latus succinctum gladio nudat. 

11 " lam ego " inquit " sanguine Hannibalis sanciam 
Romanum foedus. Te id prius scire volui, si forte 
abesse, dum facinus patratur, malles." 

IX. Quae ubi vidit audivitque senex, velut si iam 
2 agendis quae audiebat interesset, aniens metu "Per 

1 diti ac Kreifssig : divad P( 1 ). 

* luxuriosa Grcmovius : variosa P{4). 

' perlici ad Heencagen : perhola P : perholla P-(4). 

* impetratiiri A« : impetravi P : impetrari P2?(l) : impe- 
trcnius A" : impetrare possimus x. 

* futuri Madvig : om, P( 1 ). 


BOOK XXIII. viTi. 4-ix. 2 

by pleading than by excusing, reconciled Hannibal, b.c. 216 
and he, prevailed upon by the father's pi*ayers and 
tears, even ordered that the son should be invited 
with the father to a dinner at which he was to have 
the company of no Campanian except his hosts and 
^'ibcllius Taurea, a distinguished soldier. They 
began feasting by daylight, and the banquet was 
not according to Carthaginian custom or military 
regimen, but provided with all that tempts in- 
dulgence, as it was to be expected in a city, and a 
house as well, of wealth and luxury. Calavius the 
son was the only one who could not be prevailed upon 
to drink either by the invitation of the owners or 
even, now and then, of Hannibal. He himself 
pleaded ill health as an excuse, while his father 
alleged disti*ess of mind also, at which one could not 
wonder. About sunset the son followed the elder 
Calavius coming out from the feast, and when they 
had reached a secluded spot — it was a garden in the 
i-ear of the house — he said : " I propose a plan, father, 
by which we may not only gain pardon from the 
Romans for our offence in having revolted to Hanni- 
bal, but as Campanians may be in a position of much 
greater respect and favour than we should ever have 
been otherwise." When the astonished father asked 
what that plan was, the son throwing his toga off 
his shoulder bared his side girt with a sw^ord. 
" Presently," he said, " I will ratify a treaty with the 
Romans by the blood of Hannibal. I wished you to 
know that in advance, in case you should prefer not 
to be there when the deed is being done." 

IX. When the old man saw and heard that, he was 
beside himself with fear, as if he were already 
present at the execution of the plan of which he was 



*53'8* ^^^ ^^ " ^'^1"''^' " filij quaecumquc iura liberos iungunt 
parentibus, precor quacsoque ne ante oculos patris 

3 facere et pati omnia infanda velis. Paucae horae 
sunt intra quas iurantes per quidquid deorum est, 
dextrae dextras iungentes, fidem obstrinximus, — ut 
sacratas fide manus digressi a conloquio extemplo in 

4 eum armaremus ? Ab hospitali mensa surgis, ad 
quam tertius Campanorum adhibitus es ab Hanni- 
bale, — ut earn ipsam mensam cruentares hospitis 
sanguine ? Hannibalcni pater filio meo potui pla- 

5 care, filium Hannibali non possum ? Sed sit nihil 
saneti, non fides, non religio, non pietas ; audeantur 
infanda, si non perniciem nobis cum scelere ferunt. 

6 Unus adgressurus es Hannibalem ? Quid ilia turba 
tot liberorum servorumque ? Quid in unum intenti 
omnium oculi ? Quid tot dextrae ? Torpescent in 

7 amentia ilia ? Voltum ipsius Hannibalis, quem 
armati exercitus sustinere nequivere,^ quem horret 
populus Romanus, tu sustinebis ? Ut ab aliis ^ 

8 auxilia desint, me ipsum ferire corpus meum oppo- 
nentem pro coq^ore Hannibalis sustinebis ? Atqui 
per meum pectus petendus ille tibi transfigendusque 
est. Sed hie te deterreri sine potius quam illic 
vinci; valeant preces apud te meae, sicut pro te 

9 hodie valuerunt." Lacrimantem inde iuv^nem cer- 
nens medium conplectitur atque osculo haerens non 

1 sustinere nequivcrc Wolfflhi (nequeunt Gronovius) : 
sustineren P : -em R-M : -rent (6) : -re J\P. 

2 ut ab aliis Mayerhojer : italis P : talis Pi? (1) : ut alia 



being told, and said: " I pray and implore you, my b.c. 216 
son, by all the rights Avhich link children to their, 
parents, not to do and suffer all that is unutterable 
before the eyes of your father. It is but a few hours 
since, with an oath by all the gods that exist and join- 
ing our right hands to his, we pledged our honour. 
Was it with the intention, as soon as we left the con- 
ference, to arm against him the hands hallowed by 
our plighted faith ? From the hospitable board, to 
which you were invited by Hannibal with but two 
other Campanians, do you rise with the intention of 
staining that very board with the blood of a guest ? 
Was I able as a father to reconcile Hannibal with my 
son, and can not reconcile my son with Hannibal? 
But assuming that there is nothing hallowed, no 
honour, no scruple, no filial devotion, dare to do un- 
speakable things, if they do not bring destruction 
to us as well as guilt. Single-handed will you attack 
Hannibal ? What of that crowd, so many free men 
and slaves ? What of all men's eyes fixed upon one 
man? What of so many sword-hands ? W' ill they be 
paralysed in the moment of that mad deed ? Will 
you withstand Hannibal's own countenance, which 
armed forces have been unable to withstand, which 
the Homan people dreads? Supposing that help 
from others is lacking, Avill you bring yourself to 
strike me, when I interpose my body in place of 
Hannibal's ? And yet it is through my breast that 
you will have to attack him and run him through. 
But allow yourself to be dissuaded here, rather than 
overpowered there. Let my prayers prove effectual 
with you, as they have proved this day for you." 
Seeing the young man in tears he threw his arms 
about his waist, and repeatedly kissing him he did 



ante pi-ccibus abstitit quam pervicit ut gladium 

10»poneret fidemque daret nihil facturum tale. Turn 

iuvenis " Kgo qxiidcm " inquit " quam patriae debeo 

pietatem exsolvam patri. Tuam doleo vicem, ciii 

11 ter proditae patriae sustinendiun est crimen, semel 
cum defectioncm ^ inisti ^ ab Romanis, iterum cum 
pacis cum Hannibale fuisti auctor, tertio hodie, cimi 
restituendae Romanis Capuae mora atque impedi- 

12 nientum es. Tu, patria, ferrum, quo pro te armatus 
banc arccm hostium inii, quoniam parens extorquet, 

13 recipe." Haec cum dixisset, gladium in publicum 
trans maceriam horti abiecit et, quo minus res 
suspecta esset, se ipse convivio reddidit. 

X. Postero die senatus frequens datus Hannibali. 
Ubi prima eius oratio perblanda ac benigna fuit, qua 
gratias egit Campanis quod amicitiam suam Romanae 

2 societati praeposuissent, et inter cetera magnifica 
promissa pollicitus est ^ brevi caput Italiae omni 
Capuam fore iuraque inde cum ceteris populis 

3 Romanum etiam petiturum. Unum esse exsortem 
Punicae aniicitiae foederisque secimi facti, quem 
rieque esse Campanum neque dici debere, Magium 
Decium ; eum postulare ut sibi dedatur ac se prae- 
sente de eo referatur senatusque consultum fiat. 

4 Omnes in earn sententiam ierunt, quamquam magnae 
parti et vir indignus ea calamitate et baud parvo initio 

1 defectioncm D^Az: defectione P(2)A': defectionis x 

* inisti r : inissa P : missaP"?: imissaiJiJ/: in(or im)missa 
CM^fDA. ^ est Weissevborn : oin. P(\), 


BOOK XXIII. IX. 9-x. 4 

not desist from entreaties until he had prevailed upon b.c. 216 
him to put down his sword and give his pledge that he 
would do no such crime. Then the young man said : 
" As for me, I will pay my father the debt of devotion 
which I owe to my country. For you I am sorry, for 
you will have to meet the charge of thrice betraying 
your country, once when you took part in the revolt 
from the Romans, a second time when you advised 
peace with Hannibal, a third time today when you 
are an obstacle and a hindrance to restoring Capua 
to the Romans. Do you, my country, take back the 
sword with which I had armed myself in your defence 
and entered this stronghold of the enemy ; for my 
father wrests it from me." Having thus spoken, he 
threw the sword over the garden wall into a street, 
and, that his conduct might not be open to suspicion, 
himself returned to the banquet. 

X. On the following day a full session of the senate 
was given to Hannibal. There his speech was at the 
outset very genial and kindly, thanking the Cam- 
panians for having preferred his friendship to a 
Roman alliance. And among his other magnificent 
assurances he promised them that Capua should 
soon be the capital of all Italy, and that from it 
the Roman people along with the rest of the nations 
should derive its laAV. He said that one man had no 
part in friendship with Carthage and the treaty made 
with himself, namely Magius Decius, a man who 
ought neither to be a Campanian nor to be so called ; 
he demanded that the man be surrendered to him, 
and that in his own presence his case be brought up 
and a decree of the senate framed. All voted for 
that proposal, although it seemed to many of them 
that the man did not deserve that misfortune; also 



5 minui videbatuv ius libertatis. Egressus curia in 
templo magistratuum consedit conprehendique De- 
cium Magium atque ante pedes destitutum causam 

6 dicere iussit. Qui cum manente ferocia animi 
negaret lege foederis id cogi posse, turn iniectae 
catenae, ducique ante lictorem in castra est iussus. 

7 Quoad capite apcrto est ductus, contionabundus 
incessit ad circunifusam imdique multitudinem 
vociferans : " Habetis libertateni, Canipani, quam 
petistis ; foro medio, luce clara, videntibus vobis nulli 
Campanorum secundus vinctus ad mortem rapior. 

8 Quid violentius capta Capua fieret ? Ite obviam 
Hannibali, exornate urbcm diemque adventus eius 
consecrate, ut hunc triunqjhum de cive vestro spec- 

9 Haec vociferanti,^ cum moveri volgus videretur, 
obvolutum caput est, ociusque rapi extra portam 
iussus. Ita in castra perducitur extemploque in- 

10 positus in navem et Carthaginem missus, ne motu 
aliquo Capuae ex indignitate rei orto senatum 
quoque paeniteret dediti principis et, legatione missa 
adrepetendum eum.aut negando rem quam primam 
peterent ofFendendi sibi novi socii, aut tribucndo 
habendus Capuae esset seditionis ac turbarum auctor. 

11 Navem Cyrenas detulit tempestas, quae turn in 
dicione regimi erant. Ibi cum Magius ad statuam 

^ vociferanti x : -te P{\). 

1 I.e. of Egypt. Ptolemy IV Philopator was then reigning ; 
XXIV. xxvi. 1. 


BOOK XXIII. X. 4- 1 1 

that the right of Uberty was being infringed by a first d.c. 216 
act that was not insignificant. Leaving the Senate 
House Hannibal took his seat on the tribune of the 
magistrates and ordered the arrest of Uecius Magius, 
and that he be placed at his feet and make his 
defence. While with undaunted spirit Magius was 
saying that by the terms of the treaty he could not 
be compelled to do that, chains were put upon him 
and he was ordered to be led to the camp with a lictor 
following. So long as they led him with bare head, 
he kept haranguing as he went, shouting to the 
crowd all about him: " You have the freedom you 
wanted, Campanians. Through the middle of the 
market-place, in broad daylight, before your eyes, I, 
who am second to no one of the Campanians, am being 
hurried away in chains to my death. What deed of 
greater violence could be done if Capua had been 
taken? Go to meet Hannibal, decorate your city 
and make the day of his coming a holiday, — that you 
may witness this triumph over your fellow-citizen.". 

As he was thus shouting and the populace seemed 
to be aroused, his head was covered and they were 
ordered to drag' him more swiftly outside the gate. 
Thus he was led into the camp, at once put on ship- 
board and consigned to Carthage, for fear, if there 
should be some outbreak at Capua in consequence of 
the shameful act, the senate also might regret 
having surrendered a leading man, and, when an 
embassy was sent to demand his return, Hannibal 
either must offend his new allies by refusing their 
first request, or by granting it be obliged to keep at 
Capua a fomenter of insui*rection and riots. A storm 
carried the ship to Cyrenae, which was then subject 
to kings.i On fleeing for refuge to the statue of 



A.xj.o. Ptolomaei regis confugisset, deportatus a custodibus 

12 Alexandream ad Ptolomacum, cum eum docuisset 
contra ius foederis vinctum se ab Hannibale esse, 
vinclis liberatur,permissumque ut rediret,seu Romam 

13 sen Capuam mallet. Nee Magius Capuam sibi tutam 
dicere et Ilomam eo tempore quo inter Romanos 
Campanos(}ue belluni sit transfugae magis quam 
hospitis fore domicilium ; nusquam malle quam in 
regno eius vivere quern vindicena atque auctorem 
habeat libertatis. 

XI. Dum haec geruntur, Q. Fabius Pietor legatus 
a Delphis Romam rcdiit responsumque ex scripto 
reeitavit. Divi divaeque in eo erant quibus 

2 quoque modo supplicaretur ; tum "Si ita faxitis, 
Romani, vestrae res meliores facilioresque erunt, 
magisque ex sententia res publica vestra vobis 
procedet, victoriaque duelli populi Romani erit. 

3 Pythio Apollini re publica vestra bene gesta servata- 
que e ^ lueris meritis donum mittitote deque praeda, 
manubiis spoliisque honorem habetote ; lasciviam a 

4 vobis pi'ohibetote." Haec ubi exGraeco carmine 
interpretata reeitavit, tum dixit sc oraculo cgressum 
extemplo iis omnibus divis rem divinam ture ac vino 

5 fecisse ; iussumque a templi antistite, sicut coronatus 
laurea corona et oraculum adisset et rem divinam 
fecisset, ita coronatum navem ascendere nee ante 

^ e Crevier, Ma/lvlg: de Weissenhorn : om. P(\) Walters. 

1 He had been sent to Delphi after the battle of Cannae ; 
XXII. Ivii. 5. His history, written in Greek, was one of 
Livy's sources. 


BOOK XXIII. X. ii-xi. 5 

King Ptolemy there, Magius was carried under guard b.c 216 
to Ptolemy at Alexandria. And having informed him 
that he had been bound by Hannibal contrary to his 
treaty rights, he was freed from his chains and 
allowed to return to Rome or to Capua, as he might 
prefer. Magius said that Capua was unsafe for 
him, and on the other hand, at a time when there was 
a war between the Romans and the Campanians, 
Rome would be the abode of a deserter rather than 
of a guest ; that he had no wish to live elsewhere 
than in the land of a king in whom he found the giver 
and defender of his freedom. 

XI. While these things were going on, Quintus 
Fabius Pictor ^ returned to Rome from his embassy 
to Delphi and read from a manuscript the response 
of the oracle. In it were indicated the gods and 
goddesses to whom offerings should be made, and in 
what manner. It continued: " If you do thus, 
Romans, your situation will be better and easier, and 
your state will go on more in accordance Avith your 
desire, and the Roman people will have the victory in 
the war. When you have successfully administered 
and preserved your state, from the gains made you 
shall send a gift to Pythian Apollo and do honour to 
him out of the booty, the profits and the spoils. 
You shall keep yourselves from exulting." After 
reading these words translated from the Greek 
verses, he went on to say that, on coming out of the 
oracle, he had at once made offerings to all those 
divinities with incense and wine ; also that he had 
been bidden by the high-priest of the temple, just 
as he had come to the oracle and also conducted the 
rite while wearing a garland of laurel, so also to M'ear 
the garland when he boarded the ship, and not to lay 



A.u.c. 6 deponere earn quam Romam pervenisset ; se, quae- 
"^ cum(}ue imperata sint, cum summa i-eligione ac dili- 

gentia exsecutum coronam Romae in aram Apollinis 
deposuisse. Senatus decrevit ut eae res divinae 
supplicationesque primo quoque tempore cum cura 

7 Dum haec Romae atque in Italia geruntur, nun- 
tius victoriae ad Cannas Carthaginem venerat Mago 
Hamilcaris filiius, non ex ipsa acie a fratre missus sed 
retentus aliquot dies in recipiendis civitatibus 

8 Bruttiorum, quae ^ deficiebant. Is, cum ei senatus 
datus esset, res gestas in Italia a fratre exponit : 
cum sex imperatoribus eum, quorum quattuor con- 
sules, duo dictator ac magister equitum fuerint, cum 

9 sex consularibus exercitibus acie conflixisse ; occidisse 
supra ducenta milia hostium, supra quinquaginta 
milia cepisse. Ex quattuor consulibus duos occi- 
disse ; ex duobus saucium alterum, alteriun toto 
amisso exercitu vix cum quinquaginta hominibus 

10 efFugisse. Magistrum equitum, quae consularis 
potestas sit, fusimi fugatum ; dictatorem, quia se in 
aciem numquam commiserit, unicum haberi impera- 

11 torem. Bruttios Apulosque, partem Samnitium ac 
Lucanorum defecisse ad Poenos. Capuam, quod 

1 quae A-: quacq. P{1) : Apulorum Lucanorumque quae 
Conway {one line). 

1 Livy possibly mentioned others besides the Bruttii. 
In i. 4 Mago is in Sanmiiini for the same purpose. 

2 Five consuls had been defeated by Hannibal : Scipio 
(Ticinus), Semjironius (Trebia), Flaminius (Trasumennus) 
Paulus and Varro (Cannae). As Scipio was the wou;ided 
consul of § 9, it must be Sempronius who is here omitted. Yet 
elsewhere much is made of the battle of the Trebia (xviii. 7; 
xlv. 6). A copyist may have written viimperatoribus instead 



it aside until he should reach Rome. Further, that b.c. 216 
he had carried out with the utmost scrupulosity and 
care all the instructions given him, and had then laid 
the wreath upon the altar of Apollo at Rome. The 
senate decreed that at the first opportunity those 
rites should be duly observed with prayers. 

While these things were happening at Rome and 
in Italy, Mago, the son of Hamilcar, had come to 
Carthage to report the victory at Cannae. He had 
not been sent by his brother directly from the battle, 
but had been detained for some time in taking over 
the Bruttian states which were revolting.^ Accorded 
a hearing in the senate, he set forth the achievements 
of his brother in Italy : that he had fought pitched 
battles with six high commanders, of whom four were 
consuls,^ and two a dictator and a master of the 
horse,^ in all with six consular armies ; that he had 
slain over 200,000 of the enemy and captured over 
50.000 ; ^ that of the four consuls he had slain two ; ^ 
of the other two one had fled wounded,^ the other 
with barely fifty men, after losing his entire army ; "^ 
that the master of the horse, Avhose power is that of a 
consul, had been routed and put to flight ; that the 
dictator was accounted an extraordinary general 
because he never ventured into battle-line ; that the 
Bruttians and Apulians and some of the Samnites and 
Lucanians had revolted to the Carthaginians ; that 

of viiim'peratoribus. That done, the change of v to iv (same 
hne and § 9) would be an effort to make the figures tally. 

* Fabius Maximus, the Cunctator, and Minueius Rufus. 
Both are included among the defeated generals in spite of what 
is said in regard to the dictator in § 10. 

* Exaggerated figures in both cases. 
B Flaminius and Aemihus Paulus. 

6 Scipio at the Ticinus. ' Terentius Varro. 



A.u.o. caput non Campaniae modo sed post adflictam rem 
Romanam Cannensi pugna Italiae sit, Hannibali se ^ 
12 tradidisse. Pro his tantis totque victoriis verum 
esse grates deis inimortalibus agi haberique. 

XII. Ad fidem deinde tam laetarum rerum effundi 
in vestibulo curiae iiissit anulos aurcos, qui tantus 
acervus fuit ut metientibus dimidium supra ^ tris 

2 niodios explesse sint quidain auctores ; fama tenuit, 
quae propior vero est, baud plus fuisse modio. 
Adiecit deinde verbis, quo maioris cladis indicium 
esset, neminem nisi equitem, atque eormn ipsorum 

3 primores, id gei'ere insigne. Summa fuit orationis, 
quo propius speni belli perficiendi sit, eo magis 
omni ope iuvandum Hannibalem esse ; procul enim 
ab domo militiani esse, in media hostium terra; 

4 magnam vim fi'umenti pecuniae absumi, et tot acies, 
ut hostium exercitus delesse, ita victoris etiam copias 

5 parte aliqua minuisse ; mittendum igitur supple- 
mentum esse, mittendam in stipendium pecuniam 
frumentumque tam bene meritis de nomine Punico 

6 Secundum haec dicta Magonis laetis omnibus 
Himiico, vir factionis Barcinae, locum Hannonis incre- 
pandi esse ratus, " Quid est, Hanno ? " inquit," etiam 
nunc paenitet belli suscepti adversus Romanos ? 

7 lube dedi Hannibalem ; veta in tam prosperis rebus 

1 se il/* [after sit in A~) : am. P(\). 

2 supra Madvig [rejecting dimidium P[\)) : super Pil/^(5). 


BOOK XXIII. XT. ii-xn. 7 

Capua, which was the capital not only of Campania, b.c. 216 
but. since the blow inflicted upon the Roman state 
by the battle of Cannae, of Italy also, had surrendered 
to Hannibal. For these victories, so many and so 
great, it was proper, he said, that gratitude be 
expressed and felt toward the immortal gods. 

XII. Then in evidence of such successes he ordered 
the golden rings to be poured out at the entrance of 
the Senate House. And so great was the heap of 
them that, when measured, they filled, as some 
historians assert, three pecks and a half. The pre- 
vailing report, and nearer the truth, is that there was 
not more than one peck. Then, that it might be 
proof of a greater calamity, he added in explanation 
that no one but a knight, and even of the knights only 
those of the higher class, wore that token. The main 
point of his speech was that the nearer Hannibal 
came to realizing his hope of ending the war, the more 
necessary it was to help him by every means. For his 
campaigning was far from home, in the midst of the 
enemy's country. A large amount of grain and 
money was being consumed, he said, and though so 
many battles had destroyed the enemy's armies, still 
they had considerably diminished the forces of the 
victor as well. Therefore they must send reinforce- 
ments, they must send money to pay them and grain 
to soldiers who had deserved so well of the Car- 
thaginian nation. 

After these words of Mago, while all were rejoicing, 
Himilco, a man of the Barca party, thought it an 
opportunity to rebuke Hanno. " Tell me, Hanno," 
he said, " is it still to be regretted that we undertook 
a war against the Romans ? Order the surrender of 
Hannibal ! In the midst of such successes forbid the 



grates deis immortalibus agi ; audiamus Romanum 

8 senatorem in Cartliaginionsium curia." Turn Hanno : 
" Tacuissem hodie, patres eonscripti, ne quid in 
conimuni omnium gaudio minus lactum quod esset 

9 vobis loquerer; nunc interroganti senatori, paeni- 
teatne ^ adhuc susccpti advcrsus Romanos belli, si 
reticeam, aut superbus aut obnoxius videar, quorum 
alterum est hominis alienae libertatis obliti, alterum 

10 suae. Respondeam ^ " inquit " Himilconi, non dcsisse 
paenitere me belli ncque desiturum ante invictum 
vestrum imperatorem incusare quam finitum ali- 
qua tolerabili condicione bellum videro ; nee mihi 
pacis antiquae desiderium ulla alia res (|uam pax 

11 nova finiet. Itaque ista quae modo Mago iactavit 
Himilconi ceterisque Hannibalis satellitibus iam 
laeta sunt : mihi possunt laeta esse, quia res bello 
bene gestae, si volumus fortuna iiti, pacem nobis 

12 aeqviiorem dabunt ; nam si praetermittimus hoc 
tempus quo magis dare quam accipere possumus 
vidcri pacem, vereor ne haec qucxpie laetitia luxuriet 

13 nobis ac vana evadat. Quae tamen nunc quoque 
qualis est ? ' Occidi exei'citus hostium ; mittite 
milites mihi.' Quid aliud rogares, si esses victus ? 

1-1 ' Hostium cepi bina castra,' praedae videlicet plena 
et commeatuum ; ' frumentimi et pecuniam date.' 
Quid aliud, si spoliatus, si exutus castris esses, 

15 peteres ? Et ne omnia ipse mirer — mihi quoque 

^ Y)a,enitea,tne Alschef ski : paeniteat mc P(I). 
^ respondeam P-{5)M^? : -ead P : -ebo x : -co Madvig 
{or -ebo). 

^ As in the last years of the 1st Punic War. 

BOOK XXII I. MI. 7-15 

rendering of tlianks to the immortal gods ! Let us b.c. 216 
listen to a Roman senator in the Carthaginian 
Senate House." Thereupon Hanno said: " I should 
have remained silent to-day, members of the senate, 
for fear of saying something which in the universal 
rejoicing would bring less joy to you. As it is, when 
a senator asks me whether it is still a matter of regret 
that we entered upon a war against the Romans, if 
I were to remain silent I should be thought either 
haughty or subservient, of which the one marks a 
man forgetful of another's independence, the other a 
man who forgets his own. I should like to say in reply 
to Himilco," he said, " that I have not ceased to 
regret the war, and will not cease to accuse your 
invincible commander until I shall see the war ended 
on some sufferable terms ; nor will anything else than 
a new peace end my longing for the old peace. And 
so those facts which Mago has just boastfully re- 
ported already give joy to Himilco and the other 
minions of Hannibal, and 7?ifl?/ give joy to me, since 
successes in war, if we are willing to make use of our 
good fortune, will give us a more favourable peace. 
I mean that if we let slip this moment, when we may 
be considered as giving, rather than receiving, a 
peace, I fear that this joy also of ours may run to 
excess and come to nothing.^ But even now what is 
it worth ? ' I have slain armies of the enemy. Send 
me soldiers ! ' What else would you ask for if you 
had been defeated ? ' I have captured two camps of 
the enemy,' full of booty and supplies, of course. 
' Give me grain and money ! ' What else would you 
beg if you had been despoiled, if you had lost your 
camp ? And, not to have all the amazement to my- 
self — for it is right and proper for me too, having 



enim, quoniam rcspondi Himilconi, interrogare ius 
fasque est — velim seu Himilco seu Mago respondeat, 
cum ad internecionem Romani imperii pugnatum ad 
Cannas sit constetque in dcfectione totam Italiam 

16 esse, primum, ecquis Latini nominis populus defecerit 
ad nos, deinde, ecquis homo ex quinque et triginta 

17 tribubus ad Hannibalcm transfu^erit ? " Cum 
utrumque Mago negasset, " Hostium quidem ergo " 
inquit " adhuc nimis multum superest. Sed multi- 
tudo ea quid animorum quidve spei habeat scire 
\elim." XIII. Cum id nescire Mago diceret, " Nihil 
facilius scitu est " inquit. " Ecquos legates ad 
Hannibalem Romani miserunt de pace ? Kcquam 
dcnique mentionem pacis Romae factam esse adla- 

2 tum ad vos est? " Cum id quoque negasset, " Bel- 
lum igitur " inquit " tam integrum habemus quam 
habuimus qua die Hannibal in Italiam est transgressus. 

3 Quam varia victoria priore Punico ^ bello fuerit pleri- 
que qui meminerimus supersumus. Numquam terra 
marique magis prosperae res nostrae visae sunt quam 
ante consules C. Lutatium et A. Postumium fuerunt : 

4 Lutatio et Postumio consulibus devicti ad Ac^atis 
insulas sumus. Quod si, id quod di omen avertant, 
nunc quoque fortuna aliquid variavei-it, tum pacem 
speratis cum vinccmur, quam nunc cum vincimus 

5 dat nemo ? Ego, si quis de pace consulct seu de- 
ferenda hostibus seu accipienda, habeo quid sen- 
tentiae dicam ; si de lis quae Mago postulat refertis, 

^ Punico P(l) : bracketed Gronovius. 

^ " Roman War " would seem to us better suited to a speaker 
addressing Cart-ljiiginians. Livy here prefers the Roman 

^ It was this defeat which brought the previous war to an 
end, 241 B.C. 


BOOK XXIII. xii. i5-.\iii. 5 

answered Hiniilco, to turn questioner, — I should like b.c. 216 
cither Hiinilco or Mago to answer, in the first place, 
M'hether any state among the Latins has revolted to 
us, although the battle of Cannae meant the utter 
destruction of the Roman power, and it is known that 
all Italy is in revolt; in the second place, whether 
any man out of the thirty-five tribes has deserted to 
Hannibal." On Mago's negative answer to both 
Hanno said : " Accordingly there remains, to be sure, 
a very great number of the enemy. But what spirit, 
what hope that multitude has, I should like to 
know." XIII. As Mago said he did not know, 
" Nothing is easier to know," said Hanno. " Have 
the Romans sent any emissaries to Hannibal suing 
for peace ? Has it been reported to you that even 
any mention of peace has been made at Rome? " 
The answer to this also being negative, " There- 
fore," he said, "we have the war intact, as truly 
as we had on the day on which Hannibal crossed 
into Italy. How often victory shifted in the previous 
Punic W ar ^ very many of us are alive to remember. 
Never have our fortunes seemed more favourable 
on land and sea than they were before the consulship 
of Gaius Lutatius and Aulus Postumius. But in the 
consulship of Lutatius and Postumius we were 
utterly defeated off the Aegates Islands.^ And if 
now also — may the gods avert the omen ! — fortune 
shall shift to any extent, do you hope that at the 
time of our defeat we shall have a peace which no one 
gives us now when we are victorious ? For myself, if 
some one is about to bring up the question either of 
offering peace to the enemy or of accepting it, I know 
what opinion to express. But if you are raising the 
question of Mago's demands, I do not think it to the 



A.u.c. nec victoribus mitti attinere puto et frustrantibus 
nos falsa atque inani spe ^ multo minus censeo 
niittenda esse." 

6 Haud multos niovit Hannonis oratio ; nam et 
simultas cum familia Barcina leviorem auctorem 
faciebat et occupati animi pracsenti laetitia nihil quo 
vanius fieret gaudium suum auribus admittebant, 
debellatumque mox fore, si adniti paulum voluissent, 

7 rebantur. Itaque ingenti consensu fit senatus con- 
sultum ut Hannibali quattuor milia Numidarum in 
supplementinn mitterentur et quadraginta elephanti 

8 et argenti talenta . . . que ^ cum Magone in 
Hispaniam praemissus est ad conducenda Aiginti 
milia peditum, quattuor milia equitum, quibus 
exercitus qui in Italia quique in Hispania erant 

XI\". Ceterum hacc, ut in secundis rebus, segniter 
otioseque gesta ; Romanos praeter insitam industriam 
2 animis fortuna etiam cunctari prohibebat. Nam nec 
consul ulli rei quae per eum agenda esset deerat, et 
dictator M. Junius Pera rebus divinis perfectis 
latoque, ut solet, ad populum ut equum escendere 
liceret, praeter duas lu-banas legiones, quae principio 
anni a consulibus conscriptae fuerant, et servorum 
dilectum cohortesque ex agro Piceno et Gallico 

^ spe Gronovius : que P(8) : quae C*R : om. A. 
2 A lost numeral (D?) and a general's name (Carthalo 
Madvig) have been corrupted into dictator(que) P(l). 

1 Infantry are not mentioned as to be sent from Carthage. 
Mercenaries were to be engaged in Spain and sent thence to 

2 In fact Mago is still at Carthage in xxxii. 5. 



point to send those things to victors, and I think it b.o. 216 
much less necessary to send them to men who are 
deluding us with a hope unfounded and emj^ty." 

Not many were moved by Hanno's speech. For 
the feud with the Barca family made his advice less 
weighty, and then minds filled with the joy of the mo- 
ment would not listen to anything which made their 
rejoicing less well-founded. And they thought that, 
if they were willing to add a little to their eiforts, 
the war would soon be finished. Accordingly the 
senate with great unanimity decreed that four 
thousand Numidians should be sent to Hannibal as a 
reinforcement ; ^ also forty elephants and . . . silver 
talents. And . . . was sent in advance to Spain with 
Mago,2 for the purpose of hiring twenty thousand 
infantry and four thousand horse, to reinforce the 
armies that were in Italy and those in Spain. 

XIV. But, as usual in prosperous times, these 
measures were carried out Avithout spirit and in 
leisurely fashion, while the Romans, in addition to 
their inborn activity, were prevented by misfortune 
also from delaying. That is, the consul was not 
found wanting in anything which it was his to do, 
and the dictator, Marcus Junius Pera, after per- 
forming the religious rites, proposed to the people 
according to custom abill allowing him to be mounted.^ 
And then, in addition to the two city legions which 
had been enrolled by the consuls at the beginning of 
the year, and the levy of slaves, also the cohorts 
raised from the Picene and Gallic districts, he stooped 

* The dictator, as commander of the infantry, was by 
tradition unmounted. Special permission could be obtained 
from the people, as here, or from the senate, as Plutarch has it 
in Fab ins iv. 



A.u.c. collectas, ad ultimum prope desperatae rei publicae 

3 auxilium, ciini hoiiesta utilibus cediint, descendit 
cdixitque qui capitalem fraudem ausi quique pe- 
cuniae 1 iudicati in vineulis essent, qui eorum apud 
se milites fierent, eos noxa pecuniaque sese exsolvi 

4 iussurum. E,a sex milia hominuni Gallicis spoliis, 
quae triumpho C. Flamini ti*alata erant, armavit, 
itaque cum viginti quinque milibus armatorum ab 
iirbe proficiscit ur. 

5 Hannibal Capua rccepta cum iterum Neapolitano- 
rum animos partim spe, partim metu nequiquam 
temptasset, in agriun Nolanum exercitum traducit, 

6 ut non hostiliter statim, quia non desperabat volun- 
tariam deditionem, ita, si morarentur spem, nihil 
eorum quae pati aut timere possent praetermissurus. 

7 Senatus ac maxime primores eius in societate Ro- 
mana cum fide perstare ; plebs novarum, ut solet, 
reruni atque Hannibalis tota esse metumque agro- 
rum populationis et patienda in obsidione midta 
gravia indignaque proponere animo ; neque auctores 

8 defectionis deerant. Itaque ubi senatum metus 
cepit, si propalam tenderent, resisti multitudini 
concitatae non posse, secunda simulando ^ dilationem 

9 mali inveniunt. Placere enim sibi defectionem ad 
Hannibalem simulant ; quibus autem condicionibus 
in foedus amicitiamque novam transeant, parum 

10 constare. Ita spatio simipto legatos properc ad 
praetorem Romanum Marccllum Claudium, qui 

^ pecuniae z : pecunia P(l). 

^ secunda simulando C'Ji' : secunda simulanda simulando 
P(12); obsecundando G?"onot»i«5. 

1 He triumphed over the Gauls in the Po valley in 223 B.C. 


to that last defence of a state almost despaired of, d.c. 216 
when honour yields to necessity : namely, he issued 
an edict that, if any men who had committed a 
capital offence, or were in chains as judgment debtors, 
should become soldiers under him, he would order 
their release from punishment or debt. Six thousand 
such men he armed with Gallic spoils which had been 
carried in the triumph of Gaius Flaminius,^ and thus 
set out from the city with twenty-five thousand 
armed men. 

Hannibal, after gaining possession of Capua and 
vainly trying, partly by hope, partly by fear, to work 
for the second time upon the feelings of the Nea- 
politans, led his army over into the territory of Nola. 
Though this was not at first with hostile intent, 
since he did not despair of a voluntary surrender, 
still he was ready, if they baulked his hope, to omit 
none of the things which they might suffer or fear to 
suffer. The senate and especially its leading mem- 
bers stood loyally by the alliance with Rome. But 
the common people, as usual, were all for a change 
of government and for Hannibal ; and they called 
to mind the fear of devastation of their lands and the 
many hardships and indignities they must suffer in 
case of a siege. And men were not lacking to pro- 
pose revolt. Accordingly the senators, now obsessed 
by the fear that, if they should move openly, there 
could be no resisting the excited crowd, found a way 
to postpone the evil by pretending agreement. 
For they pretend that they favour revolt to Hannibal, 
but that there is no agreement as to the terms on 
which they may go over to a new alliance and friend- 
ship. Thus gaining time, they send emissaries in 
haste to the Roman praetor, Marcellus Claudius, who 



A.u.o. Casilini cum exercitu erat, mittunt docentque 

** quanto in discrimiiie sit Nolana res: as;rum Hanni- 

balis esse et Poenoi'uni, urbein extemplo futurani ni 

11 subveniatur ; cor.cedendo plebei senatum ubi velint 
defect uros se, ne deficere praefestinarent effecisse. 

12 Marccllus conlaudatis Nolanis eadem simulatione 
extralii rem in suuni adventum iussit ; interim celari 
quae secum acta cssent spemque omnem auxilii 

13 lloniani. Ipse a Casilino Caiatiam petit atcjue inde 
\'^olturno amni traiecto per ^ agrum Saticulanum 
Trebianumque super Suessulam per montis Nolam 

X.y. Sub adventum praetoris Komani Poenus 
agro Nolano excessit et ad mare proxime Neapolim 
descendit, cupidus maritimi oppidi potiundi, quo 

2 cursus navibus tutus ex Africa esset. Ceterum 
postquam Neapolim a praefecto Komano teneri 
accepit — M. Junius Silanus erat, ab ipsis Neapoli- 
tanis accitus — , Neapoli quoque, sicut Nola, omissa 

3 petit Nucei'iam. Eam cum aliquamdiu circumsc- 
disset, saepe vi saepe sollicitandis nequiquam nunc 
plebe, nunc principibus, fame demimi in deditionem 
accepit, pactus ut inermes cum singulis abirent 

4 vestimentis. Deinde ut qui a principio mitis omnibus 
Italicis praeter Romanos videri vellet, praemia atque 
lionores qui remanserint ^ ac militare secum voluis- 

^ per Otto: perque P{1). 

^ remanserint x : remanscrant PC^(IO). 

1 Marcellus had been sent to Camisiura directly after the 
battle of Cannae to take command (XXII. Ivii. 1), and is now 
near Capua. 

2 This wide detour into mountain country was in order to 
avoid meeting Hannibal. 


BOOK XXIII. XIV. lo-xv. 4 

was at Casilinum ^ with his army, and inform liim in b.c. 216 
what danger the Nolan state is placed ; that its 
territory is in the hands of Hannibal and the Car- 
thaginians, and that the city will be so at once, if 
help be not given ; that the senate, by conceding to 
the common people that they would revolt whenever 
the people wished, had prevented their making haste 
to revolt. Marcellus, after warmly praising the 
men of Nola, bade them jjostpone matters by the 
same pretence until his arrival ; in the meantime to 
conceal the dealings they had had with him and 
all hope of Roman aid. He himself went from 
Casilinum to Caiatia, and thence, after crossing tlte 
river ^'olturnus, made his way to Nola through the 
territory of Saticula and that of Trebia, above Sues- 
sula and through the mountains. ^ 

X\\ Upon tlie arrival of the Roman praetor the 
Carthaginian left the territory of Nola and came down 
to the sea near Neapolis, desiring to gain possession 
of a coast town to which ships might have a safe 
passage from Africa. But on learning that Neapolis 
was held by a Roman prefect — it was Marcus Junius 
Silanus, who had been called in by the Neapolitans 
themselves — he turned aside from Neapolis also, as 
he had from Nola, and made for Nuceria. He had 
besieged that city for some time, often attacking, 
often attempting in vain to win over the populace, 
and at another time the leading citizens, when at 
last by starving them he gained their surrender, 
stipulating that they leave unarmed and Avith one 
garment only. And then, as from the beginning he 
had wished to be thought merciful to all Italians 
except the Romans, he promised rewards and 
honours to any who remained and would serve under 



A.r.c. 5 sent proposuit. Nee ea spe quemquam tenuit; 
dilapsi omnes, quocumque hospitia aut foi-tuitus 
animi impetus tulit, per Campaniae urbes, maxime 
Nolam Neapolimque. Cum ferme triginta senatores, 
ac forte primus quisquc, Capuam petissent, exclusi 
inde, quod portas Hamiibali elausissent, Cumas se 
contulerunt. Nuceriae praeda militi data est, urbs 
direpta atque incensa. 

7 Nolam Marcellus non sui magis fiducia praesidii 
quam voluutate principum habebat ; plebs timebatur 
et ante omnis L. Bahtius, quem conscientia temptatae 
defectionis ac metus a praetore Romano nunc ad pro- 
ditionem patriae, nunc, si ad id fortuna defuisset, ad 

8 transfugiendum stimulabat. Erat iuvenis acer et 
sociorum ea tempestate prope nobilissimus eques. 
Seminecem eum ad Cannas in accrvo caesorum 
corporum inventum curatumque benigne etiam cum 

9 donis Hannibal domum remiserat. Ob eius gratiam 
meriti rem Nolanam in ius dicionemque dare voluerat 
Poeno, anxiumque eum et sollicitum cura novandi 

10 res praetor cernebat. Ceterum cum aut poena cohi- 
bendus esset aut beneficio conciliandus, sibi adsump- 
sisse quam hosti ademisse fortem ac strenuum maluit 

11 socium, accitumque ad se benigne appellat: multos 
eum invidos inter popularis habere inde existimatu 
facile esse quod nemo civis Nolanus sibi indicavei'it 

BOOK XXIII. XV. 4-1 1 

him. And yet he did not hold anyone by that hope. b.c. 216 
They all dispersed, wherever hospitality or impulse 
happened to carry them, among the cities of Cam- 
pania, especially Nola and Neapolis. About three 
hundred senators, and as it chanced all the most 
prominent, came to Capua, and being refused ad- 
mission because they had closed their gates to Hanni- 
bal, went to Cumae. At Nuceria the booty was 
given to the soldiers, the citv sacked and burned. 

As for Nola, Marcellus held it not more by con- 
fidence in his force than by the good-will of the lead- 
ing citizens. He was apprehensive of the common 
people and above all of Lucius Bantius, who was 
impelled by the consciousness of an attempted revolt 
and by fear of the Roman praetor, now to betray his 
native city, now, if fortune should not favour him in 
that, to desert. He was a young man of spirit and 
at that time almost the best-known horseman 
among the allies. He had been found half-dead at 
Canpae in a pile of the slain ; and Hannibal, after 
nursing him kindly, had sent him home, even adding 
gifts. Out of gratitude for that service Bantius had 
wished to put the state of Nola under the authority 
and rule of the Carthaginian. And the praetor saw 
that he was troubled and tormented by his desire 
for a revolution. But since he had either to be 
restrained by punishment or else won over by kind- 
ness, Marcellus preferred rather to gain for himself a 
brave and energetic ally than merely to take such a 
man away from the enemy, and summoning him 
addressed him kindly. It was easy, he said, to 
judge that he had among his countrymen many who 
envied him, and this from the fact that no citizen of 
Nola had told the speaker how many were his 




A.u.c. quam niulta eius egregia facinora militaria essent ; 

12 sed qui in Romanis militaverit castris, non posse 
obscuram eius virtutem esse. Multos sibi, qui cum 
eo stipendia feeerint, referre qui vir esset ille, quae- 
que et quoticns pei'icula pro salute ac dignitate populi 

13 Romani adisset, utique Cannensi proelio non prius 
pugna abstiterit quam prope exsanguis ruina supcr- 
incidentium virorum, ecjuorum armorumque sit 

14 oppressus. " Itaque macte virtute esto " inquit ; 
" apud me tibi onmis honos atque omne praemium 
erit, et quo frequentior mecum fueris, senties eam 

15 rem tibi dignitati atque emolumento esse." Laeto- 
que iuveni promissis equura eximium dono dat, 
bigatosque quingentos quaestorem numerare iubet ; 
lictoribus imperat ut eum sc adire quotiens velit 
patiantur. Wl. Hae comitate Marcelli ferocis 
iuvenis animus adeo est mollitus ut nemo inde 
sociorum rem Romanam fortius ac fidelius iuveri^. 

2 Cum Hannibal ad portas esset — Nolam enim 
rursus a Nuceria movit castra^plebesque Nolana 

3 de integro ad defectionem spectaret, Marcellus sub 
adventum hostium intra muros se recepit, non castris 
metuens sed ne prodendae urbis oceasionem nimis 

4 multis in eam inminentibus daret. Instrui deinde 
utrimque acies coeptae, Romanorum pro moenibus 
Nolae, Pocnorum ante castra sua. Proelia hinc 
jiarva inter urbem castraque et vario eventu fiebant, 

1 These silver coins at that titiie bore the image of Diana 
(of Victory not long after) driving a two-horse chariot (biga). 


BOOK XXIII. XV. ii-x\'i. 4 

brilliant feats of arms. But to a man who had served u.o. 216 
in the Roman camp his bravery could not be un- 
known. Many who had been in the service with 
Bantius were telling the speaker what a man he was, 
and what dangei*s he had incurred for the safety and 
honour of the Roman people, and how often; also 
how at the battle of Cannae he had not ceased fighting 
until, almost lifeless, he had been overwhelmed by 
the mass of men, horses and arms that fell upon him. 
" And so," he said, " all honour to your courage! 
Under me you will have every advancement and every 
reward, and the more constantly you are with me, the 
more you will feel that it is a distinction and an 
advantage to you." The youth was delighted with 
the promises, and Marcellus gave hiin a fine horse and 
ordered the q<uaestor to pay him five hundred 
denarii. 1 , Tlje lictors were bidden to allow him 
access to the connnander whenever he wished. 
XVI. By this kindliness on the part of Marcellus the 
high spirit of the young man was so tempered that 
thereafter none of the allies more bravely and loyally 
aided the Roman cause. 

While Hannibal was at the gates — for he again 
moved his camp from Nuceria to Nola — and the 
common people of Nola were making fresh plans to 
revolt, Marcellus, upon the arrival of the enemy, 
withdrew within the walls, not fearing for his camp, 
but lest he give the great number who were impatient 
for it an opportunity to betray the city. Then on 
both sides they began to form their battle-lines, the 
Romans before the Avails of Nola, the Carthaginians in 
front of their camp. Thereupon there were small en- 
gagements with varying results in the space between 
the city and the camp, since the commanders 



quia duces nee prohibere paucos temere provocantis ^ 

5 nee dare signum universae pugnae volebant. In hac 
cotidiana duorum exercituum statione principes Nola- 

6 norum nuntiant Marccllo nocturna conloquia inter 
plebem ac Poenos fieri statutumque esse ut, cum 
Romana acies egressa portis foret,^ inpedimenta 
eoruni ac sarcinas diriperent, clauderent deinde port as 
murosque occuparent, ut potentes rerum suarum 
atque urbis Puenum inde pro Romano acciperent., 

7 Haec ubi nuntiata Marcello sunt, conlaudatis sena- 
toribus Nolanis, priusquam aliqui motus in urbe 

8 oreretm-, fortunam pugnae experiri statuit. Ad.tris 
portas in hostes versas tripertito exercitum instruxit ; 
inpedimenta subsequi iussit, calones lixasque et 
invalidos milites vallum ferre. Media porta robora 
legionum et Romanos equites, duabus circa portis 
novos milites levemque armaturam ac sociorum 

9 equites statuit. Nolani muros portasque adire 
vetiti, subsidiaque destinata inpedimentis data, ne 
occupatis proelio legionibus in ea impetus fieret. 
Ita instruct! intra portas stabant. 

10 Hannibali sub signis, id quod per aliquot dies 
fecerat, ad multum diei in acie stanti primo miraculo 
esse quod nee exercitus Romanus porta egrederetur 

11 nee armatus quisquam in mm-is esset. Ratus deinde 

1 provocantis M^/A": prooantis PCRi'M : procursantis 

* foret Gronovius : iret P(l) : staret Weissenhorn. 

BOOK XXIII. xvi. 4-1 1 

wished neither to forbid small numbers wlio rashly b.c. 216 
challenged the enemy, nor to give the signal for 
a general engagement. During this daily guard- 
duty of the two armies leading citizens of Nola re- 
ported to Marcellus that conferences between the 
common people and the Carthaginians were taking 
place bv night; and that it had been settled that, 
when the Roman force should be outside the gates 
and in line, they would plunder their baggage-train 
and their packs, then close the gates and take 
possession of the walls, so that, having the control of 
their affairs and the city in their own hands, they 
would then admit the Carthaginian instead of the 
Roman,, This being reported to Marcellus, he 
warmly praised the senators of Nola and resolved to 
try the fortune of battle before there should be any 
movement in the city. At the three gates facing the 
enemy he drew up his army in three sections. He 
ordered the baggage to bring up the rear, the camp- 
servants and sutlers and incapacitated soldiers to 
carry stakes. At the middle gate he posted the 
pick of the legionaries with the Roman cavalry, at the 
two gates to right and left the recruits, light-armed 
and cavalry of the allies. The men of Nola were 
forbidden to approach the walls and gates, and the 
forces to be used as reserves were assigned to the 
baggage, in order to prevent an attack upon it while 
the legions were fighting. In this formation they 
were standing inside the gates. 

Hannibal, who remained in battle-line under the 
standards until late in the day, as he had done for 
several days, at first wondered that the Roman 
army did not come out of the gate and that there was 
not one armed man on the walls. Then, supposing 


prodita conloquia esse metuque resides factos, partem 
militiim in castra remittit iussos propere adparatum 
omnem oppugnandae iirbis in primam aciem adferre, 
satis. fidens, si cunctantibus instaret, tumultum ali- 

12 quern in urbe plebem motnram. Dum in sua quisque 
ministeria discursu trepidat ad prima signa succedit- 
que ad muros acics, patefacta rcpente porta Marcellus 
signa canere clamoremque tolli ac pedites primvmi, 
deinde equites, quanto maximo possent impetu in 

13 hostem erumpere iubet. Satis terroris tumultusque 
in aciem niediam intulerant, cum duabus circa portis 
P. Valerius Flaccus et C. Aurelius legati in cornua 

14 hostium erupere. Addidere clamorem lixae calo- 
nesque et alia turba custodiae inpedimentorum 
adposita, ut paucitatem maxima spernentibus Poenis 

15 ingentis repente exercitus speciem fecerit. Vix 
equidem ausim adfirmare, quod quidam auctores 
sunt, duo milia et octingentos hostium caesos non 

IC plus quingentis Romanorum amissis ; sed ^ sive tanta 
sive minor victoria fuit, ingens eo die res ac nescio 
an maxima illo bello gesta est : ^ non vinci enim ab 
Hannibale ^ difficilius fuit quam postea vincere. 

XVII. Hannibal spe potiundac Nolae adempta 
cum Acerras recessisset, Marcellus extemplo clausis 
portis custodibusque dispositis, ne quis egrederetur, 

1 amissis; sed AUcheJslci: amisisset PMDfR'^ : amisisse 
CM": amisisse sed J. 

^ est Freinsheim: sit P(l). 

3 After Hannibale P(l) have vinccntibus [with turn or 
tunc x) : vinci timcntibus Weissenborn, Conway. 


BOOK XXIII. XVI. ii-xvii. I 

the conferences to have been betrayed, and that r..c. 
inaction was the result of fear, he sent part of his 
soldiers back to the camp, with orders to briiiff up 
in haste to the front line all the equipment for 
besieging the city. He was quite confident that, if 
he should press the hesitating, the common people 
would stir up some outbreak in the city. While they 
were scattering to their several duties and hastening 
to the first standards, and the line was advancing to 
the walls, the gate suddenly opened and Marcellus 
ordered the trumpets to be sounded and a shout 
raised ; that infantry at first, and then cavalry should 
sally out against the enemy with all the dash possible. 
They had carried sufficient panic and confusion into 
the "centre, when Publius N'alerius Flaccus and (iaius 
Aurelius,hisheutenants, salhed out of the two gates 
on this side and that, to attack the enemy's wings. 
Sutlers and camp-servants raised another shout, as 
did the rest of the crowd stationed to guard the 
baggage so that the shouting gave the sudden 
impression of a very large army to the Carthaginians, 
who particularly despised their small numbers. I 
should hardly venture to assert, what some have 
affirmed, that 2800 of the enemy were slain, while 
not more than 500 of the Romans were lost. But 
whether the victory was on such a scale or less, 
a very great thing," I rather think the greatest in 
that war, was accomplished that day. For not 
to be defeated by Hannibal was a more difficult 
thing than it was later to defeat him. 

XVII. Now that Hannibal had lost hope of gaining 
Nola and had retired to Acerrae, Marcellus at once 
closed the gates, stationed guards to prevent anyone 
from leaving, and carried on in the forum an 



quaestioncni in foro de iis qui clam in conloquiis 

2 hostium fuerant habuit. Supra septuaginta damna- 
tos proditionis securi percussit bonaque eorum iussit 

3 publica populi Roniani esse, et summa rerum senatui 
tradita cum exercitu omni pi-ofectus supra Suessulam 

4 castris positis consedit. Poenus Acerras primum ad 
voluntariam deditionem conatus perlicere, inde ^ 
postquam obstinates videt, obsidere atque oppugnare 

5 parat. Cetevum Acerranis plus animi quam virium 
erat ; itaque dcsperata tutela urbis, ut circumvallari 
moenia viderunt, priusquam continuai-entur hostium 
opera, per intermissa munimenta neglectasque 

6 custodias silentio noctis dilapsi, per vias inviaque qua 
quemque aut consilium aut error tulit, in urbes 
Campaniae, quas satis certum erat non mutasse 
fidem, perfugerunt. 

7 Hannibal Acerris direptis atque incensis, cum 
a Casilino ^ dictatorem Romanum legionesque novas 
acciri ^ nuntiassent, ne quid * tam propinquis hostium 
castris Capuae quoque moveretur,^ exercitum ad 

8 Casilinum ducit. Casilinum eo tempore quingenti 
Praenestini habebant cum paucis Romanis Latinique 
nominis, quos eodem audita Cannensis clades contu- 

9 lerat. Hi, non confecto Praeneste ad diem dilectu, 
serius profecti domo cum Casilinum ante famam 
adversae pugnae venissent, et, aliis adgregantibus 
sese Romanis sociisque, profecti a Casilino cum satis 

^ inde P( 1), 6m/ a//er obstinates; 6e/ore postquam Walters. 
2 Casilino ^2 yaUa: Casino P(l). 

^ novas acciri Av Valla : nimis accipi P{5)M' : acciri 

* ne quid Lipsius : ne quis P{1) : ne quid novi Walters. 

* moveretur Gronovius : orerccurrunt P : recurrunt 
i'^.?(4) : occurreret Lipsius. 


BOOK XXIII. x\ii. 1-9 

investigation of those who had been in secret confer- b.c. 216 
ences with the enemy. Over seventy having been con- 
demned as traitors, he beheaded them and ordered 
that their possessions should be piibhc property of the 
Roman people. And setting out with his whole army, 
after turning over the government to the senate, he 
pitched camp and established himself above Suessula. 
The Carthaginian first tried to entice Acerrae into a 
voluntary surrender ; then, seeing them steadfast, 
prepared to blockade and attack them. But the 
men of Acerrae had more courage than resources. 
Accordingly they gave up hope of defending the 
city, and when they saw that their walls were being 
encircled, before the enemy's works should be made 
continuous, they slipped away in the dead of night 
through the gaps in the earthworks and through 
neglected guard-posts. Making their way along the 
roads and where there were none, just as prudence 
or chance guided the wanderer, they fled for refuge 
to those cities of Campania of which it was known 
that they had not changed sides. 

After plundering and burning Acerrae, when word 
had come from Casilinum that the Roman dictator 
and fresh legions were being summoned, HAnnibal 
led his army to Casilinum, in order to prevent any 
uprising at Capua also, while the enemy's camp was 
so near. Casilinum was at that time held by five 
hundred Praenestines, Avith a few Romans and Latins, 
whom the news of the disaster at Cannae had brought 
thither. As the levy at Praeneste was not completed 
at the proper date, they had been late in setting out 
from home, and had reached Casilinum before the 
news of the defeat. And joined by others, Romans 
and allies, they set out from Casilinum and, as 


magno agmine irent, avertit eos retro Casilinum 
10 nuntius Cannensis pugnae. Ibi cum dies aliquot, 
suspecti Campanis timentesque, cavendis ac struendis 
in vicem insidiis traduxissent, ut de Capuae defec- 
tione agi accipique Hannibalem satis pro certo 
habuere, intcrfcctis nocte oppidanis partem urbis, 
quae cis Volturnuni est — eo enim dividitur amni — 
occupavere, idtjue praesidii Casilini habebant Ro- 
ll niani. Additur et Perusina cohors, homines quad- 
ringenti sexaginta, eodem nuntio quo Praenestini 
12 paucos ante dies, Casilinum conpulsi. Et satis 
ferme armatorum ad tarn exigua moenia et flimiine 
altera parte cincta tuenda erat : penuria frumenti 
nimium etiam ut videretur hominum efficiebat. 

XVIII. Hannibal cum iam inde baud procul esset, 
Gaetulos cum pi'aefecto nomine Isalca praemittit ac 
primo, si fiat conloquii copia, verbis benignis ad 
portas aperiundas praesidiimique accipiendum perli- 
cere iubet : si in pertinacia perstent, vi rem gerere 
ac temptare si qua parte invadere urbem possit. 

2 Ubi ad moenia adcessere, quia silentiiun erat, solitudo 
visa ; metuque concessum barbarus ratus moliri 

3 portas et claustra refringere parat, cum patefactis 
repente portis cohortes duae, ad id ipsum instructae 
intus, ingenti cum tumultu erumpunt stragemque 

4 hostium faciunt. Ita primis repulsis Maharbal cum 

1 The right (north) bank of the river, 


BOOK XXIII. xA'ii. Q-xvni. 4 

they were proceeding in a fairly large column, the b.c. 216 
report of the battle of Cannae turned them back 
again to Casiliiumi. There, being suspected by the 
Campanians and apprehensive, they spent some days 
in alternately guarding against plots and hatching 
them. When credibly informed that the revolt of 
Capua and Hannibal's entry were being negotiated, 
they slew townspeople in the night and seized that 
part of the city which is on this side ^ of the Vol- 
turnus — for it is divided by that river: and this 
was the garrison the Romans had at Casilinum. It 
was joined by a cohort from Perusia, fovn- hundred and 
sixty men, who had been driven to Casilinum by the 
same news as the Praenestines a few days before. 
And there were quite enough men to defend so small 
a walled city, bounded on one side by the river. 
But the lack of grain made it seem that there were 
even too many men. 

XMII. Hannibal, being now not far away, sent 
his Gaetulians ahead under a prefect named Isalca. 
And he ordered him, if there should be an opportunity 
for a conference, at first by kind words to entice them 
to open the gates and admit a garrison ; but if they 
persisted in their obstinacy, to use force and see 
if at some point he c(nild make his way into the city. 
When they approached the walls, because of the 
stillness they thought them deserted. And the 
barbarian, supposing the garrison had withdrawn in 
alarm, was preparing to force the gates and break 
open the bars, when suddenly the gates were opened 
and the two cohorts, drawn up inside for that very 
purpose, sallied out with a mighty uproar, and 
wrought havoc among the enemy. The first troops 
being thus beaten back, Maharbal, who had been 



maiore robore viroriim missus nee ipse eniptionem 

5 coliortiuni siistinuit. Postremo Hannibal castris 
ante ipsa moenia oppositis ^ parvam urbem par- 
vumque praesidiuin suinma vi atque omnibus copiis 
oppufjnarc parat, ae clum instat lacessitque, corona 
undi(|uc eircumdatis moenibus, aliquot milites et 
proinptissimum quemque e muro turribusque ictos 

6 amisit. Semcl ultro erumpentis agmine elephan- 
torum opposito prope interclusit trepidosque conpulit 
in uvbem satis multis ut ex tanta paucitate interfectis. 
Plures cecidissent ni nox pi'oelio intervenisset. 

7 Postero die omnium animi ad oppugnandum accen- 
duntur, utique postquam corona aurea muralis 
proposita est, atque ipse dux castelli piano loco 
positi segnem oppugnationem Sagunti expugnatori- 
bus exprobrabat, Cannarum Trasumennique et 

8 Trebiae singulos admonens universosque. Inde 
vineae quoque coeptae agi cuniculique ; nee ad 
varios conatus hostium aut vis ulla aut ars deerat 

9 sociis Romanorum. Propugnacula adversus vineas 
statuere, transversis cuniculis hostium cuniculos 
excipere, et palam et clam coeptis obviam ire, donee 
pudor etiam Hannibalem ab incepto avertit, castris- 
que communitis ac praesidio modico inposito, ne 
omissa res videretur, in hiberna Capuam concessit. 

10 Ibi partem maiorem hiemis exercitum in tectis 

^ oppositis P(l) : positis a; Madvig. 

1 The elephants sent by order of the Carthaginian senate 
(xiii. 7) must have arrived. Of those he had brought from 
Spain only one reached Central Italy (XXII. ii. 10). 

2 Awarded to the first man to scale the wall of a city; 
Polybius VI. xxxix. 5; Livy XXVI. xlviii. 5; Gelliua V. vi. 16 
and 19. ^ cf. XXI. xv. 


BOOK XXIII. xviii. 4-IO 

sent with a larger number of picked men, was like- b.c. 216 
wise unable to withstand the sally of the cohorts. 
Finally Hannibal pitched his camp directly before the 
walls and prepared to assault the small city and small 
garrison with the greatest violence and with all 
his forces. And while he was pressing the attack, 
the walls being completely encircled by his men, he 
lost a considerable number, the most active at that, 
being hit by missiles from the wall and the towers. 
When they actually sallied out once, he almost cut 
off their retreat by sending a column of elephants ^ 
against them, and drove them in alarm into the city, 
after a good number, for so small a force, had been 
slain. NIore would have fallen if night had not 
interrupted the battle. On the next day all were 
lired to make the assault, especially after a miu-al 
crown of gold^ was displayed to them, and the 
general himself kept making their spiritless attack 
upon a fort on level ground a reproach to the captors 
of Saguntum,^ reminding them singly and collectively 
of Cannae and Trasumennus and Trebia. Then they 
began to push forward their sheds also and mines. 
And to meet the different attempts made by the 
enemy no kind of activity, no ingenuity, proved 
lacking to the allies of the Romans. They set up 
defences to meet the sheds ; by transverse mines 
they intercepted the enemy's mines ; they forestalled 
his attempts both visible and invisible, until shame 
helped to divert Hannibal from his undertaking. 
And after fortifying his camp and posting a small 
garrison, that the attempt might not appear to have 
been abandoned, he retired into winter-quarters at 

There he kept under roofs for the greater part of 



habuit, adversus omnia humana mala saepe ac diu 

1 1 duratum, bonis inexpertum atque insu'etum. Itaque, 
quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidei*e nimia bona ac 
voluptates inmodicae, et eo inpensius quo avidius ex 

12 insolentia in eas se merserant. Somnus enim et 
vinum et epulae et scorta balineaque et otium con- 
suetudinc in dies blandius ita enervaverunt corpora 
animosque ut magis deinde praeteritae victoriae eos 

13 quam praesentes tutarentur vires, maiusque id 
peccatum ducis apud peritos artiurn militarium 
haberetur quam quod non ex Cannensi acie protinus 
ad urbem Romanam duxisset ; ilia enim cunctatio 
distulisse modo victoriam videri potuit, hie error 

14 vires ademisse ad vinccndum. Itaque hercule. velut 
si cum alio exercitu a Capua exiret, nihil usquam 

15 pristinae disciplinae tenuit. Nam et redierunt 
plerique scortis inpliciti, et, ubi primum sub pellibus 
haberi coepti sunt, viaque et alius militaris labor 
excepit, tironum modo corporibus animisque deficie- 

16 bant, et deinde per omne aestivorum tempus magna 
pars sine commeatibus ab signis dilabebantur, neqxie 
aliae latcbrae quam Capua desertoribus erant. 

XIX. Ceterum mitescente iam hieme educto ex 

2 hibernis milite Casilinum redit, ubi, quamquam ab 

oppugnatione cessatum crat, obsidio tamen continua 

1 For the effect of wintering at Capua of. xlv. 4 (the famous 
epigram, as if from the lips of ^larfcllus), and (7). 6 (Hannibal's 
words, as Livy imagined them). Strabo eonfiims, Polybius 
denies (V. iv. 13; XI. xix. 3 respectively). 


BOOK XXIII. xviii. io-.\ix. 2 

the winter troops that had been hardened long and b.c. 2K-- 
repeatedly against all human hardships, but had no •'« 
experience or familiarity with comforts. And so 
those whom no severe hardship had conquered were 
ruined by excess of comfort and immoderate pleasures 
and the more completely ruined the more eagerly 
they in their inexperience had plunged into them. 
For sleep and wine, and feasts and harlots, and baths 
and idleness, which habit made daily more seductive, 
so weakened their bodies and spirits that it was their 
past victories rather than their present strength 
which thereafter protected them ; and this was 
regarded among the military experts as a more 
serious failure in their commander than that he 
had not led his men from the field of Cannae 
forthwith to the city of Rome. For that delay 
could be regarded as having merely retai'ded the 
victory, this mistake as having robbed him of the 
power to win. And so in fact, just as if he were 
setting out from Capua with a diflPerent army, 
not a trace of the old-time morale survived. For 
they came back most of them ensnared by harlots, 
and also as soon as they began to be quartered in 
tents, and the march and other tasks of the soldier 
followed, they would give out both in body and in 
spirit after the manner of recruits. And afterwards 
through the whole season of sununer camps a great 
many kept slipping away from their standards without 
furloughs ; and deserters had no hiding-places other 
than Capua. ^ 

XIX. But when winter was now growing mild, 
Hannibal led his troops out of winter quarters and 
returned to Casilinum. There, although they had 
been making no more attacks, an uninterrupted 


oppidanos praesidiunique ad ultimum inopiae 

3 adduxerat. Castris Ilomanis Ti. Sempronius prae- 
erat dictatore auspiciorum repetendorum causa 

4 profecto Roniam. Marcelluni et ipsum cupientem 
ferre auxilium obsessis et Volturnus amnis inflatus 
aquis et preces Nolanorum Acerranorumque tene- 
bant, Campanos timentiuni si praesidium Romanum 

5 abscessisset. Gracchus adsidens tantum Casilino, 
quia praedictum erat dictatoris ne quid abscnte eo 
rei gereret, nihil movebat, quaniquam quae facile 
omnem patientiam vincerent nuntiabantur a Casi- 

6 lino : nam et praecipitasse se quosdam non tolerantes 
famem constabat, et stare inermes in muris, nuda 

7 corpora ad missilium telorum ictus praebentes. Ea 
aegre patiens Gracchus, cum neque pugnam conserere 
dictatoris iniussu auderet — pugnandum autem esse, 
si palam frumentum inportaret, videbat — neque clam 

8 inportandi spes esset, farre ex agris circa undique 
convecto cum conplura dolia conplesset, nuntium ad 
magistratum Casilinum misit ut exciperent dolia 

9 quae amnis deferret. Insequenti nocte intentis 
omnibus in flumen ac spem ab nuntio Romano factam 
dolia medio missa amni defluxerunt ; aequaliterque 

10 inter omnes frumentmn divisum. Id postero quoque 
die ac tertio factum est ; nocte et mittebantur et 

11 perveniebant ; eo custodias hostium fallebant. Im- 
bribus deinde continuis citatior solito amnis transverso 

^ If the auspices were alleged to be defective, the commander 
returned to Rome to take them again ; VIII. xxx. 2. 

2 The city had not been entirely destroyed (xvii. 7), and 
part of the population must have returned. 



blockade had nevertheless brought townspeople b.c. 21g 
and garrison to extreme want. The Roman camp 
was commanded by Tiberius Sempronius, since the 
dictator had gone to Rome to take new auspices.^ 
Marcellus, who was likewise eager to bring aid to 
the besieged, was held back both bv a flood of the 
river \'olturnus and by entreaties of the men of Nola 
and Acerrae,^ who feared the Campanians if the 
Roman garrison should withdraw. Gracchus, merely 
remaiaino- near Casilinum, because it was the die- 
tator's order that he take no action in his absence, 
made no move, although facts which would easily 
pass all endurance were being reported from Casi- 
linum. For it was established that some, unable to 
endure hunger, had thrown themselves from the wall, 
and that men stood unarmed on the Avails exposing 
unprotected bodies to wounds from missile weapons. 
Gracchus, though indignant at this, did not dare to 
engage the enemy without the dictator's order, and 
saw that, if he should try openly to carry in grain, 
he must fight. As there was also no hope of carrying- 
it in secretly, he filled many huge jars Avith spelt 
brought from the farms all around, and sent word to 
the magistrate at Casilinum that they should catch up 
the jars which the river was bringing down. In the 
following night, while all were intent upon the river 
and the hope aroused by the Roman messenger, 
the jars set adrift in midstream floated down, and the 
grain was evenly divided among them all. This was 
done the next day also and the third day. It was 
night when they were set adrift and when they 
arrived. In that way they escaped the notice of the 
enemy's guards. After that the stream, now- 
swifter than usual because of incessant rains, forced 


vol.. VT. F 


vertice dolia impulit ad ripam quam hostes servabant. 
Ibi haerentia inter obnata ripis salicta conspiciuntur, 
nuntiatumque Hannibali est, et deinde intentiore 
custodia cautum ne quid falleret Volturno ad urbem 

12 missum. Nuces tanien fusae ab Ronianis castris, 
cum medio amni ad Casilinum defluerent, cratibus 

13 Postremo ad id ventum inopiae est ut lora detrac- 
tasque scutis pelles, ubi fervida mollissent aqua, 
mandere conarentur nee muribus aliove animali 
abstinerent et omne herbarum radicumque genus 

14 aggeribus infimis muri eruerent. Et cum hostes 
obarassent quidquid herbidi terreni extra murum 
erat, raporum semen iniecerunt, ut Hannibal " Eone 
usque dum ea nascuntur ad Casilinum sessurus sum ? " 

15 exclamaret ; et qui nullum antea pactionem auribus 
admiserat, tum demum agi secum est passus de 

16 redemptione liberorum capitum. Septunces auri in 
singulos pretium convenit. Fide accepta tradiderunt 
sese. Donee omne aurum persolutum est, in vinculis 

17 habiti ; tum remissi summa cum fide. Id verius est 
quam ab equite in abeuntis inmisso interfectos. 
Praenestini maxima pars fuere. Ex quingentis 
septuaginta qui in praesidio fuerunt minus ^ dimidium 
ferrum famesque absumpsit : ceteri incolumes Prae- 
neste cum praetore suo M. Anicio — scriba is antea 

^ minus P{1) : haud minus x Madvig. 

^ Hannibal had a chain across the river according to 
Frontinus Slrat. III. xiv. 2. 

" This was to impress Hannibal with their confidence that 
their supplies would hold out for months, and that they did 
not need the grass and herl;S of which he had deprived them; 
Frontinus III. xv. 3; Strabo V. iv. 10. 


BOOK XXIII. MX. 11-17 

the jai's by a cross current to the bank guarded by b c. 216 
the enemy. There, caught among the willows 
growing on the banks, they were seen and it was 
reported to Hannibal. And thereafter by a closer 
watch they saw to it that nothing sent down the 
Volturnus to the city should escape notice.^ How- 
ever nuts which were poured out from the Roman 
camp, as they floated down the middle of the river 
to Casilinum, were caught by crates. 

Finally they i-eached such a pitch of distress that 
they tried, after softening them by hot water, to 
chew thongs and the hides stripped off of shields ; 
and they did not abstain from rats and other animals, 
and dug out every kind of plant and root from the 
bank beneath the wall. And when the enemy had 
ploughed up all the grassy ground outside the wall, 
the garrison sowed turnips,^ so that Hannibal ex- 
claimed " Am I to sit before Casilinum until those 
seeds come up ? " And the man who had never 
before listened to any terms now at last allowed them 
to treat with him in regai'd to ransoming the free 
men. Seven-twelfths of a pound of gold was agreed 
upon as the price per man.^ On receiving his promise 
they sui-rendered. They were kept in chains until 
all the gold was paid, then with strict regard for 
his promise they were released. Thfe is the more 
correct version than that they were slain by a charge 
of cavalry as they departed. The majority were 
Praenestines. Of the five hundred and seventy 
who were in the garrison sword and starvation earned 
off less than half. The rest returned safe to Praeneste 
with their commander Marcus Anicius, who had 

' Nearly four times the ransom demanded for an ally (200 
denarii) after the battle of Cannae; XXII. lii. 2. 



18 fucrat — redierunt. Statua eius indicio fuit Praeneste 
in foro statuta, loricata, amieta toga, velato capite, 
cum tilulo lamnae acneae inscripto, M. Aniciuni pro 
niilitibus qui Casilini in praesidio fuerint votum 
solvisse. Idem titulus tribus signis in aede Fortunae 
positis fuit suhicctus. XX. Casilinum nppidum red- 
ditum C'anipaiiis est, firmatum septingentorum 
militum de exercitu Hannibalis praesidio, ne, ubi 
Poenus inde abscessisset, Romani opjnignarent. 

2 Praenestinis militibus senatus Komanus duplex 
stipendium et quinquennii militiae vacationem de- 
crevit ; civitate cum donarentur ob virlutem, non 

3 niutaverunt. Perusinorum casus obscTu-ior fama est, 
quia nee ipsorum monumento ullo est inlustratus nee 
decreto Romanorum. 

4 Eodem tempore Petelinos, qui uni ex Bruttiis 
manserant in amicitia Romana, non Carthaginienses 
modo qui regionem obtinebant, sed Bruttii quoque 
ceteri ob separata ab se consilia oppugnabant. 

5 Quibus cum obsistere malis nequirent Petelini, legatos 
Romam ad praesidium petendum miserunt. Quorum 
preces lacrimaeque — in questus enim flebiles, cum 
sibimet ipsi consulere iussi sunt, sese in vestibulo 
curiae profuderunt — ingentem misericordiam patri- 

G bus ac populo moverunt ; consultique iterum a 
M. Aemilio }#aetore patres circiunspectis omnibus 

1 I.e. they did not accept. 

2 Petelia, not far north of Croton, was an exception to 
the statement that all the Bruttians had gone over to the 
Carthaginians; XXII. Ixi. 12. 

3 Probably elected in place of Postumius, who fell in Gaul 
(xxiv. 11). 



formerly been a clerk. As evidence there formerly b.c. 216 
stood in the forum of Praeneste a statue of the man, 
wearing a cuirass and draped in a toga, with his 
head covered. It had an inscription on a bronze 
plate, stating that Marcus Anicius had paid his vow 
on behalf of the soldiers Avho were in the garrison 
at Casilinum. The same inscription was placed 
beneath three images of gods set up in tlie Temple of 
Fortune. XX. The town of Casilinum was restored 
to the Campanians and defended by a garrison of 
seven hundred men from the army of Hannibal, 
that the Romans might not attack it when the Cartha- 
ffinian should withdraw. To the Praenestine soldiers 
the Roman senate voted double pay and exemption 
from service for five years. Though rewarded for 
their courage with the gift of Roman citizenship, 
they made no change.^ As to the fate of the Perus- 
ians the report is less clear, since no light has been 
thrown upon it either by any record of their own or 
by a decree of the Romans. 

At the same time the Petelini,^ who alone among 
the Bruttians had remained in the friendship of 
Rome, were being attacked not only by the Cartha- 
ginians, who were holding the region, but also by 
the rest of the Bruttians for not making common 
cause mth them. Unable to withstand these 
dangers, the Petelini sent legates to Rome to ask 
for a garrison. The prayers of the legates and their 
tears — for when ordered to shift for themselves they 
gave way to tearful complaints before the entrance 
of the Senate House — stirred great compassion among 
senators and people. And when consulted a second 
time by Marcus Aemilius, a praetor,^ the senators, 
after sm-veying all the resources of the empire, were 



imperii viribus fateri coacti nihil iam longinquis 
sociis in se praesidii esse, redire domum fideque ad 
ultimiim expleta consulcre sibimet ipsos in reliquum 

7 pro ^ praescnti fortuna iusserunt. Haec postquam 
renuntiata legatio Petelinis est, tantus repente 
maeror pavorque senatum eorum cepit ut pars pro- 
fugiendi qua quisque posset ac deserendae urbis 

8 auctores essent, pars, qiiando descrti a veteribus 
sociis essent, adiungendi se ceteris Bruttiis ac per eos 

9 dedendi Hannibali. Vicit tamen ea pars quae nihil 
raptim nee temere agendum consulendumque de 

10 integro censuit. Relata postero die per minorem 
trepidationem re tenuerunt optimates ut convectis 
omnibus ex agris urbem ac muros firmarent. 

XXI. Per idem fere tempus litterae ex Sicilia 

2 Sardiniaque Romam allatae. Priores ex Sicilia T. 
Otacilii propraetoris in senatu recitatae sunt ; 
P. Furium praetorem cum classe ex Africa Lily- 
baeum venisse ; ipsum graviter saucium in discrimine 
ultimo vitae esse ; militi ac navalibus sociis neque 
stipendium neque frumentum ad diem dari neque 

3 unde detur esse ; magnopere suadere ut quam 
primum ea mittantur, sibique, si ita videatur, ex 

4 novis praetoribus successorem mittant. Eademque 
fei'me de stipendio frumentoque ab A. Cornelio Mam- 
mula propraetore ex Sardinia scripta. Responsum 

1 pro Madvig : in z : om. r{\). 

1 The siege lasted eleven months, and at the last they were 
subsisting on hides, bark, twigs, etc. ; xxx. 1 ff. ; Polybius 
VII. i. 3. 

BOOK XXIII. .\.\. 6-.XXI. 4 

compelled to admit that they themselves no longer ^■^- ^^'^ 
had any means to protect distant allies. They 
ordered them to return home, and having fulfilled 
their obligation to the last, to shift for themselves 
for the future as best the situation permitted. When 
this outcome of the embassy was reported at Petelia, 
such dejection and fear unexpectedly seized their 
senate that some proposed to flee, each taking any 
possible road, and to abandon the city, while others, 
since they had been deserted by their old allies, pro- 
posed to join the rest of the Bruttians and through 
them to surrender to Hannibal. But those who 
thought nothing should be done hastily or rashly, 
and that they should deliberate again, prevailed. 
When the matter was brought up in less excitement 
the following day, the optimates carried their point, 
that they should bring in everything from the farms 
and strengthen the city and the walls. ^ 

XXI. About the same time letters from Sicily and 
Sardinia were brought to Rome. First to be read 
in the senate were those from Sicily and Titus 
Otacilius, the propraetor, reporting that Publius 
Furius, the praetor, had come with his fleet from 
Africa to Lilybaeimi ; that Furius himself had been 
seriously wounded and his life was in the utmost 
danger; that neither pay nor grain was being 
furnished to the soldiers and the crews at the proper 
date, and they had no means of doing so ; that he 
strongly urged that both be sent as soon as possible, 
and that they send a successor chosen, if they saw 
fit, from the number of the new praetors. Much 
the same facts in regard to pay and grain were re- 
ported from Sardinia by Aulus Cornelius Mammula, 
the propraetor. To each the reply was that there 



utrique non esse unde mitteretur, iussique ipsi 

5 classibus atque cxei'citibus suis consulere. T. Ota- 
ciliiis ad unicum subsidium populi Romani, Hieronem, 
legates cum misisset, in stipendium quanti argenti 

6 opus fuit et sex mensum frumentum accepit ; Cornelio 
in Sardinia civitates sociae benigne contulerunt. Et 
Romae quoque propter penuriam argenti triumviri 
mensarii rogatione M. Minuci tribuni plebis facti, 
L. Aemilius Papus, qui consul censorque fuerat, et 
M. Atilius Regulus, qui bis consul fuerat, et L. 

7 Scribonius Libo, qui tum tribunus plebis erat. Et 
duumviri creati M. et C. Atilii aedem Concordiae, 
quam L. Manlius praetor voverat, dedicaverunt ; et 
tres pontifices ci*eati, Q. Caecilius Metellus et Q. 
Fabius Maximus et Q. Fulvius Flaccus, in locum P. 
Scantini demortui et L. Aemili Pauli consulis et 
Q. Aeli Paeti, qui ceciderant pugna Cannensi. 

XXII. Cum cetera quae continuis cladibus fortuna 
minuerat, quantum consiliis humanis adsequi po- 

2 terant. patres explessent, tandem se quoque et 
solitudinem curiae paucitatemque convenientium ad 

3 publicum consilium respexerunt. Neque enim post 
L. Aemilium et C. Flaminium censores senatus lectus 
fuerat, cum tantum senatormii adversae pugnae, ad 

1 Hiero II had ruled SjTacuse 270-215 B.C. ; a faithful ally 
of the Romans from 263 to his death. For his sympathy and 
aid, including the gift of a golden Victory, after the battle of 
the Trasumennus, cf. XXII. xxxvii. 

2 In the citadel, begun in 217 B.C.; XXII. xxxiii. 7 f. 

BOOK XXIII. xxi. 4-x.\ii. 3 

was nothing on hand to send, and they were ordered u.o. 216 
to provide for their own fleets and armies. Titus 
Otacilius sent legates to Hiero, the mainstay of tlie 
Roman people/ and received what money was needed 
for pay, and grain for six months. In Sardinia the 
allied states made generous contributions to Cornehus. 
And at Rome besides, on account of the lack of 
money, three bank-commissioners were named in 
accordance with a bill of Marcus Minucius, a tribune 
of the plebs, namely, Lucius Aemilius Papus, who 
had been consul and censor, and Marcus Atilius 
Regulus, who had been consul twice, and Lucius 
Scribonius Libo, who was at that time a tribune of 
the plebs. And Mai-cus Atilius and Gains Atilius, 
elected duumvirs, dedicated a temple of Concord,^ 
which Lucius Manlius had vowed in his praetorship. 
And three pontiffs, Quintus Caecihus Metellus and 
Quintus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Fulvius 
Flaccus,were elected^ in place of Publius Scantinius, 
deceased, and of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, the consul, 
and Quintus Aehus Paetus, both of whom had fallen 
in the battle of Cannae. 

XXII. After making good, in so far as they could 
accomplish it by human wisdom, the other losses 
fortune had caused by a series of disasters, the 
fathers at last had regard for themselves as well and 
for the desolate Senate House and the small number 
that came to the council of state. For since the 
censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gains Flaminius 
the list of the senate had not been revised, although 
the defeats and in addition the fate of individuals 

* I.e. by the college of pontiffs. Fabius is the Delayer, 
dictator in 217 B.C. Fulvius was consul twice before this war, 
and twice again during the war, 212 and 209. 



hoc sui quemque casus per quinquennium absump- 
4 sissent. Cum de ea i*e M. Aemilius praetor, dictatore 
post Casilinum amissum profecto iam ^ ad exercitum, 
exposcentihus cunctis rettulisset, turn Sp. Carvilius, 
cum longa oratione non patrum ^ solum inopiam sed 
paucitatem etiam civium ex quibus in patres legeren- 
6 tur conquestus esset, explendi senatus causa et 
iungendi artius Latini nominis cum populo Romano 
mag-nopere se suadci'C dixit ut ex singulis populis 
Latinorum binis senatoribus, quibus ^ patres Romani 
censuissent, civitas daretur atque inde in * demor- 

6 tuorum locum in senatum legerentur. Eam sen- 
tentiam haud aequioribus animis quam ipsorum quon- 

7 dam postulatum Latinorum patres audierunt ; et 
cum fremitus indignantium tota curia esset, et prae- 
cipue T. Manlius esse etiam nunc eius stirpis virum 
diceret ex qua quondam in Capitolio consul minatus 
esset quem Latinum in curia vidisset eum sua manu 

8 se interfecturum, Q. Fabius Maximus numquam rei 
ullius alieniore tempore mentionem factam in senatu 
dicit quam inter tam suspensos sociorum animos 
incertamque fidem id iactum quod insupcr sollici- 

9 taret eos. Eam unius hominis temerariam vocem 
silentio omnium exstinguendam esse et, si quid 
umquam arcani sanctive ad silendum in cui-ia fuerit, 

^ iam A!' Valla : tam P(l) : tandem Liichs : orn. xC'^. 
^ patrum H. J. Mailer (this order) : senatus x : senatorum 
Weissenborn : eam Harant : orn. P(\). 
' quibus J. H. Yoss : quos A« : si x : of)n. P{\). 
* inde in x Frigell : in P(l) : ei in Madvig. 

^ Cf. above, vi. 8 and note. 

BOOK XXIII. x.xii. 3-9 

had in the five years carried off so large a number b.c. 216 
of senators. Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, raised 
that question, as all demanded that he should, 
since the dictator had already gone to the army after 
the loss of Casilinum. Thereupon Spurius Carvilius, 
after complaining in a long speech, not of the lack of 
senators only, but also of the small number of citizens 
from whom men might be chosen into the senate, 
said that for the sake of recruiting the senate and of 
linking the Latins more closely with the Roman 
people, he strongly urged that citizenship be bestowed 
upon two senators from each of the Latin states, to be 
selected by the Roman fathers ; and that from this 
number men be chosen into the senate in place of 
the deceased members. The fathers gave no more 
favourable hearing to this proposal than they had 
given to a former demand of the Latins themselves.^ 
There was a murmur of indiijnation everywhere in 
the hall, and in particular Titus Manlius said that there 
still lived a man of the family to which belonged the 
consul who on the Capitol had once threatened that 
he would slay with his own hand any Latin he should 
see in the Senate House. ^ Upon that Quintus Fabius 
Maximus said that never had anything been men- 
tioned in the senate at a more unfavourable moment 
than this had been broached, in the midst of such 
unsettled feehng and wavering loyalty among the 
allies, only to stir them up the more ; that that rash 
utterance of a single man should be drowned by 
silence on the part of them all ; and that, if there 
was ever any hallowed secret to be left unmentioned 

2 The threat was recorded in VIII. v. 7. The present 
Manlius had opposed ransoming the captives at Cannae; 
XXII. Ix. 5 S. 



id omnium maxime tegendimi, occulendum, oblivis- 
cendum, pro non dicto ^ habendum esse. Ita eius 
rei opprcssa nientio est. 

10 Dictatoreni, qui censor ante fuisset vetustissi- 
musque ex iis qui viverent censoriis esset, creari 
placuit qui senatum lctj;eret, accirique C. Terentium 

11 consulem ad dictatoreni dicendum iusserunt. Qui ex 
Apulia relicto ibi praesidio cum magnis itineribus 
Romam redisset, nocte proxiraa, ut mos erat, M. 
Fabium Biiteonem ex senatus consulto sine magistro 
equitum dictatoreni in sex menses dixit. XXII I. Is 
ubi cum lictoribus in rostra escendit, neque duos 
dictatores tempore uno, quod numquam antea factum 

2 esset, probare se dixit, neque dictatorem sine magis- 
tro equitum, nee censoriam vim uiii permissam et 
eidem iterum, nee dictatori, nisi rei gerendae causa 

3 creato, in sex menses datum imperium. Quae in- 
moderata forsan ^ tempus ac necessitas fecerit, iis 

^ se modum impositurum : nam neque senatu quem- 
quam moturum ex iis quos C. Flaminius L. Aemilius 

4 censores in senatum legissent ; transcribi taiitum 
recitarique eos iussurum, ne penes uiium hominem 
indicium arbitriumque de fama ac moribus senatoris 
fuerit ; et ita in demortuorum locum sublecturuni ut 
ordo ordini, non homo homini praelatus videretur. 

5 Recitato vetere senatu, iiide primos in demortuorum 
locum legit qui post L. Aemilium C. Flaminium cen- 

1 non dicto JiPA : dicto P(ll) : indicto Alschefski. 

2 {orsun 31 ad vig : fors P(l). 

1 I.e. Varro, defeated at Cannae. 

* Minucius, master of the horse, liad finally been given by 
the people equal authority with Fabius, but that did not make 
him legally a dictator ; XXII. xxvi. 7 ; xxvii. 3. 



BOOK XXIII. XXII. 9-xxiii. 5 

in the senate, this above all others must be covered, b.c. 216 
concealed, forgotten, considered unsaid. So mention 
of the matter was suppressed. 

It was decided that as dictator, to draw up the list 
of the senate, a man should be appointed who had 
previously been censor and was senior to all the other 
Uving ex-censors. And they ordered that Gains 
Terentius,^ the consul, be summoned that he might 
name a dictator. He returned to Rome by long stages 
from Apulia, leaving a garrison there ; and that night, 
as was the custom, in accordance with the decree of 
the senate he named Marcus Fabius Buteo dictator 
for six months without master of the horse. XXIII. 
-Fabius mounted the Rostra Avith his lictnrs and said 
that he did not approve of two dictators at the same 
time, an unprecedented thing,^ nor of a dictator 
without master of the horse, nor of conferring a 
censor's power upon one man, and in fact to the same 
man a second time, nor of giving the full military 
authority for six months to a dictator not appointed 
for the conduct of affairs. He said that he would set 
a limit to such possible irregularities as the crisis 
and necessity had occasioned. For he would not 
eject from the senate any of those whom Gains 
Flaminius and Lucius AeiniUus as censors had chosen 
into the senate, but would order their names mei'ely 
to be copied and read out, that judgment and decision 
in regard to the reputation and character of a senator 
might not rest with one man. And in place of the 
deceased he would make his choice in such a way 
that rank' should obviously have been preferred to 
rank, not man to man. After reading the list of the 
old senate, he chose in place of the deceased first 
those who since the censorship of Lucius Aemilius 



sores curulem magistratum cepissent nectlum in 
senatum lecti essent, ut quisque eorum primus creatus 

6 erat ; turn legit, qui aediles, tribuni plebis, quaes- 
toresve fuerant ; turn ex iis qui magistratus non ^ 
cepissent, qui spolia ex hoste fixa domi haberent aut 

7 civicam coronam accepissent. Ita centum septua- 
ginta septem cum ingenti adprobatione hominum in 
senatuin lectis, extemplo se magistratu abdicavit 
pi-ivatusque de rostris descendit lictoribus abire 

8 iussis, turbaeque se inmiscuit privatas agentium res, 
tempus hoc sedulo tcrens, ne deducendi sui causa 
populum de foi-o abduceret. Neque tamen elanguit 
cura hominum ea mora, frequentesque eum domum 

9 deduxerunt. Consul nocte insequenti ad exer- 
citum redit non facto certiore senatu, ne comitiorum 
causa in urbe retineretur. 

XXIV. Postero die consultus a M. Pomponio prae- 
tore senatus decrevit dictatori scribendum uti, si e re 
publica censeret esse, ad consules subrogandos veniret 

2 cum magistro equitum et praetore M. Marcello, ut ex 
iis praesentibus noscere patres possent quo statu res 
publica esset, consiliaque ex rebus caperent. Qui 
acciti erant, omnes venerunt relictis legatis qui 

3 legionibus praeessent. Dictator de se pauca ac 

1 non Sigonius: om. P(l) : non (magistratus) Conway: 
minorcs (magistratus) Strolh. 

1 In 220 B.C. ; Periocha 20. 

^ Pending the revision of the list by the censors, once in 
five years in the normal course of things. 


BOOK XXIII. XXIII. 5-xxiv. 3 

and Gaius Flaniinius ^ had held a curule office and had b.o. 216 
not yet been chosen into the senate, ^ in each case in 
the order of his election. Then he chose those who 
had been aediles,^ tribunes of the people or quaestors ; 
then, from the number of those who had not held 
offices, the men who had spoils of the enemy affixed 
to their houses or had received the civic wreath.^ 
Having thus chosen a hundred and seventy-seven 
into the senate with great approval, he at once 
abdicated his office and came down from the Rostra 
a priviite citizen, after ordering his lictors to leave 
him. And he mingled with the crowd of those en- 
gaged in private business, dehberately killing time, 
in order not to draw the people away from the forum 
for the purpose of escorting him. Yet men's atten- 
tion was not relaxed by that delay, and so in large 
numbers they escorted him home. The consul 
returned that night to the army without informing 
the senate, for fear of being detained in the city to 
conduct the elections. 

XXIV\ On the next day the senate, presided 
over by Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, decreed 
that the dictator should be informed by letter that, 
if he thought it to the public interest, he should 
come with the master of the horse and the praetor, 
Marcus Marcellus, for the election of consuls, in order 
that from them in person the fathers could learn 
what was the condition of the state and make their 
plans in accordance with the facts. All of those 
summoned came, leaving their lieutenants to com- 
mand the legions. The dictator spoke briefly and 

* I .e. plebeian aediles. 

*■ Ttie reward of a soldier who had saved the life of a fellow- 



modice locutus in magistrum equitum Ti. Semproni- 
uni Gracchum magnam partem gloriae vertit, comiti- 
aque edixit, quibus L. Postiimius tertium absens, qui 
turn Galliam provinciam obtinebat, etTi. Sempronius 
GracQhus, qui turn magister equitum et aedilis curulis 

4 crat, consules creantur. Praetores inde creati M. 
Valerius Laevinus iterum, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, 

r> Q. Fulvius Flaccus, Q. Mucius Scaevola. Dictator 
creatis magistratibus Teanum in hiberna ad exerci- 
tum redit relieto magistro equitum Romae, qui, cum 
post paucos dies magistratum initurus esset, de 
exercitibus scribendis conparandisque in anmmi 
patres consuleret. 

6 Cum eae res maxime agerentur, nova clades nun- 
tiata, aliam super aliam cumulante in eum annum 
fortuna, L. Postimiium consulem designatum in 

7 Gallia ipsum atque exercitum deletos. Silva erat 
vasta — Litanam Galli vocabant — qua exercitum tra- 
ducturus erat. Eius silvae dextra laevaque circa 
viam Galli arbores ita inciderunt ut inmotae starent, 

8 momento levi inpulsae occiderent. Legiones duas 
Romanas habebat Postumius, sociumque ab supero 
mari tantum conscripserat ut viginti quinque milia 

9 armatorum in agros hostium induxerit. Galli cram 
extremae silvae cum circumsedissent, ubi intravit 

1 What were the special achievements of M. Junius Pera 
we are not told. Probably " glory " is only conventional for 
" credit." The consul is absent with the army. 

'^ The northernmost town in Campania was Teanum 
Sidicijium, an important road centre in a strong position. 



modestly of himself, and then diverted a large share d.o. 216 
of the glory ^ to the master of the horse, Tiberius 
Sempronius Gracchus ; and he ordered the elections 
at which these consuls were named : Lucius Postu- 
mius for the third time, then absent with Gaul as his 
sphere of action, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, 
who was at that time master of the horse and curule 
aedile. Then the following men were elected as 
praetors : Marcus Valerius Laevinus for the second 
time, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Quintus Fulvius 
Flaccus, Quintus Mucins Scaevola. The dictator, 
after the election of magistrates, returned to the 
army and the winter quai-ters at Teanum,^ leaving 
the master of the horse at Rome, in order that he, 
inasmuch as he was to enter upon office a few days 
later, might advise with the fathers in regard to 
enrolling and providing armies for the year. 

Just as these measures were being taken, a fresh 
disaster was reported — for fortune was piling one 
upon another for that year — namely, that the consul 
designate, Lucius Postimiius, had perished, himself 
and his army, in Gaul. There was a huge forest,^ 
called Litana by the Gauls, by way of which he was 
about to lead his army. In that forest the Gauls 
hacked the trees to right and left of the road in such 
a way that, if not disturbed, they stood, but fell if 
pushed slightly. Postumius had two Roman legions, 
and had enlisted from the coast of the Upper Sea * 
such numbers of allies that he led tMenty-five thou- 
sand armed men into the enemy's territory. The 
Gauls had surrounded the very edge of the forest, 

* Near Mutina (Modena), and northwest of Bononia 

* Cf. xxxviii. 1 ; contrast i. 5. 



A.u.c. agmcn saltum, turn extremas arborum succisarum 

** impellunt. Quae alia in aliam, instabilem per se ac 

male haerentem. incidentes ancipiti strage arma, 

viros, equos obruerunt, ut vix decern homines efFu- 

10 gerent. Nam cum exanimati plerique essent ar- 
borum truncis fragmentisque ramoriun, ceteram 
multitudineni inopinato malo trepidam Galli saltum 
omnem armati circumsedentes interfecerunt, paucis 
e tanto numero captis, qui pontem fluminis petentes, 

11 obsesso ante ab hostibus ponte, interclusi sunt. Ibi 
Postumius ornni vi ne caperetur dimicans occubuit. 
Spolia corporis caputque praecisum ducis Boii 
ovantes templo quod sanctissimum est apud eos 

12 intulere. Purgato inde capite, ut mos iis est, calvam 
auro caelavere, idque sacrum vas iis erat quo sol- 
lemnibus libarent poculumque idem sacerdotibus ^ 

13 esset ac templi antistitibus. Praeda quoque baud 
minor Gallis quam victoria fuit ; nam etsi magna 
pars animalium strage silvae oppressa erat, tamen 
ceterae res, quia nihil dissipatum fuga est, stratae 
per omnem iacentis agminis ordinem inventae sunt. 

XXV. Hac niuitiata clade cum per dies multos 
in tanto pavore fuisset civitas ut tabernis clausis velut 

^ sacerdotibus Ahchefski : sacerdotis P(l) : sacerdoti 
X Sigo7iius. 

1 The particular spot chosen for the trap. Although 
saltu.s often = silva, the hacking of trees must have been 
confined to some stretch of the road offering special advan- 
tages to the enem}% and near the point where the road emerged 
into open country. Of. xxxiii. 8. 

^ Here also it is difficult to believe that saltus is used as an- 
other word for " forest," since the whole silva vasia (§ 7) could 
hardly be surrounded by the Gauls. Cf. Frontinus I. vi. 4. 



and when the column entered a defile ^ they pushed b.o. 216 
against the outermost of the trees that had been 
hacked near the ground. As these fell, each upon 
the next tree, which was in itself unsteady and had 
only a slight hold, piling up from both sides they 
overwhelmed arms, men and horses, so that hardly 
ten men escaped. For after very many had been 
killed by tree-trunks and broken branches, and the 
rest of the troops were alarmed by the unforeseen 
calamity, the Gauls under arms, surrounding the 
whole defile ^ slew them, while but few out of so 
many were captured, — the men who were making 
their way to a bridge over a river, but were cut oif, 
since the bridge had by that time been occupied by 
the enemy. There Postumius fell fighting with all 
his might to avoid capture. Spoils taken from his 
body and the severed head of the general were carried 
in triumph by the Boians to the temple which is 
most revered in their land. Then after cleaning 
the head they adorned the skull Avith gold according 
to their custom. And it served them as a sacred 
vessel from which to pour libations at festivals and at 
the same time as a drinking cup for the priests and 
keepers of the temple. The booty also meant no 
less to the Gauls than the victory. For although a 
large part of the cattle had been crushed by fallen 
trees, still everything else was found strewn the whole 
length of the column of the slain, since nothing was 
scattered by flight. 

XXV. When this disaster was reported, the 
city was for many days in such alarm that, in 
view of the stillness, like that of night, produced 

Even in 43 B.C. there were still remnants of forest along the 
Aemilian Waj- ; ib. II. v. 39. 



A.u.c. nocturna solitudine per urbem acta senatus acdilibiis 

2 negotium dai-et ut urbem circumirent aperirique 
tabernas et maestitiae publicae specioni urbi denii 
iubercnt, turn Ti. Senipronius senatuni habuit 

3 consolatusque patres est, et adhortatus ne qui 
Cannensi ruinae non succubuissent ad minores calami- 

4 tates animos summitterent. Quod ad Carthagi- 
nienses hostes Hannibalcmque attineret, prospera 
niodo essent, sicut speraret, futura, Gallioum bellum 
et omitti tuto et differri posse, ultionemque earn 
fraudis in deorum ac populi llomani potestate fore. 
De hoste Poeno exereitibusque, per quos id bellum 

5 gereretur. consultandum atque agitandum. Ipse 
primum quid peditum equitumque, quid civium, quid 
sociorum in exercitu esset dictatoris, disseruit ; tum 
Marcellus suarum copiarum summam exposuit. 

6 Quid in Apulia cum C. Terentio consule esset a 
peritis quaesitum est ; nee unde ^ consulares exercitus 
satis firmi ad tantum bellum efficerentur inibatur 
ratio. Itaque Galliam, quamquam stimulabat iusta 
ira, omitti eo anno placuit. Exercitus dictatoris con- 

7 suli decretus est. De exercitu M. Marcelli, qui 
eorum ex fuga Cannensi essent, in Sicilian! cos 
traduci atque ibi militare donee in Italia bellum esset 

8 placuit ; eodem ex dictatoris legionibus reici militem 
minimi qucmque roboris, nullo praestituto militiae 
tempore nisi quod stipendiorum legitimorum esset. 

^ nee unde Gronovius : necundo P : ne secundo P^R'(14) : 
nee secundo C : nee unde duo Madvig. 

^ This he did as niagister equitum. His consulship would 
begin at the Ides of March ; xxx. 17. 



throughout the city by the closing of the shops, the b.c. 216 
senate charged the aediles with the duty of going 
about the city and ordering that shops be opened 
and the appearance of pubUc mourning removed 
from the city. And then Tiberius Sempronius held 
a session of the senate ; ^ and he comfoi-ted the fathers, 
and urged that men who had not given way to the 
catastrophe at Cannae should not lose heart in the 
face of lesser disasters. So far as concerned the 
Carthaginian enemy and Hannibal, he said that, if 
only coming events should prove favourable, as he 
hoped, a Gallic war could be both safely neglected 
and postponed, and punishment for that treacheiy 
would be in the power of the gods and of the Roman 
people. It was in regard to the Carthaginian enemy 
and the armies with which to carry on that war that 
they must deliberate and debate. He himself first 
stated what number of infantry and cavalry, of 
citizens and allies, were in the dictator's army. Then 
Marcellus set forth the total of his forces. What 
troops were in Apulia with the consul Gains Terentius 
was a question asked of those who knew ; and no 
method of making up consular armies strong enough 
for so great a war was found. And so, although 
righteous indignation goaded them, it was decided 
that Gaul should be left out of account that year. 
The dictator's army was assigned to the consul. As 
for the army of Marcus Marcellus, it was voted that 
those of them who were survivors of the rout at Cannae 
should be transported to Sicily and serve there so 
long as there should be war in Italy ; also that from 
the dictator's legions all the least efficient soldiers 
should be sent away to the same province, with no 
definite term of service except that of the campaigns 



A.u.c. 9 Duae legiones urbanae alteri consuli, qui in locum L. 
° Postumi suffectus esset, decretae sunt, eunique, cum 

primum salvis auspiciis posset, creari placuit ; 
10 legiones px*aeterea duas primo quoque tempore ex 
Sicilia acciri, atque inde consulem, cui legiones 
urbanae evenissent, militum sumere quantum opus 
esset ; C. Terentio consuli propagari ^ in annum 
imperium, neque de eo exercitu quem ad praesidimn 
Apuliae haberet quicquam minui. 

XX\"I. Dum haec in Italia geruntur apparanturque, 
nihilo segnius in Hispania bellimi erat, sed ad earn 

2 diem magis prosperum Romanis. P. et Cn. Scipio- 
nibus inter se partitis copias. ut Gnaeus terra, Publius 
naAibus rem gereret, Hasdrubal Poenorum imperator, 
neutri parti virium satis fidens, procul ab hoste inter- 
vallo ac locis tutus tenebat se, quoad multum ac diu 
obtestanti quattuor milia peditum et quingenti ^ 

3 equites in supplementum missi ex Africa sunt. Tum 
refecta tandem spe castra propius hostem movit, 
classemque et ipse instrui pararique iubet ad insulas 

4 maritimamque oram tutandam. In ipso impetu mo- 
vendarum de integro rerum perculit eum praefec- 
torum navium transitio, qui post classem ad Hiberum 
per pavorem desertam graviter increpiti numquam 

^ propagari P(l) : prorogari A^Madvig. 
2 et quingenti {i.e. d) A-z : et P(4) : mille Alschefski 
(the numeral co is often omitted in P). 

^ The usual word would be prorogari. But Cicero has 
provinciae propagator, Att. VIII. ill. 3, and uses the verb in the 
sense of " prolong " in Cat. iii. 26 ; so Suetonius Aug. 23. 

- I.e. than in Italy. 

' As voted by the Carthaginian senate, xiii. 7. 

* Cf. XXII. xix. 11 f. Their desertion now consisted in 
going over to native tribes which sided with the Romans, 


BOOK XXIII. xw. 9-xxvi. 4 

fixed by law. The two city legions were assigned to b.c. 216 
the other consul, to be elected in place of Lucius 
Postumius ; and it was voted that he be elected 
as soon as possible with due regard to the auspices ; 
further, that two legions be summoned as soon as 
might be from Sicily, and that from them the consul 
to whom the city legions fell should take as many 
soldiers as he needed ; also that the command of 
Gaius Terentius, the consul, should be extended ^ 
for one year and no reduction made in the army which 
he had for the defence of Apulia. 

XXVI. During these operations and these prepara- 
tions in Italy the war in Spain was no less active, 
but up to that time more successful ^ for the Romans. 
Publius and Gnaeus Scipio had divided the forces 
between them, so that Gnaeus should carry on the 
war on land, Publius with the fleet ; and Hasdrubal, 
commander-in-chief of the Carthaginians, since he 
could not fully depend upon either arm of his forces, 
remained far from the enemy, being protected by 
distance and position, until, in answer to pleas urgent 
and long-continued, four thousand infantry and five 
hundred cavalry were sent from Africa to reinforce 
him.3 Then, with hopes at last renewed, he moved 
his camp nearer to the enemy, and he too ordered 
that a fleet should be built and equipped, in order 
to protect the islands and the sea-coast. In the very 
flush of renewed operations he met a blow in the 
desertion of the commanders of his ships, who, 
being severely reprimanded after their abandonment 
of the fleet at the Hiberus in their fright ,4 had never 

especially to the Tartesii (Turdetani), on the lower Baetis 



deinde satis fidi aut duci aut Carthaginiensium rebus 

5 fuerant. Fecerant hi transfugae motum in Tarte- 
siorum gente, desciverantcjue iis auctoribus urbes 
aliquot ; una etiam ab ipsis vi capta fuerat. 

6 In earn gentem versum ab llomanis bellum est, 
infestoque exercitu Hasdrubal ingressus agrum 
hostium pro captae ante dies paucos urbis moenibus 
Chalbum, nobilem Tartesiorum ducem, cum valido 
exercitu castris se tenentem, adgredi statuit. 

7 Pi'aemissa igitur levi armatura quae eliceret hostis ad 
certamen, equitum partem ad populandum per agros 

8 passim dimisit et ^ ut palantis exciperent. Simul et 
ad castra tumultus erat et per agros fugaque et 
caedes ; deinde undique diversis itineribus cum in 
castra se recepissent, adeo repente decessit animis 
paver ut non ad munimenta modo defendenda satis 
animorum esset sed etiam ad lacessendum proelio 

9 hostem. Erumpunt igitur agmine e castris tripu- 
diantes more suo, repentinaque eorum audacia 
terrorem hosti paulo ante ultro lacessenti incussit. 

10 Itaque et ipse Hasdrubal in collem satis arduum, 
flumine etiam obiecto tutum,^ copias subducit et 
praemissam levem armaturam equitelque palates 
eodem recipit, nee aut colli aut flumini satis fidens, 

11 castra vallo permunit. In hoc alterno pavore cei'ta- 
mina aliquot sunt contracta ; nee Numida Hispane 

1 et Heii.singer : om. P(l). 

2 tutum Ileenvagen : turn P(l), rvith tutura before flumine. 


BOOK XXIII. xxvi. 4-1 1 

since been entirely loyal either to the general or to d.c. 216 
the cause of Carthage. These deserters had made 
trouble in the tribe of the Tartesii, and at their 
instigation a number of cities had rebelled. One 
city had even been stormed by them. 

It was against this tribe that the war was now 
diverted from the Romans, and Hasdrubal, having 
entered the territory of the enemy with a hostile 
army, resolved to attack a noble in command of the 
Tartesii, Chalbus, who with a strong army was keeping 
to his camp before the walls of a city captured a 
few days before. Therefore Hasdrubal, sending the 
light-armed in advance, to draw out the enemy to 
battle, scattered part of his cavalry over the farms 
to ravage them and to capture stragglers. There 
was confusion at the camp and at the same time 
flight and slaughter in the country around. Then, 
after they had made their way from all sides back 
to the camp by different roads, fear was so suddenly 
banished from their hearts that they had sufficient 
spirit not only to defend the fortifications but also 
to attack the enemy. Accordingly they sallied out 
of the camp in a column, dancing, as is their custom ; 
and their sudden boldness inspired alarm in the enemy, 
who a little before had been the aggressor. And so 
Hasdrubal likewise led his forces up a very steep hill, 
further defended by a river in front. Also he got 
back the light-armed who had been sent ahead and 
the scattered cavalry to the same position. Unable 
to put sufficient confidence in either the hill or the 
river, he strongly fortified his camp with an earth- 
work. While fear was shifting thus from one side 
to the other, a number of engagements took place, 
and the Numidian horseman was no match for the 



eques par fuit nee iaculator Maurus eaetrato, veloei- 
tate pari, robore animi viriumque aliquantum 

XXVII. Postquam neque elieere Poenum ad 
certamen obversati castris poterant neque castrorum 

2 oppugnatio facilis erat, urbem Ascuam, quo finis 
hostium ingrediens Hasdrubal frumentum commea- 
tusque alios convexerat, vi capiunt omnique circa 
agro potiuntur ; nee iam aut in agmine aut in castris 

3 ullo imperio contineri. Quam ubi neglegentiam ex 
re, ut fit, bene gesta oriri senserat Hasdrubal, cohorta- 
tus milites ut palates sine signis hostes adgrederentur, 
degressus colle pergit ire acie instructa ad castra. 

4 Quern ut adesse turnultuose nuntii refugientes ^ ex 
speculis stationibusque attulere, ad arma conclama- 

5 turn est. Ut quisque arma ceperat, sine imperio, 
sine signo, incompositi, inordinati in proelium ruunt. 
Iam primi conseruerant manus, cum alii catervatim 

6 currerent, alii nondum e castris exissent. Tamen 
prime ipsa audacia terruere hostem ; deinde rari in 
confertos inlati, cum paucitas parum tuta esset, 
respicere alii alios et undique pulsi coire in erbem, 

7 et dum corpora ^ corperibus applicant armaque 
armis iungunt, in artum conpulsi, cum vix movendis 
armis satis spatii esset, corona hostium cincti ad 

1 nuntii refugientes A'z : nuntiares fugientes PCP(ll) (with 
nuntiare M^?A). 

2 corpora x : om. P(l). 


BOOK XXIII. xxvi. 11-x.v^ii. 7 

Spaniard, noi* the Moorish dart-thi-ower for the man b.o. 216 
with the wicker shield, the Spaniard in both cases 
being an equal in speed and quite superior in spirit 
and strength. 

XXVII. After the Tartesii had repeatedly failed 
to draw the Carthaginian out to battle by fticing his 
camp, and it was also not easy to assault the camp, 
they took by storm the city of Ascua, to which 
Hasdrubal, on entering the land of the enemy, had 
brought grain and other supplies ; and they gained 
possession of all the country around. And they 
could no longer be restrained by any authority 
either on the mai'ch or in camp. Hasdrubal, per- 
ceiving that this carelessnesscame, as usually happens, 
from success, exhorted his soldiers to attack the 
enemy while dispersed and in no formation, and com- 
ing down from the hill he proceeded to their camp in 
battle order. When his approach was reported by 
messengers fleeing wildly from the watch-towers and 
guard-posts, they shouted " To arms! " Snatching 
up arms, each man for himself, without commanders, 
without orders, in no units or formations, they dashed 
into battle. Already the first men had engaged, 
while some charged in separate masses and others had 
not yet left the camp. Nevertheless they at first 
frightened the enemy by sheer audacity. Then, as 
stragglers advancing against dense ranks, finding no 
safety in small numbers, they looked to one another 
for help ; and, beaten back from every side, they 
formed a circle. And as they crowded bodies against 
bodies and touched arms to arms, they were forced 
into close quarters. Having hardly room enough to 
move their weapons, they were encircled by the 
enemy, and the slaughter continued until late in the 



8 niultum diei caeduntur ; exi^ua pars eruptione facta 
silvas ac rnoiitis petit. Parique tcrrore et castra 
sunt deserta et universa gens postero die in dedi- 
tionem venit. 

9 Nee diu in pacto ^ mansit ; nam subinde ab Cartlia- 
gine allatinn est ut Hasdrubal primo quoque tempore 
in Italian! exei'citum dueeret, quae volgata res per 
Hispaniam omnium ferme animos ad Romanes avertit. 

10 Itaque Hasdrubal extemplo litteras Carthaginem 
mittit, indicans quanto fama profcctionis suae damno 
fuisset ; si vero inde pergeret, priusquam Hiberum 

11 transiret Romanorum Hispaniam fore; nam prae- 
terquam quod nee praesidium nee ducem haberet 
quem relinqueret pro se, eos imperatores esse 
Romanos quibus vix aequis viribus resisti possit.^ 

12 Itaque si ulla Hispaniae cura esset, suecessorem sibi 
cum valido exercitu mitterent ; cui ut ^ omnia 
prospere evenirent, non tamen otiosam provinciam 

XXVni. Eae litterae quamquam primo admodum 
moverunt senatum, tamen, quia Italiae cura prior 
potiorque erat, nihil de Hasdrubale neque de copiis 

2 eius mutatum est ; Himilco cum exercitu iusto et 
aucta classe ad retinendam terra marique ac tuen- 

3 dam Hispaniam est missus. Qui ut pedestris 
navalisque copias traiecit, castris eommunitis navibus- 
que subductis et vallo circumdatis, cum equitibus 
delectis ipse, quantum maxime adcelerare poterat, 

1 pacto Stroth : pacato P(l). 

^ possit P(l) Walters : posset Forchhammer, Madvig. 

' ut Gronovius : si A^ : om. P(l). 

^ Evidently exaggerated, as in xxix. 16 and xxxii. 6. A 
prosperous city near the Hiberus is mentioned in xxviii. 10 as 
still loyal to the Carthaginians. 


BOOK XXIII. xxvii. 7-.\xviii. 3 

day. A very small part of them sallied out and made b.c. 216 
for the woods and the mountains. » In no less alai-m 
the camp was abandoned, and on the next day the 
whole tribe surrendered. 

Yet not for long did the tribe abide by the agree- 
ment. For soon eame the order from Carthage that 
Hasdrubal should at the first opportunity lead his 
army into Italy. And the spreading of this news 
throughout Spain made neai-ly all incline to the side 
of the Romans. 1 Accordingly Hasdrubal at once 
sent a letter to Carthage, showing what a loss the 
mere report of his departure had caused ; that if 
he were actually to leave the country, Spain would 
belong to the Romans before he should cross the 
IIiberu.s.2 For besides the lack of both an ai-my and 
a general to leave in his place, so able were the 
Roman generals that they could scarcely be resisted if 
the forces were evenly matched. And so, if they had 
any regard for Spain, they should send him a suc- 
cessor with a strong army. Even if all should go 
well, that man would still find it no peaceful 

XXVIII. Though this letter at first greatly 
stirred the senate, nevertheless, since concern for 
Italy was older and stronger, no change was made 
either in regard to Hasdrubal or to his forces. But 
Himilco was sent with a complete army and an 
enlarged fleet to hold and defend Spain by land and 
sea. After transporting his land and naval forces, 
Himilco fortified a camp, beached his ships and sur- 
rounded them with an earthwork. Then he himself 
with picked horsemen, making his Avay with all 
possible speed, and with equal alertness through the 

* The Ebro was the treaty boundary ; XXI. ii. 7. 



per dubios infestosquc populos iuxta intentus ad 

4 Hasdrubalem pervenit. Cum decreta senatus man- 
dataque cxposuisset atque cdoctus esset ^ ipse in 
viccm quern ad modum tractandum helium in 
Hispania foret, retro in sua castra redit ^ nulla re 
quam celeritate tutior, quod undique abierat ante- 

5 quam eonsentirent. Hasdrubal priusquam moveret 
castra pecunias imperat populis omnibus suae 
dicionis, satis gnarus Hannibalem transitus quosdam 

6 pretio naercatum nee auxilia Gallica aliter quam 
conducta habuisse ; inopem tantum iter ingressum 
vix penetraturum ad Alpis fuisse. Pecuniis igitur 
raptim exactis ad Hiberum descendit. 

7 Decreta Carthaginiensium et Hasdrubalis iter ubi 
ad Romanos sunt perlata, omnibus omissis rebus 
ambo duces iunctis copiis ire obviam coeptis atque 

8 obsistere parant, rati, si Hannibali, vix per se ipsi 
tolerando Italiae hosti, Hasdrubal dux atque His- 
paniensis exercitus esset iunctus, ilium finem Ro- 

9 mani imperii fore. His anxii curis ad Hiberum 
contrahunt copias, et transito amne cum diu con- 
sultassent utrum castra castris confex'rent an satis ^ 
haberent sociis Carthaginiensium oppugnandis mo- 

10 rai-i ah itinere proposito hostem, urbem a propinquo 
flumine Hiberam appellatam, opulentissimam ea 

11 tempestate regionis eius, oppugnare parant. Quod 
ubi sensit Hasdrubal, pro ope ferenda sociis pergit 
ire ipse ad urbem deditam nuper in fidem Romanorum 

1 edoctus cssct A^ Valla : edocuisset P^?(l) : -uisse P. 

2 redit P: rediit P3(i). 

•^ 3 an satis A« Valla : antis PR : an iis C : tantis (14). 


BOOK XXIII. xxviii. 3-1 1 

wavering and the hostile tribes, reached Hasdrubal. b.c. 216 
After setting forth the decrees and instructions of the 
senate, and being himself informed in turn how the 
war in Spain must be conducted, he went back to his 
own camp, being protected by his quickness more 
than anything else, since he had left each place 
before the enemy could agree upon action. Has- 
drubal, before breaking camp, exacted money from 
all the tribes under his rule, knowing well that 
Hannibal had repeatedly bought the right of passage, 
and that he had Gallic auxiliaries only by hiring them ; 
but that if he had set out on so long a march without 
funds, he would scarcely have made his way to the 
Alps. Therefore he exacted money in haste and came 
down to the Hiberus. 

When news of the decrees of the Carthaginians 
and Hasdrubal's expedition reached the Roman 
commanders, both dropped everything, and uniting 
their forces prepared to meet and resist his efforts, 
thinking that if Hannibal, who was himself an enemy 
Italy could scarcely endure, should be joined by 
Hasdrubal as a general and by an army frouT Spain, 
that would be the end of the Roman power. Troubled 
by these apprehensions, they concentrated their 
troops at the Hiberus, crossed the river, and after 
protracted deliberation, whether to pitch camp near 
that of the enemy or to be satisfied with keeping 
him from his projected mai'ch by attacking allies of 
the Carthaginians, they prepared to attack a city 
which had its name Hibera from the river near by, 
the richest city of the region at that time. On 
learning this Hasdrubal, instead of bringing aid to his 
allies, proceeded likewise to attack a city Avhich had 
recently surrendered to the Romans. Thus the siege 



A.u.c. 12 oppugnandam. Ita iam coepta obsidio omissa ab 
Homanis est et in ipsuni Hasdrubnlem versum belhim. 
XXIX. QuiiKiue niiliuni iiitcrvallo castra distantia 
habuere paucos dies, nee sine levibus proeliis nee ut 

2 in aciem exirent ; tandem uno eodemque die velut 
ex composito utrimque signum pugnae propositum 
est atque omnibus eopiis in canipum descensum. 

3 Triplex stetit Romana acies : velitum pars inter 
antesignanos locata, pars post signa aceepta ; equites 

4 cornua cinxere. Hasdrubal mediam aciem Hispanis 
firmat ; in cornibus, dextro Poenos locat, laevo Afros 
mercennariorumque auxilia ; equitum Numidas Poe- 
norum peditibus, ceteros Afris pro cornibus apponit. 

5 Nee omnes Numidae in dextro locati cornu, sed 
quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus 
equos inter acerrimam saepe pugnam in recentem 
equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat ; tanta 
velocitas ipsis tamque docile equorum genus est. 

6 Cum lioc modo instructi starent, imperatorum 
utriusque partis baud ferme dispares spes erant ; 
nam ne multum ^ quidem aut numero aut genere 
militum ^ hi aut illi praestabant ; militibus longe 

7 dispar animus erat. Romanis enim, quamquam 
procul a patria pugnarcnt, facile persuaserant duces 
pro Italia atque urbe Romana eos pugnare ; itaque, 
velut quibus reditus in patriam in ^ eo discrimine 
pugnae verteretur, obstinaverant animis vincere aut 

1 multum P(l) : militum Harant, Conway: minimum 

2 militum P(3) : multum D Contvay, 
* in Madvig : om. P(l). 

1 Cf. XXXV. xxviii. 8. 

BOOK XXIII. XXVIII. ii-.xxix. 7 

already begun was abandoned by the Romans and b.c. 216 
the war directed against Hasdrubal himself. 

XXIX. They had their camps five miles apart for 
a few days, not without skirmishes, but without 
drawing up lines of battle. Finally on one and the 
same day, as though by agreement, the signal for 
battle was raised on both sides and with all their 
forces they went down into the plain. The Roman 
line stood in triple ranks. Some of the light-armed 
were posted in the intervals between the maniples 
in advance of the standards, some placed behind the 
standards. Cavalry covered the Avings. Hasdrubal 
made a strong centre of Spanish troops ; on the right 
wing he placed Carthaginians, on the left Africans 
and mercenary auxiliaries. Of the cavalry he 
stationed the Numidians on the wing of the Cartha- 
ginian infantr}% the rest on that of the Africans. 
And not all of his Numidians were placed on the right 
wing, but only those who, taking two horses apiece^ 
after the manner of performers, had the custom of 
leaping armed from the tired horse to the fresh, often 
in the very heat of battle ; such was the agility of the 
men, and so well-trained their breed of horses. 
While they were standing in this array, the hopes of 
the generals on the two sides were fairly balanced ; 
for there was also not much superiority for the one 
army or the other either in the number or the type 
of its soldiei-s. But the spirit of the soldiers was 
far from being matched. For the Romans, although 
fighting far from their country, had been easily 
persuaded by their generals that they were fighting 
in defence of Italy and the city of Rome. And so, as 
men whose return to their native land would depend 
upon the issue of that battle, they had made up their 





j.u.o. 8 mori. Minus pertinaces viros habebat altera acies ; 

nam maxima pars Hispani erant, qui vinci in Hispania 

9 quam victores in Italiam trahi malebant. Primo 

igitur conoin'su, cum vix pila coniecta essent, vettulit 

pedem media acies, inferentibusquc se magno impetu 

10 Romanis vertit terg-a. Nihilo segnius in ^ cornibus 
proelium fuit. Hinc Poenus, hinc Afer urguet, et 

11 velut in circumventos proelio ancipiti pugnant ; sed 
cum in medium tota iam coisset Romana acies, satis 

12 vivium ad dimovenda hostium cornua habuit. Ita 
duo diversa proelia erant. Utroque Romani, ut qui 
pulsis iam ante mediis et numero et robore viroriun 

13 praestarent, baud dubie superant. Magna vis 
hominum ibi occisa, et nisi Hispani vixdum conserto 
proelio tam effuse fugissent, perpauci ex tota super- 

14 fuissent acie. Equestris pugna nulla admodimi fuit, 
quia, simul inclinatam mediam aciem Mauri Numi- 
daeque videre,^ extemplo fuga effusa nuda cornua 

15 elephantis quoque prae se actis deseruere. Hasdru- 
bal usque ad ultimum eventum pugnae moratus e 
media caede cum paucis effugit. Castra Romani 

16 cepere atque diripuere. Ea pugna si qua dubia in 
Hispania erant Romanis adiunxit, Hasdrubalique 
non modo in Italiam traducendi exercitus sed ne 
manendi quidem satis tuto in Hispania spes ^ reliqua 

1 in^i; ow. P(l) Frigell. 

" videre Rkmann, Luchs : vidercnt P : viderunt P*(l). 

* spes C^ Gronovius : spe P(4) : spcm J/-X>. 

1 As many as 25,000 according to Eutropius III. 11. 


minds to win or die. The other battle-line had men b.c. 2i6 
less firmly resolved. For the majority were Spaniards, 
who preferred to be vanquished in Spain, rather than 
as victors to be dragged to Italy. Therefore at the 
first clash, when they had barely hurled their javelins, 
the centre fell back, and, as the Romans advanced with 
a great charge, retreated. On the wings, however, 
there was more spirited fighting. On the one hand the 
Carthaginians pressed them hard, on the other hand 
the Africans ; and it was a double conflict against 
men presumed to have been surrounded. But, 
although the whole Roman line had by this time 
crowded into the centre, it had sufficient strength to 
force apart the wings of the enemy. Thus there 
were two battles in opposite directions. In both the 
Romans were unquestionably victorious, since, once 
the centre had been routed, they were superior both 
in the numbers and in the strength of their men. A 
great number of men ^ were slain there, and if the 
Spaniards had not fled in such confusion when the 
battle had scarcely begun, very few out of that entire 
line would have survived. The cavalry were not 
engaged at all, since, as soon as the Mauri and the 
Numidians saw the centre giving way, they at once 
abandoned the wings, exposed by their wild flight as 
they drove the elephants also before them. Has- 
drubal, after waiting for the final outcome of the 
battle, escaped with a few men out of the midst of 
the slaughter. His camp the Romans captured and 
plundered. That battle brought to the Roman side 
all that still wavered in Spain, and Hasdi'ubal had 
left to him no hope, not only of leading his army over 
into Italy, but not even of remaining with any safety 
in Spain. When these facts were generally known 

II 2 


A.u.c. 17 erat.^ Quae posteaquam litteris Scipionum Romae 
volgata sunt, non tani victoria quani prohibito 
Hasdrubalis in Italiam transitu laetabantur. 

XXX. Dum haec in Hispania geruntur, Petelia 
in Bruttiis aliquot post mensibiis quam coepta oppu- 
gnai'i erat ab Himilcone praefecto Hannibalis expu- 

2 gnata est. Multo sanguine ac volneribus ea Poenis 
victoria stetit, ncc ulla magis vis obsessos quam 

3 fames expugnavit. Absumptis enim frugum ali- 
mentis carnisque omnis generis quadrupeduni suetae 
insuetaeque,^ postremo coriis herbisque et radicibus 

4 et corticibus teneris strictisque foliis vixere, nee ante 
quam vires ad standum in muris ferendaque arma 

5 deerant expugnati sunt. Recepta Petelia Poenus 
ad Consentiam copias traducit, quam minus pertina- 
citer defensam intra paucos dies in deditionem 

6 accepit. Isdem ferme diebus et Bruttiorum exercitus 
Crotonem, Graecam urbem, circumsedit, opulentana 
quondam armis virisque, turn iam adeo multis 
magnisque cladibus adflictam ut omnis aetatis minus 

7 duo milia civium superessent. Itaque urbe a 
defensoribus vasta ^ focile potiti hostes sunt ; arx 
tantum retenta, in quam inter tumultum captae 

8 urbis e media caede quidam effugere. Et Locrenses 
descivere ad Bruttios Poenosque prodita multitudine 

9 a principibus. Regini tantummodo regionis eius et 
in fide erga Romanos et potestatis suae ad ultimum 

^ reliqua erat Gronovius : relinquerat P{\\): reliquerat 

2 insuetae Fabri : om. P(l). 
^ vasta P : vastata P^(l). 

1 Hasdrubal's invasion of Italy was carried out nine years 
later to a fatal conclusion at the Metaurus, XXVII. xlix. 4. 

2 For the long siege of Petelia cf. the note on xx. 10. 


BOOK XXIII. xxix. 16-XXX. 9 

at Rome through the letter of the Scipios, people b.o. 2I6 
rejoiced, not so much over the victory, as that 
Hasdrubal's crossing into Italy had been prevented. ^ 
XXX. While these things were going on in Spain, 
Petelia,2 in the land of the Bruttii, was taken by 
Himilco, Hannibal's prefect, some months after the 
siege began. That victory cost the Carthaginians 
much blood and many wounds, and starvation ^ 
more than any assault overpowered the besieged. 
For after they had consumed their food-supply in 
cereals and flesh, the familiar and the unfamiliar, of 
four-footed beasts of every kind, they finally lived 
on hides and grasses and roots and tender bark and 
leaves stripped off. And they were not overpowered 
until they had no strength left to stand on the walls 
and bear arms. Having taken Petelia, the Cartha- 
ginian led his troops across to Consentia, and as it 
was less obstinately defended, he received its sur- 
render within a few days. About the same time an 
army of the Bruttians also besieged Croton,* a Greek 
city formerly rich in arms and men, but even then so 
crushed by many great disasters that, including all 
ages, less than two thousand citizens remained. 
And so the enemy easily gained possession of the 
city bereft of its defenders. Only the citadel was 
still held, and to it some, in the uproar of a captured 
city, made their escape out of the midst of slaughter. 
And Locri went over to the Bruttians and Cartha- 
ginians, the populace having been betrayed by the 
leading men. Regimn alone in that region remained 
loyal to the Romans and to the very last independent. 

' Polybius also (VII. i. 3) gave such details as foUow. 
* The story of the siege and capture of Croton, on the Gulf 
of Tarentum, is told in some detail in XXIV. ii f. 



A.u.c. 10 manscrunt. In Siciliani quoque eadem inclinatio 
'^ animorum pervcnit, et ne domus quidem Hieronis 

11 tota ab defectione abstinuit. Namque Gelo, niaxi- 
mus stirpis, contempta simul senectute patris simul 
post Cannensem cladem Ilomana societate ad Poenos 

12 defecit, movissetque in Sicilia res, nisi mors adeo 
opportuna ut patreni quoque suspicione aspergeret, 
armantem cum multitudinem soUicitantemque socios 

13 absumpsisset. Haec eo anno in Italia, in Africa, in 
Sicilia, in Hispania vario eventu acta. 

Exitu anni Q. Fabius Maximus a senatu postulavit 
ut aLedem Veneris Erycinae, quam dictator vovisset, 

14 dedicare liceret. Senatus decrevit ut Ti. Sempro- 
nius consul designatus, cum primum ^ magistratum ^ 
inisset, ad populum ferret ut Q. Fabium duumvirum 

15 esse iuberent aedis dedicandae causa. Et M. 
Aemilio Lepido, qui bis ^ consul augurque fuerat, 
filii tres, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, ludos funebres 
per triduum et gladiatorum paria duo et viginti in 

16 foro dederunt. Aediles cm'ules C. Laetorius et 
Ti. Sempi-onius Gracchus, consul designatus, qui in 
aedilitate magister equitum fuerat, ludos Romanos 

17 fecerunt, qui per triduum instaurati sunt. Plebei 
ludi aedilium M. Aurelii Cottae et M. Claudii 
Marcelli ter instaurati. 

1 primum z : om. P{ 1 ) Madvig. 

^ magistratum xz : honorem C^x Madvig : ibo P : ibono 
Pi?(3) ; bono D. 

3 qui bis C'^M'^?DAy Valla : quib. (quibus) P{3). 

1 Polybius makes him a model of filial devotion {VII. viii. 
9). Coins prov^e that he was king with his father. 

^ This brief resume covers the events narrated from XXII. 
xxxviii up to this point. An eventful year. 



The same trend of feeling reached Sicily also, and b.c. 216 
even the house of Hiero did not hold aloof entirely 
from the revolt. For Gelo, the eldest son, scorning 
both the old age of his father and the Roman alliance 
since the disaster at Cannae, went over to the Car- 
thaginians. 1 And he would have caused an uprising 
in Sicily, had not death, so timely as to besmirch even 
his father with suspicion, carried him off as he was 
arming the populace and trying to gain allies. Such 
were the checkered events of that year in Italy, 
in Africa, in Sicily, in Spain. ^ 

At the end of the year Quintus Fabius Maximus 
x-equested of the senate that he be permitted to 
dedicate the Temple of Venus of Eryx ^ which he had 
vowed in his dictatorship. The senate decreed that 
Tiberius Sempronius, consul designate, as soon as he 
entered upon his office should propose to the people 
that they order that Quintus Fabius should be a 
duumvir for the purpose of dedicating the temple. 
And in honour of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had 
been consul twice and augur, his three sons, Lucius, 
Marcus, Quintus, gave funeral games for three days 
and showed twenty-two pairs of gladiators in the 
Forum.* The curule aediles, Gaius_Jjaetorius and 
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, consul designate, who 
in his aedileship had been master of the horse, cele- 
brated the Roman Games, and on three of the days 
they were repeated. The Plebeian Games of the 
aediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta and Marcus Claudius 
Marcellus, were repeated three times. 

* Where the temple was we learn presently, xxxi. 9. Her 
chief temple was on the western headland of Sicily, Mt. Eryx. 

* The earliest known example of a gladiatorial combat at 
Rome was in 264 B.C. That also was on the occasion of a 
funeral, and the gift of sons. 



Circumacto tertio anno Puiiici belli Ti. Sempro- 
nius consul idibus Martiis magistratum init. 

18 Praetores Q. Fulvius Flaccus, qui antea consul 
censorque fuerat, urbanam, M. Valerius Laevinus 
peregrinam sortem in iuris dictione habuit ; Ap. 
Claudius Pulcher Siciliam, Q. Mucius Scaevola 

19 Sardinian! sortiti sunt. M. Mai'cello pro consule 
imperium esse populus iussit, quod post Cannensem 
cladem unus Romanorum imperatorum in Italia 
prospere rem gessisset. 

XXXI. Senatus quo die primum est in Capitolio 
consultus decrevit ut eo ^ anno duplex tributum 

2 imperaretur, simplex confestim exigeretur, ex quo 
stipendium praesens omnibus militibus daretur 

3 praeterquam qui milites ad Cannas fuissent. De 
exercitibus ita decreverunt ut duabus legionibus 
urbanis Ti. Sempronius consul Cales ad conve- 
niendum diem ediceret ; inde eae legiones in castra 

4 Claudiana supra Suessulam deducerentur. Quae 
ibi legiones essent — erant autem Cannensis maxime 
exercitus — eas Appius Claudius Pulcher praetor in 
Siciliam traiceret, quaeque in Sicilia essent Romam 

5 deportarentm*. Ad exercitum cui ad conveniendum 
Cales edicta dies erat, M. Claudius Marcellus missus, 
isque iussus in castra Claudiana deducere urbanas 

6 legiones. Ad veterem exercitum accipiendum de- 
ducendumque inde in Siciliam Ti. Maecilius Croto 
legatus ab Ap. Claudio est missus. 

7 Taciti primo expectaverant homines uti consul 

^ eo (7^ : quo eo P(5) : quod eo A" : quo die eo 31. 

1 In fact twice, 237 and 224 B.C. 

* Named after Marcellus; cf. xvii. 3. 



The third year of the Punic War being at an end, b.c. 215 
Tiberius Sempronius entered upon office as consul on 
the Ides of March. Of the praetors Quintus Fulvius 
Flaccus,Avho had previously been consul ^ and censor, 
had by lot his assignment as judge between citizens, 
Marcus Valerius Laevinus had his as judge in the 
cases of strangers, while to Appius Claudius Pulcher 
Sicily was allotted, and Sardinia to Quintus Mucins 
Scaevola. That Marcus Marcellus should have full 
military authority as proconsul was ordered by the 
people, because he alone of the Roman commanders 
since the disaster at Cannae had met with success in 

XXXI. The senate on the first day on which it 
was in session on the Capitol, decreed that a double 
tax should be imposed that year and the normal tax 
collected at once ; that from it pay should be given 
in cash to all the soldiers except those who had been 
soldiers at Cannae. As for the armies, they decreed 
that Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, should set 
for the two city legions a date for mobilization at 
Cales ; that these legions should be led thence to the 
Claudian Camp ^ above Suessula ; that the legions 
already there — it was chiefly the army of Cannae — 
should be taken over into Sicily by Appius Claudius 
Pulcher, the praetor, and that those which were in 
Sicily should be brought to Rome. Marcus Claudius 
Marcellus was sent to the army for which a date of 
mobilization at Cales had been set; and he was 
ordered to conduct the city legions to the Claudian 
Camp. To take over the old army and conduct it 
thence to Sicily, Appius Claudius sent his lieutenant, 
Tiberius Maecilius Croto. 

At first men had been waiting in silence for the 



A.v.c. comitia collesae crcantlo haberct ; dcinde ubi ablc- 


gatum velut de industria M. Marcellum viderunt, 
queni niaxime consuleni in euni annum ob egregie 
in praetura res gestas creari volebant, fremitus in 

8 curia ortus. Quod ubi sensit consul, " Utrumque " 
inquit " e re publica fuit, patres conscripti, et M. 
Claudium ad pernmtandos exercitus in Campaniam 
proficisci et comitia non prius edici quam is inde 
confecto quod mandatum est negotio revertisset, ut 
vos consulem, quern tempus rei publicae postularet, 

9 quern maxime voltis, haberetis." Ita de comitiis 
donee rediit Marcellus silentium fuit. Interea 
duumviri creati sunt Q. Fabius Maximus et T. 
Otacilius Crassus aedibus dedicandis, Menti Otaci- 
lius, Fabius Veneri Erucinae ; utraque in Capitolio 

10 est, canali uno discretae. Et de trecentis equitibus 
Campanis qui in Sicilia cum fide stipendiis emeritis 
Romam venerant latum ad populum ut cives Romani 
essent ; item uti municipes Cumani essent pridie 
quam populus Campanus a populo Romano defecisset. 

11 Maxime ut hoc ferretur moverat quod quorum 
hominum essent scire se ipsi negabant, vetere patria 
relicta, in earn in quam redierant nondum adsciti. 

12 Postquam Marcellus ab exercitu rediit, comitia 
consuli uni ^ rogando in locum L. Postumii edicuntur. 

^ uni P(l) : sub- Mwlvig. 

^ Exact situation of the temples is unknown ; cf. xxxii. 20 ; 
XXII. ix. 10; X, 10. 

2 Mentioned in iv. 8 and vii. 2, 

^ The Roman citizenship which they had lost with the 
revolt of Capua was restored, whUe their municipal rights and 
privileges were transferred to loyal Cumae and made to ante- 
date the CamjDanian secession. 


BOOK XXIII. xxM. 7-12 

consul to preside over an election for the naming of b.c. 215 
his colleague. Then, when they saw that Marcus 
Marcellas^ whom they particularly desired to have 
elected consul for that year, on account of remarkable 
successes in his praetorship, had been sent away, 
apparently on purpose, murmurs began to be heard 
in the Senate House. Noting this the consul said : 
" Both acts were to the advantage of the state, 
fellow-senators, that Marcus Claudius should be sent 
to Campania to make the change of armies, and 
that the coming election should not be proclaimed 
until he, after accomplishing the task which v/as 
assigned him, should return thence, so that you might 
have the consul whom the critical situation In the 
state requires and whom you particularly desire." 
So until Marcellus returned, nothing was said about 
an election. Meanwhile Quintus Fabius Maximus 
and Titus Otacilius Crassus were made duumvirs for 
the dedication of temples, Otacihus for that of Mens, 
Fabius for that of \>nus of Eryx. Both are on the 
Capitol,^ separated by a single water-channel. And 
in regard to the three hundred Campanian knights ^ 
who, after loyally serving their terms in Sicily, had 
come to Rome, a bill was brought before the people 
that they should be Roman citizens ; fm-ther, that 
they should be townsmen of Cumae from the day 
before that on which the Campanian people had 
revolted from the Roman people. ^ What had chiefly 
prompted the making of this proposal was that they 
said they did not themselves know with whom they 
belonged, having given up their old home-city, and 
not being enrolled as yet in the city to which they had 
returned. After Marcellus returned from the army, 
an election to name one consul in place of Lucius 



13 Creatiir ingenti consensu Marccllus, qui extemplo 
magistratum occiperet. Cui ineimti consulatum cum 
tonuisset, vocati augures vitio creatum videri pro- 
nuntiaverunt ; volgoque patres ita fama ferebant, 
quod turn primum duo plcbeii consules facti assent, 

14 id deis cordi non esse. In locum Marcelli, ubi is se 
magistratu abdicavit, suffectus Q. Fabius Maximus 

15 Mare arsit eo anno; ad Sinuessam bos eculeum 
peperit ; signa Lanuvii ad lunonis Sospitae cruore 
manavere, lapidibusque circa id templum pluit. Ob 
quern imbrem novemdiale, ut adsolet, sacrum fuit, 
ceteraque prodigia cum cura expiata. 

XXXII. Consules exercitus inter sese diviserunt. 
Fabio exercitus Teani, cui M. lunius dictator prae- 

2 fuerat, evenit ; Sempronio volones qui ibi erant ^ et 
sociorimi viginti quinque milia. M. Valerio praetori 
legiones quae ex Sicilia redissent decretae ; M. Clau- 
dius pro consule ad eum exercitum qui supra Suessu- 
1am Nolae praesideret missus ; praetores in Siciliam 

3 ac Sardinian! profecti. Consules edixerunt, quotiens 
in senatum vocassent, uti senatores quibusque 
in senatu dicere sententiam liceret ad portam 

1 qui ibi erant 3Iadvig : que fierent P(l) : qui fierent 
(forent) x. 

1 A very short list of portents and expiations, compared with 
those in XX [. Ixii., XXII. i. and elsewhere. 

2 I.e. the slaves who, after the battle of Cannae, volunteered 
and were purchased by the state. By good service as soldiers 
they earned their freedom ; xxxv. 6;; XXIV. 
X. 3 ; xiv. 4 f., etc. 



Postumius was ordered by edict. With great b.c. 215 
unanimity Marcellus was elected, to assume office at 
once. Just as he was entering upon his consulship it 
thundered, and thereupon the augurs, being sum- 
moned, declared that there seemed to be a defect 
in his election. And the fathers widely circulated 
the statement that it did not meet the approval of 
the gods that two plebeians had then for the first 
time been elected consuls. In place of Marcellus, 
after he had abdicated, Quintus Fabius Maximus 
was substituted as consul for the third time. 

The sea was aflame in the course of that year. 
At Sinuessa a cow gave birth to a colt. At the 
Temple of Jimo Sospita at Lanuvium images of the 
gods dripped blood, and it rained stones around the 
temple — a shower on account of which there were 
ceremonies, as usual, for nine days. And the rest 
of the portents were duly expiated.^ 

XXXII. The consuls divided the armies between 
them. To Fabius fell the army at Teanum, formerly 
commanded by Marcus Junius, the dictator ; to 
Sempronius the slave volunteers ^ Avho were at that 
place and twenty-five thousand of the allies. To 
Marcus V^alerius, the praetor, were assigned the legions 
which had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius 
was sent as proconsul to the army which was above 
Suessula, in order to guard Nola. The praetors set 
out for Sicily and Sardinia. The consuls issued an 
edict that, whenever they might call a meeting of the 
senate, the senators and any who had the right to 
give an opinion in the senate ^ should assemble at the 

' lu the present ease the persons meant can only be the 
newly-elected magistrates, since the list has just been revised, 
and none can be waiting for a new lectio senatus. Cf. xxiii. 5. 


4 Capenam convenirent. Praetores quorum iui'is dictio 
erat tribunalia ad Piscinam publicam posuerunt ; eo 
vadimonia fieri iusserunt, ibicjue eo anno ius dictum 

5 Interim Cai-thaginem, undc Mago, frater Hanni- 
balis, duodccim niilia peditum et niille ^ quingentos 
equites, viginti elephantos, mille argenti talenta in 
Italiam transmissurus erat cum praesidio sexaginta 

6 navium longarum, nuntius adfertur in Hispania rem 
male gestam omnesque ferme eius pi'ovinciae populos 

7 ad Romanos defecisse. Erant, qui Magonem cum 
classe ea copiisque omissa Italia in Hispaniam 
averterent, cum Sardiniae recipiendae repentina 

8 spes adfulsit : parvum ibi exercitum Romanum esse ; 
veterem praetorem inde A. Cornelium provinciae 

9 peritum decedere, novum exspectari ; ad hoc fessos 
iani animos Sardorum esse diuturnitate imperii 
Romani,2 et proximo iis anno acerbe atque avare 
imperatum ; gravi tributo et conlatione iniqua 
frumenti pressos ; nihil deesse aliud quam aucto- 

10 rem ad quem deficerent. Haec clandestina legatio 
per principes missa erat, maxime earn rem moliente 
Hampsicora, qui tum auctoritate atque opibus longe 

11 primus erat. His nuntiis prope uno tempore turbati 

1 mille Av Aldus : om. P(l). 

2 Romani Luchs : v P ; om. P^(l). 

1 By this gate in the " Servian Wall " the Via Appia left the 
city, near the east end of the Circus Jlaximns. Meeting 
probably in the nearby Temple of Hones, the senate could 
confer with returning generals outside the city. 

2 This swimming-pool of uncertain location was also outside 
the gate. 



Porta Capena.^ The praetors who had judicial duties b.c. 216 
set up their tribunals at the Piscina Publica.^ That 
place should be named— so they ordered — in re- 
cognizances,^ and there justice was rendered that 

Meanwhile Carthage, from which Mago,"* Hanni- 
bal's brotlier, was on the point of transporting into 
Italy twelve thousand infantry and fifteen hundred 
cavalry, twenty elephants and a thousand talents of 
silver, with a convoy of sixty warships, received the 
news that in Spain operations had failed and nearly 
all the tribes in that province had revolted to the 
Romans. There Avere some who, neglecting Italy, 
were ready to divert Mago to Spain with that fleet 
and those forces, when there suddenly appeared a ray 
of hope of recovering Sardinia. It was reported that 
the Roman army there was small ; that the old 
praetor, Aulus Cornelius, who Mas well acquainted 
with the province, was retiring, and a new praetor 
expected; further, that the Sardinians were now- 
weary of the long continuance of Roman rule, and in 
the previous year had been ruled with harshness and 
greed ; that they were burdened by a heavy tribute 
and an unfair requisition of grain ; that nothing Avas 
lacking but a leader to whom they might go over. 
Such was the report of a secret embassy sent by the 
leading men at the special instigation of Hampsicora, 
who at that time was far above the rest in prestige 
and wealth. By such news they were almost at the 

' The defendant was bound to give assurances (in one of the 
various forms prescribed by the praetor's edict) that he would 
appear on the day and at the place named — here at the Piscina 
instead of in the Forum. 

* He had not yet gone to Spain, as was intended in xiii. 8. 



A.u.o. erectique Ma<i^onem cum classe sua copiisque in 

12 Hispaniam niittunt, in Sardinian! Hasdrubalem 
deligunt duceni ct tantum ferme copiarum quantum 
Magoni decernunt. 

13 Et llomae consules ti*ansactis rebus quae in urbe 

14 agendae erant movebant iam scse ad bellum. Ti. 
Sempronius niilitibus Sinuessam diem ad convenien- 
dum edixit, et Q. Fabius, consulto prius senatu, ut 
frumenta omnes ex agris ante kal. lunias prinias in 

15 urbes munitas conveherent; qui non invexisset cius 
se agrum populaturum, servos sub hasta venditurum, 
villas incensurum. Ne praetoribus quidem qui ad 
ius dicendum creati erant vacatio a belli administra- 

16 tione data est. \'alerium praetorem in Apuliam ire 
placuit ad exercitum a Terentio accipiendum ; cum 
ex Sicilia legiones venissent, iis potissimimi uti ad 
regionis eius pi'aesidium, Terentianum exercitum 

17 Tarentum 1 mitti cum aliquo legatorum ; et viginti 
quinque naves datae quibus oram maritimam inter 

18 Brundisium ac Tarentum tutari posset. Par navium 
numerus Q. Fulvio praetori urbano decretus ad 

19 suburbana litora tutanda. C. Terentio proconsuli 
negotium datum ut in Piceno agro conquisitionem 

20 militum haberet locisque iis praesidio esset. Et 
T. Otacilius Crassus, postquam aedem Mentis in 
Capitolio dedicavit, in Siciliam cum imperio qui 
classi praeesset missus. 

^ exercitum Tarentum Madvig : om. P{\)F. 

^ Either ripe or ripening, to be threshed in towns of such 
regions as were named in the order. 

2 In normal limes short aljsenccs only from the city were 
permissible for the urhanus and the peregrinus. 


BOOK XXIII. xxxn. 11-20 

same moment dejected and encouraged, and sent b.c. 215 
Mago with his fleet and his forces to Spain. For 
Sardinia they chose Hasdrubal as general, and 
voted him about the same number of troops as to 

And at Rome the consuls did what had to be done 
in the city, and were now bestirring themselves for 
the war. Tiberius Sempronius set his soldiers a date 
for mobilization at Sinuessa, and Quintus Fabius, 
after first consulting the senate, gave orders that all 
should bring their grain crops ^ from the farms into 
fortified cities before the next Kalends of June ; that 
if any man should fail to do so, he would lay waste 
his farm, sell his slaves at auction and burn the farm 
buildings. Not even those praetors who had been 
appointed to administer justice ^ were gi-anted 
exemption from the conduct of the war. It was 
decided that Valerius, the praetor, should go to 
Apulia, to take over the army from Terentius ; that 
when the legions should arrive from Sicily, he should 
chiefly use these troops for the defence of that 
region ; that Terentius' army should be sent to 
Tarentum under some one of the lieutenants. And 
twenty-five ships were given him, that with them he 
might be able to defend the coast between Brundi- 
sium and Tarentum. An equal number of ships was 
assigned by decree to Quintus Fulvius, the city 
praetor, for the defence of the shore near the city. 
Gaius Terentius as proconsul was given the task of 
conducting a levy of troops in the Picene territory 
and defending that region. And Titus Otacilius 
Crassus, after dedicating the Temple of Mens on the 
Capitol, was sent with full authority to Sicily, where 
he was to command the fleet. 


A.u.o. XXXIII. In hanc dimicationem duorum opulen- 


tissimorum in terris populorum omnes reges gentes- 

2 que animos intendcrant, inter quos Philippus Mace- 
donum rex eo magis quod ^ propior Italiae ac mari 

3 tantum lonio discrctus rrat. Is ubi primum fama 
accepit Hannibalem Alpis transgressiun, ut bello 
inter Romanum Poenumque orto laetatus erat, ita 
utrius populi mallet victoriam esse incertis adhuc 

4 viribus fluctuatus animo fuerat. Postquam tertia 
iam pugna, tertia - victoria cum Poenis erat, ad 
fortunam inclinavit legatosque ad Hannibalem misit ; 
qui vitantes portus Brundisinum Tarentinunique 
quia custodiis navium Romanarum tenebantur, ad 
Laciniae lunonis templum in terram egressi sunt. 

5 Inde per Apuliam pctentes Capuam media in 
pracsidia Romana inlati sunt deductique ad \'alei'iuni 
Laevinum praetorem, circa Luceriam castra haben- 

6 tem. Ibi intrepide Xenophanes legationis princeps 
a Philippo rege se missum ait ad amicitiam societa- 
temque iungendam cum populo Romano ; mandata 
habere ad consules ac senatum populumque Ro- 

7 manum. Praetor ^ inter defectiones veterum socio- 
runi nova societate tarn clari regis laetus admodum 

8 hostes pro hospitibus comiter accepit ; dat qui 
prosequantur, itinera cum cura demonstrent,^ quae 
loca quosque saltus aut Romanus aut hostes teneant. 

9 Xenophanes per praesidia Romana in Campaniam, 

1 quodP(l)f : quo Aldus, 3Iadvig. 

~ tertia M^DAF : tertiam P(4) : tertium Conway. 

2 TpraetOT A- JIurclns : 07n. P(l)i' {/.e. pr. a//er r.). 

* demonstrcnt P{l)F : demonstrat Gronovius {with ct 

BOOK XXIir. xxxni. 1-9 

XXXIII. To this conflict of the two richest peoples b.o. 215 
in the world all kings and nations had turned their 
attention, among them Philip, king of the Mace- 
donians, all the more since he was nearer to Italy and 
separated from it only by the Ionian Sea. On first 
learning by report that Hannibal had crossed the 
Alps, although he had rejoiced at the outbreak of 
war between the Romans and the Carthaginians, 
still, as their resources were not yet known, he had 
wavered, uncertain which of the two peoples he 
wished to have the victory. Now that a third battle, 
a third victory, favoured the Carthaginians, he in- 
clined to the side of success and sent ambassadors to 
Hannibal. These avoided the ports of Brundisium 
and Tarentum, because they were kept guarded by 
Roman ships, and landed at the Temple of Lacinian 
Juno.^ Making their way thence toward Capua by 
way of Apulia, they encountered the centre of the 
Roman forces and were brought before Valerius 
Laevinus, the praetor, whose camp was near Luceria. 
There Xenophanes, the leader of the embassy, boldly 
said that he had been sent by King Philip to negotiate 
a friendly alliance with the Roman people ; that he 
had communications for the consuls and for the 
senate and the Roman people. The praetor, who 
in the midst of the revolts of old allies was greatly 
delighted by a new alliance with so famous a king, 
hospitably received enemies as guests. He fur- 
nished men to escort them, to indicate the roads 
carefully, and what positions and what passes were 
held either by the Romans or by the enemy. Xeno- 
phanes made his way through the Roman forces into 

^ A famous temple on a promontory near Croton; cf. 
XXIV. iii. 3 S.; XLII. iii. 2 £f.; Strabo VI. i. 11. 



inde qua proximum fuit in castra Hannibalis pervenit 
foedusque cum eo atque amicitiam iungit legibus 

10 his : ut Philippus rex quam maxima classe — ducentas 
autem naves videl)atur effectuvus — in Italiam tra- 
iceret et vastaret, maritimam oram, bellum pi-o parte 

11 sua terra marique gereret; ubi debellatum esset, 
Italia omnis cum ipsa urbe Roma Carthaginiensium 
atque Hannibalis esset praedaque omnis Hannibali 

12 oederet ; perdomita Italia navigarent in Graeciam 
bellumque cum quibus regi ^ placeret gererent - ; 
quae civitates continentis quaeque insulae ad 
Macedoniam vergunt, eae Philippi regnique eius 

XXXIV. In has ferme leges inter Poenum ducem 

2 legatosque Macedonum ictum foedus ; missique cum 
iis ad regis ipsius firmandam fidem legati, Gisgo et 
Bostar et Mago, eodem, ad lunonis Laciniae, ubi 

3 navis occulta in statione erat, perveniunt. Inde 
profecti cum altum tenerent, conspecti a ^ classe 
Romana sunt quae praesidio erat Calabriae litoribus ; 

4 Valeriusque Flaccus cercuros ad persequendam retra- 
hendamque navem cum misisset, primo fugere regii 
conati ; deinde, ubi celeritate vinci senserunt, 
tradunt se Romanis et ad praefectum classis adducti, 

5 cum quaereret qui et unde et quo tenderent cursum, 
Xenophanes primo satis iam semel felix mendacium 
struere, a Philippo se ad Romanos missum ad M. 

1 regi Gronovius : regibus P{l)F. 

2 placeret gererent A" : placcrent PC^RM : placeret 

3 a il/M^: om. P(l). 


BOOK XXIII. XXXIII. 9-xxxiv. 5 

Campania and thence by the shortest road to the n.c. 215 
camp of Hannibal, and arranged a treaty of friendship 
with him on the following terms : that King PhiHp 
with tlie hirgest possible fleet — and it was thought 
that he would make it two hundred ships — should 
cross to Italy and ravage the coast, and should carry 
on the war on land and sea with all his might ; that 
after the war was over all Italy with the city of Rome 
itself should belong to the Cai'thaginians and Hanni- 
bal, and all the booty fall to Hannibal ; that after the 
complete subjugation of Italy they should sail to 
Greece and wage war vith such enemies as the king 
might choose ; and that such states on the mainland 
and such islands as face Macedonia should belong 
to Philip and be a part of his kingdom. 

XXXI\\ On terms such as these a treaty was made 
between the Carthaginian general and the ambassa- 
dors of the Macedonians. And Gisgo and Bostar 
and Mago, who were sent ^vith them as ambassadors, 
to reassure the king himself, reached the same place, 
the Temple of Juno Lacinia, where a ship lay in a 
hidden anchorage. Setting out thence and making 
for the open sea, they were sighted by the Roman 
fleet which was defending the coasts of Calabria. 
And Valerius Flaccus sent light craft to pursue the 
ship and bring her back ; whereupon the king's 
ambassadors at first attempted to flee. Then, when 
they saw that they were being outstripped in speed, 
they surrendered to the Romans and were brought 
before the admiral of the fleet. When he asked who 
they were and whence, and whither they were bound, 
Xenophanes at first set up the false pretence which 
had been quite successful once before : that, being 
sent by Philip to the Romans, he had made his way 




Valerium, ad qiicm uniim iter tutum fuerit, perve- 
nisse, Cami)aniam superare nequisse, saeptam 

6 hostium praesidiis. Deinde, ut Punicus cultus habi- 
tusque suspectos legates fecit Hannibalis inter- 

7 rogatosque sermo prodidit, turn coniitibus eoruin 
seductis ac metu territis, litterae quoque ab Hanni- 
bale ad Philippum inventae et pacta inter regem 

8 Macedonum Poenumquc ducem. Quibus satis cogni- 
tis optimum visum est captives comitesque eorum 
Romam ad senatum aut ad consules, ubicumque 

9 assent, quam primum deportare. Ad id celerrimae 
quinque naves delectae ac L. \'alerius Antias, qui 
praeesset, missus, eique mandatum ut in omnis 
navis legates separatim custodiendos divideret 
daretque operam ne quod iis conloquium inter se 
neve quae communicatio consilii esset. 

10 Per idem tempus Romae cum A, Cornelius Mam- 
mula, ex Sardinia provincia decedens, rettulisset qui 
status rerum in insula esset : bellum ac defectionem 

11 omnis spectare ; Q. Mucium, qui successisset sibi, 
gra\'itate caeli aquarumque advenientem exceptum, 
non tam in periculosum quam longum morbum 

12 inplicitum, diu ad belli muuia sustinenda inutilem 
fore, exercitumque ibi ut satis firmum pacatae 
provinciae praesidem esse, ita parum ^ bello quod 

13 motum iri videretur, decreverunt patres ut Q. 
Fulvius Flaccus quinque milia ^ peditum, quad- 

1 parum P(l)F : parvum 3P?A!>x: imparem Mcuhig : 
parum aptum //. J. Midler. 

2 quinque milia (= v) c : vel PRMF {d. xxxvii. 13; xlvi. 
4) : vi C* : raille DA'^. 



to Marcus Valerius, the one man to whom there was b.c 215 
a safe road ; that he had been unable to get across 
Campania, which was blocked by the enemy's forces. 
Then, when Carthaginian dress and appearance cast 
suspicion on Hannibal's ambassadors, and, being 
questioned, they were betrayed by their speech. 
Thereupon their attendants were led aside and 
frightened by threats ; and a letter also from 
Hannibal to Philip was found, along with agreements 
between the king of the Macedonians and the Car- 
thaginian general. So much being established, it 
seemed best to send the captured men and their 
attendants as soon as possible to the senate at Rome, 
or else to the consuls, wherever they might be. 
For that purpose five very swift ships were selected 
and Lucius Valerius Antias was sent to command 
them. And instructions were given him to distribute 
the ambassadors iamong all his ships, to be separately 
guarded ; and he was to see to it that there should be 
no conversation among them or any interchange of 

About the same time at Rome Aulus Cornelius 
Mammula, on retiring from his province of Sardinia, 
reported what was the condition of affairs in the 
island : that all were aiming at war and rebellion ; 
that Quintus Mucins, his successor, upon arriving was 
affected by the unwholesome chmate and bad Avater, 
and having contracted an illness not so dangerous as 
protracted, would for a long time be useless for the 
performance of war duties ; also that the army there, 
while strong enough to garrison a peaceful province, 
was not so for the war which seemed on the point of 
breaking out. The senate thereupon decreed that 
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand 



vingentos equites scriberet eamque legionem primo 
quoque tempore in Sardiniam traiciendam curaret, 

14 mitteretque cum imperio qucm ipsi videretur, qui 

15 rem gereret quoad Mucius convaluisset. Ad earn 
rem missus est T. Manlius Torquatus, qui bis consul 
et censor fuerat subegeratque in consulatu Sardos. 

16 Sub idem fere tempus et a Carthagine in Sardiniam 
classis missa duce Hasdrubale, cui Calvo cognomen 
erat, foeda tempestate vexata ad Balearis insulas 

17 deicitur, ibique — adeo non armamenta modo sed 
etiam alvei navium quassati erant — subductae naves 
dum reficiuntur aliquantum temporis triverunt. 

XXXV. In Italia cum post Cannensem pugnam, 
fractis partis alterius viribus, alterius mollitis animis, 

2 segnius bellum esset, Campani per se adorti sunt 
rem Cumanam suae dicionis facere, primo sollici- 
tantes ut ab Romanis deficerent ; ubi id parum 
processit, dolum ad capiendos *eos comparant. 

3 Campanis omnibus statum sacrificium ad Hamas 
erat.^ Eo senatum Campanum venturum certiores 
Cimnanos fecerunt petieruntque ut et Cumanus eo 
senatus veniret ad consultandum communiter, ut 
eosdem uterque populus socios hostesque haberet ; 

4 praesidium ibi armatum se habituros, ne quid ab 
Romano Poenove periculi esset. Cumani, quam- 
quam suspecta fraus erat, nihil abnuere, ita tegi 
fallax consilium posse rati. 

1 erat Madvig (before Campanis Weissenhorn) : om. P(l). 

1 In his first consulship, 235 B.C. ; cf. xxii. 7. 

2 To the north-east of Cumae. An inscription gives some 
chie to its location. 

3 Their plan to aid the consul against the Campanians. 



infantry and four hundred cavalry, and should see b.o. 215 
to it that that legion should be transported to Sai-- 
dinia at the first opportunity ; also that he should 
send whomever he thought best with full authority, 
to carry on the war until Mucius should recover. 
For that duty Titus Manlius Torquatus was sent, 
a man who had been consul twice and censor, and 
in his consulship had ct)nquered the Sardinians.^ 
About the same time a fleet which had been sent 
from Carthage also to Sardinia, under command of the 
Hasdrubal who was surnamed Calvus, was damaged 
by a terrible storm and driven to the Balearic Islands. 
And there the ships were beached, to such an extent 
had not only the rigging but also the hulls been 
injured; and while undergoing repairs they caused 
a considerable loss of time. 

XXXV. In Italy, while the war was less active 
after the battle of Cannae, since the resources of 
one side had been broken and the spirit of the other 
sapped, the Campanians attempted without assistance 
to reduce the state of Cumae to subjection, at first 
tempting them to revolt from the Romans. When 
that failed, they contrived a ruse to entrap them. 
All the Campanians had a regular sacrifice at Hamae.^ 
To it they informed the men of Cumae that the 
Campanian senate would come, and requested that 
the senate of Cumae should come thither to deliberate 
together, so that both peoples might have the same 
alhes and eneinies. They said they would have an 
armed guard there, lest there be any danger from 
the Roman or the Carthaginian. The Cumaeans, 
though they had suspected guile, made no objections, 
thinking that a ruse of their own^ to outwit them 
could thus be concealed. 



A.u.c. 5 Interim Ti. Sempronius consul Romanus Sinuessae, 
quo ad conveniendum diem edixerat, exercitu 
lustrato transgressus Volturnum flumen circa Liter- 

6 num posuit castra. Ibi quia otiosa stativa erant, 
crebro decurrere milites cogebat, ut tirones — ea 
m.axima pars volonum erant — adsuescerent signa 

7 sequi et in acie agnoscere ordines suos. Inter quae 
maxima erat cura duci, itaque legatis tribunisque 
praeceperat, ne qua exprobratio cuiquam veteris 
fortunae discordiam inter ordines sereret ; vetus 
miles tironi. liber voloni sese exaequari sineret ; 

8 omnis satis honestos generososque ducerent quibus 
arma sua signaque populus Romanus commisisset ; 
quae fortuna coegisset ita fieri, eandem cogere 

9 tueri factum. Ea non maiore cura praecepta ab 
ducibus sunt quam a militibus observata, brevique 
tanta concordia coaluerant omnium animi ut prope 
in oblivionem veniret qua ex condicione quisque 
esset miles factus. 

10 Haec agenti Graccho legati Cumani nuntiarunt 
quae a Campanis legatio paucos ante dies venisset 

11 et quid iis ipsi respondissent : triduo post eum diem 
festum esse ; non senatum solum omnem ibi futurum 

12 sed castra etiam et exercitum Campanum. Gracchus 
iussis Cumanis omnia ex agris in urbem convehere 



Meanwhile Tiberius Sempronius, the Roman consul, b.o. 215 
after reviewing his army at Sinuessa, at which place 
he had announced a date for mobilization, crossed the 
river \'olturnus and pitched camp near Liternum, 
There, since the permanent camp lacked occupation, 
he required the soldiers to manoeuvre frequently, 
that the recruits — they were most of the slave- 
volunteers — miffht learn to follow the standards and 
to recoffnize their own ranks in the battle-line. In 
this it was the commander's greatest care, and he had 
instructed the lieutenants and tribunes to the same 
effect, that no reproach of any man's previous lot 
should sow strife between the different classes of 
soldiers ; that the old soldier should allow himself 
to be rated with the recruit, the freeman with the 
slave-volunteer ; that they should consider all to 
whom the Roman people had entrusted its arms and 
standards as sufficiently honoured and well-born. He 
said that the same fortune which had compelled them 
to do so now compelled them to defend what had 
been done. These injunctions were not given with 
greater care by the commanders than that Avith which 
they were followed by the soldiers. And soon they 
were all united in a harmony so great that it was al- 
most forffotten from what status each man had been 
made a soldier. 

While Gracchus was thus employed, legates from 
Cumae reported to him on Avhat mission an embassy 
had come a few days before from the Campanians, 
and what answer they had themselves given them; 
that the festival was to be three days later, and not 
only would the whole senate be there, but a camp 
also and a Campanian army. Gracchus, having 
ordered the Cumaeans to bring everything from the 



A.u.o. et manere intra muros, ipse pridie quam statum 
sacrificium Carnpanis esset Cumas movet castra. 

13 Hamae inde tria milia passuum absunt. lam 
Campani to frequentcs ex composito convenerant, 
nee procul inde in occulto Marius Alfius medix tuti- 
cus — is ^ summus magistratus erat Campanis — cum 

14 quattuoi'decim milibus armatorum habebat castra, 
sacrificio adparando et inter id instruendae fraudi 
aliquanto intentior quam muniendis castris aut ulli 

15 militari operi.^ Nocturnum erat sacrum, ita ut ante 

16 mediam noctem conpleretur. Huic Gracchus insidi- 
andum tempori ratus, custodibus ad portas positis, 
ne quis enuntiare posset coepta, et ab decuma diei 
liora coactis militibus corpora curare somnoque 

17 operam dare, ut primis tenebris convenire ad signum 

18 possent, vigilia ferme prima tolli iussit signa, silenti- 
que profectus agmine cum ad Hamas media nocte 
pervenisset, castra Campana ut in pervigilio neglecta 
simul omnibus portis invadit ; alios somno stratos, 
alios perpetrato sacro inermis redeuntis obtruncat. 

19 Hominum eo tumultu nocturno caesa plus duo milia 
cum ipso duce Mario Alfio, capta . . . et ^ signa 
militaria quattuor et triginta. 

^ is Fabri : om. P{1). 

^ operi, here P(l) add triduum sacrificatum ad Hamas (gloss 
oni 11?) 

^ capta . . . et Weissenborn : capta est PCR : capta sunt 
R\14); capti* et Madvig. 

1 For this Oscan term cf. XXIV. xix. 2. 


farms into the city and to remain inside the walls, b.c. 215 
moved his own camp to Cumae the day before the 
Campanians had their regular sacrifice. Hamae is 
three miles distant. Already the Campanians in 
large numbers had gathered there according to agree- 
ment. And in concealment, not far from there, 
Marius Alfius, the medix tuticus,^ that is, the chief 
magistrate of the Campanians, had his camp, with 
fourteen thousand armed men, he being decidedly 
more intent upon preparing the sacrifice and con- 
triving treachery during the same than upon forti- 
fying his camp or upon any task of the soldier. The 
sacrifice took place at night, but it was to be finished 
before midnight. Gracchus, thinking he must be in 
waiting for that moment, placed guards at the gates, 
that no one might be able to carry away news of his 
undertaking. And having assembled his soldiers as 
early as the tenth hour of the day, he ordered them 
to get themselves in condition and take care to sleep, 
so that, as soon as it was dark, they might come 
together at the signal ; and at about the first watch 
he ordered that the standards be taken up. And 
setting out with a silent column, he reached Hamae 
at midnight and entered the Campanian camp by all 
its gates at once ; for, as was to be expected in view 
of the vigil, it was carelessly guarded. Some they 
slew as they lay asleep, others as they were returning 
unarmed after the rite had been completed. More 
than two thousand men were slain in that affray by 
night, including Marius Alfius, the commander him- 
self. Captured were . . . thousand men 2 and thirty- 
four military standards. 

2 The large number makes the correctness of capta (sc. 
milia) doubtful; cf. xxxvii. 11. 


A.u.c, XXXVI. Gracchus minus centum militum iactura 


castris hostium potitus Cumas se pi-opere i-ecepit, ab 
Hannibale metuens, qui super Capuam in Tifatis 

2 habebat castra. Nee eum provida futuri fefellit 
opinio. Nam simul Capuam ea clades est nuntiata, 
ratus Hannibal ab re bene gesta insolenter laetum 
exeroitum tironimi, magna ex pai'te servorum, 
spoliantem victos praedasque agentem ad Hamas 

3 se inventurum, citatum agmen pi-aeter Capuam 
rapit, obviosque ex fuga Campanorum dato praesidio 

4 Capuam duci, saucios vehiculis portari iubet. Ipse 
Hamis vacua ab hostibus castra nee quicquam praeter 
recentis vestigia caedis strataque passim corpora 

5 sociorum invenit. Auctores erant quidam ut pro- 
tinus inde Cumas duceret urbemque oppugnaret. 

6 Id quamquam baud modice Hannibal cupiebat, ut, 
quia Neapolim non potuerat, Cumas saltem mari- 
timam urbem haberet, tamen, quia praeter arma 
nihil secum miles raptim acto agmine extulerat, 

7 retro in castra super Tifata se recepit. Inde fatigatus 
Campanorum precibus sequenti die cum omni 
apparatu oppugnandae urbis Cumas redit, perpopu- 
latoque agro Cumano mille passus ab urbe castra 

8 locat, cum Gracchus magis verecundia in tali necessi- 
tate deserendi socios inplorantis fidem suam populi- 
que Romani substitisset quam satis fidens exercitui. 

9 Nee alter consul Fabius, qui ad Cales castra habebat, 
Volturnum flimien traducere audebat exercitum, 



XXXVI. Gracchus, having captured the camp of b.c. 215 
the enemy with the loss of less than a hundred 
soldiers, hastily withdrew to Cumae in fear of Hannibal, 
wlio had his camp on Mount Tifata above Capua. 
And he was not mistaken in his forecast. For as soon 
as the defeat was reported at Capua, Hannibal, 
thinking he would find the arfny of recruits, largely 
slaves, at Hamae gloating for once over a success, 
spoiling the defeated and driving off the booty, 
rushed his column with all speed past Capua, and 
ordered that those of the fleeing Campanians whom 
he met should be furnished with an escort and led 
to Capua, and the wounded carried on wagons. 
As for himself, he found at Hamae a camp deserted 
by the enemy, and nothing except the traces of recent 
slaughter and corpses of his allies scattered every- 
where. Some advised him to lead his troops away 
forthwith to Cumae and to attack the city. Although 
Hannibal was very eager to do so, in order that he 
might have Cumae at least as a seaport, since he had 
been unable to gain one at Neapohs, nevertheless, as 
his soldiers in their rapidly moving column had 
brought out nothing but their arms with them, he 
withdrew again to his camp on Tifata. Moved by the 
importunities of the Campanians, he returned thence 
on the following day to Cumae with all the equipment 
for besieging the city, and after ravaging the territory 
of Cumae, pitched his camp a mile from the city. 
Meanwhile Gracchus, ashamed to desert allies in such 
straits and begging for his help and that of the Roman 
people, rather than because he had full confidence in 
his army, had remained there. Nor did the other 
consul, Fabius, who had his camp at Cales, venture 
to lead his army across the river Volturnus, being 



10 occupatus primo auspiciis repetendis, dein prodigiis 
quae alia super alia nuntiabantur ; expiantique ea 
baud facile litari haruspices respondebant. 

XXXVII. Eae causae cum Fabium tenerent, Sem- 
pronius in obsidione erat et iam operibus oppugna- 

2 batur. Adversus ligneam insfentem admotam urbi 
turrem aliam ^ ex ipso muro exeitavit consul Romanus, 
aliquanto altiorem, quia muro satis per se alto 

3 subiectis validis sublicis pro solo usus erat. Inde 
primum saxis sudibusque et ceteris missilibus 
propugnatorcs moenia atque urbem tuebantur ; 

4 postremo, ubi promovendo adiunctam muro viderunt 
turrem, facibus ardentibus plurimum simul ignem 

5 coniecerunt. Quo incendio trepida armatorum mul- 
titudo cum de turre sese praecipitaret, eruptio ex 
oppido simul duabus portis stationes hostium fudit 
fugavitque in castra, ut eo die obsesso quam obsidenti 

6 similior esset Poenus. Ad mille trecenti Cartha- 
giniensium caesi et undesexaginta vivi capti, qui 
circa mui'os et in stationibus solute ac neglegenter 
agentes, cum nihil minus quam eruptionem timuis- 

7 sent, ex inproviso oppressi fuerant. Gracchus, prius- 
quam se hostes ab repentino pavore colligerent, 
receptui signum dedit ac suos intra muros recepit. 

8 Postero die Hannibal, laetum ^ secunda re consulem 
iusto proelio ratus certaturum, aciem inter castra 

^ turrem aliam Madvig : aliam turrem P(l). 
2 laetum Gronovius : etum /*{4) : datum Aldus {after re 
A^x) : turn P^C'^D : cum A. 


BOOK XXIII. xxxvi. io-.\xxvii. 8 

employed at first in taking new auspices and then b.c. 215 
■with the portents which were being reported one 
after another. And as he was making expiation, the 
soothsayers kept repeating their opinion that it was 
not easy to obtain favourable omens. 

XXXV^II. While these reasons detained Fabius, 
Sempronius was blockaded and already beset by 
siege-woi-ks. As a defence against a great wooden 
tower which was moved up to the city, the Roman 
consul reared from the wall itself another tower con- 
sidei-ably higher. For he had used the wall, which in 
itself was quite high, as a base, shoring it up with stout 
timbers. From that tower the defenders first held 
the wall and the city by hurling stones and stakes and 
every other missile. Finally, seeing that the enemy's 
tower had been pushed close against the wall, they 
hurled a vast amount of fire all at once from their 
blazing torches. While great numbers of armed 
men, alarmed by the fire, were leaping down from 
the tower, a sally out of two gates of the town at the 
same time routed the enemy's guards and sent them 
in flight to the camp, so that on that day the Car- 
thaginian resembled a besieged army more than a 
besieffcr. About one thousand and three hundred 
were slain and fifty-nine captured ahve of the Car- 
thaginians, who were relaxing and idling along the 
walls and at guard-posts, and, having feared any- 
thing rather than a sally, had unexpectedly been 
overpowered. Gracchus, before the enemy could 
recover from their sudden fright, gave the signal 
for the recall and withdrew his men inside the walls. 
On the next day Hannibal, supposing that the consul, 
elated by success, would engage in a regular battle, 
drew up his line between the camp and the city. 




A.v.c. 9 atque urbem instruxit ; ceteruni postquam nemineni 


niovei'i ab solita custodia urbis vidit nee comrnitti 
quicquam temerariae spei, ad Tifata redit iiifecta re. 

10 Quibus diebus Cumae liberatae sunt obsidione, 
iisdem diebus et in Lueanis ad Grumentuni Ti. 
Sempronius, cui Longo cognomen erat, cum Han- 

11 none Poeno prospere pugnat. Supra duo milia 
hominum occidit, et ducentos octoginta milites,^ 
signa militaria ad quadraginta iinum cepit. Pulsus 
finibus Lueanis Hanno retro in Bruttios sese recepit. 

12 Et ex Hirpinis oppida tria, quae a populo Romano 
defecerant, vi recepta per M. Valerium pi*aetorem, 
^ ei'cellium, ^'escellium, Sicilinum, et auctores defec- 

13 tionis securi percussi. Supra quinque milia ^ capti- 
vorum sub hasta venierunt ; praeda alia militi 
concessa, exercitusque Luceriam reductus. 

XXXVIII. Dum haec in Lueanis atque in Hirpinis 
geruntur, quinque naves, quae Macedonum atque 
Poenorum captos legatos Romam portabant, ab 
supero mari ad inferum circumvectae prope omnem 

2 Italiae oram, cum praeter Cumas velis ferrentur 
neque hostium an sociorum essent satis sciretui*, 

3 Gracchus obviam ex classe sua naves misit. Cum 
percunctandoinvicem cognitum esset consulem Cumis 
esse, naves Cumas adpulsae captivique ad consulem 

4 deducti et litterae datae. Consul litteris Philippi 
atque Hannibalis perlectis consignata omnia ad 
senatum itinere terrestri misit, navibus devehi 

^ milites, here P(l) add amisit. 

* quinque milia Alschefski: vel (for v) P(2); c/. xxxiv. 13. 

^ This Sempronius was consul with P. Scipio in 218 B.C., and 
defeated by Hannibal at the Trebia ; XXI. vi. 3 and liv ff. 

* I.e. from the Adriatic to the Mare Tuscum; cf. i. 5; 
xxiv. 8, 


BOOK XXIII. xxxvu. 8-xx.vvni. 4 

But on seeing that no one stirred from the usual b.c. 215 
defence of the city and that nothing was entrusted 
to a rash hope, he returned with nothing accomphshed 
to Tifata. 

At the same time that the siege of Cumae was 
raised, Tiberius Scnipronius, surnamed Longus/ 
also fought successfully in Lucania, near Grumentum, 
with Hanno the Carthaginian. He slew above two 
thousand men, and captured two hundred and eighty 
soldiers and some forty-one military standards. 
Driven out of Lucanian territory, Hanno withdrew 
into the land of the Bruttians. And three towns of 
the Hirpini, Vercelhum, Vescellium and Sicihnum, 
which had revolted from the Roman people, were 
forcibly recovered by Marcus \^alerius, the praetor, 
and those who had advised revolt were beheaded. 
Over five thousand captives were sold at auction; 
the rest of the booty was given over to the soldiers, 
and the army led back to Luceria. 

XXXVIII. While these things were going on in 
Lucania and among the Hirpini, the five ships which 
were carrying to Rome the captured ambassadors of 
the Macedonians and the Carthaginians cruised along 
nearly the whole coast of Italy from the Upper Sea to 
the Lower.2 And when they were passing Cumae 
under sail, and it was uncertain whether they be- 
longed to enemies or friends, Gracchus sent ships 
from his fleet to meet them. When in the course 
of questioning on both sides it was learned that the 
consul was at Cumae, the ships put in at Cumae and 
the prisoners Avere brought before the consul and the 
letters handed over to him. The consul, after reading 
the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent everything 
under seal by land to the senate, and ordered the 

K 2 


A.u.c 5 legates iussit. Cum eodem fere die litterae legatique 
Ilomam venissent et pcrcunctatione facta dicta cum 
scriptis congruerent, primo gravis cura patres 
incessit, cernentes quanta vix tolerantibus Punicum 

6 bellum Macedonici belli moles instaret. Cui tamen 
adeo non succubuerunt ut extemplo agitaretur quem 
ad modum ultro infcrcndo bello averterent ab Italia 

7 hostem. Capti\ is in vincula condi iussis comitibusque 
eorum sub hasta venditis, ad naves viginti quinque, 
quibus P. Valerius Flaccus praefectus praeerat, 

8 viginti quinque ^ parari ^ alias decernunt. His 
comparatis deductisque et additis quincpie navibus, 

9 quae advexerant captives legates, triginta naves ab 
Ostia Tarentum profectae, iussusque P. ^^alerius 
militibus ^'arronianis, quibus L. Apustius legatus 
Tarenti praeerat, in naves inpositis quinquaginta 
quinque navium classe non tueri modo Italiae oram 

10 sed explorare de Macedonico bello ; si congruentia 
litteris legatorumque indiciis Philippi consilia essent, 
ut M. Valerium praetorem litteris certiorem faceret, 

1 1 isque L. Apustio legato exercitui praeposito Tarentum 
ad classem profectus primo quoque tempore in 
Macedonian! transmitteret daretque operam ut 

12 Philippum in regno contineret. Pecunia ad classem 
tuendam bellumque Macedonicum ea decreta est 
quae Ap. Claudio in Siciliam missa erat, ut redderetur 

^ quinque Jac. Gronovius : om. P(l). 
^ parari iP Gronovius : paratis P(l). 

^ The total should be fifty ; the five which carried the cap- 
tives are counted twice ; cf. xxxiv. 9. 


BOOK XXIII. x.wviii. 4-12 

ambassadors to be carried on the ships. Letters b.c 215 
and ambassadors arrived at Rome on about the same 
day, and upon enquiry their words and the texts were 
in agreement. Thereupon the senators were at 
first gravely concerned, seeing how serious a war witli 
Macedonia threatened, at a time when they could 
scarcely endure that with the Carthaginians. How- 
ever, they were so far fx'om giving way to that concern 
that they at once discussed how by actual aggressive 
warfare they might keep the enemy away from Italy. 
The prisoners were ordered put in chains, their 
attendants were sold at auction, and it was decreed 
that, in addition to the twenty-five ships which 
Publius \ alerius Flaccus commanded as admiral, 
twenty-five others should be made ready. The latter 
being now ready and launched, with the addition of 
the five ships which had brought the ambassadors as 
captives, thirty ships sailed from Ostia for Tarentum. 
And Publius \^alerius was ordered to put on board 
the soldiers who had been \'arro's, and at Tarentum 
were commanded by Lucius Apustius, the lieutenant, 
and then Avith a fleet of fifty-five ^ ships not merely to 
defend the coast of Italy, but to get information in 
regard to the Macedonian war. If the designs of 
Philip should agree with the letters and with the 
statements of the ambassadors, then he was to in- 
form Marcus ^^^lerius, the pi-aetor, by letter; and 
\'alerius, after placing his lieutenant, Lucius Apustius, 
in command of the army, was to proceed to the fleet 
at Tarentum, and as soon as possible to cross into 
Macedonia and take steps to keep Philip within his 
kingdom. For the maintenance of the fleet and for 
the Macedonian war there was voted the money 
which had been sent to Appius Claudius in Sicily, to 



A.u.c. Hieroni regi ; ea per L. Antistium legatum Tarentum 
13 est devecta. Simul ab Hierone missa ducenta milia 
modium tritici ct hnrdei centum. 

XXXIX. Darn haec Koniani parant aguntque, ad 
Philippum captiva navis una, ex iis quae Romam 
missae erant, ex cursu refugit ; inde scitum legates 

2 cum litteris captos. Itaque ignarus rex quae cum 
Hannibale legatis suis convenissent quaeque legati 
eius ad se adlaturi fuissent, legationem aliam cum 

3 eisdem mandatis mittit. I>egati ad Hannibalem 
missi Heraclitus, cui Scotino cognomen erat,^ et Crito 
Boeotus et Sositheus Magnes. Hi prospere tulerunt 

4 ac rettulerunt mandata ; sed prius se aestas circum- 
egit quam movere ac moliri quicquam rex posset : 
tantum navis una capta cum legatis inomenti fecit ad 
dilationem imminentis Romania belli. 

5 Et circa Capuam. transgresso Volturnum Fabio 
post expiata tandem prodigia, ambo consules rem 

6 gerebant. Combulteriam et Trebulam et Austi- 
culam urbes, quae ad Poenum defecerant, Fabius vi 
cepit : praesidiaque in his Hannibalis Campanique 

7 permulti capti. Kt Nolae,^ sicut priore anno, senatus 
Romanorum, plebs Hannibalis erat, consiliaque 

1 cui . . . erat spurious according to Gronoviiis. 

2 et Nolae P{2)Ay : Nolae 31^. 

^ Pay for the soldiers had been lent by him in the previous 
year ; cf. xxi. 5. His successor presently took the Carthaginian 
side ; XXIV. vi f. 

2 Cf. xxxiv. 8 f. 

^ This term (" The Obscure ") had been applied to the 
early philosopher of Ephesus of the same name, ca. 500 B.C. 
A pomtless marginal note may have got into the text here, 
displacing the adjective of place which would be expected with 
this unknown Heraclitus. 

BOOK XXIII. x.xxviii. I2-XXXIX. 7 

be repaid to king Hiero.^ This money was carried b.c. 215 
to Tarentum by Lucius Antistius, the lieutenant. 
At the same time two hundred thousand pecks of 
wheat and a hundred thousand of barley were sent 
by Hiero. 

XXXIX. While the Romans were enffaared in these 
preparations and activities, the one captured ship 
escaped while under weigh from those which had been 
sent to Rome,2 and returned to Philip. Thus it 
became known that the ambassadors had been 
captured with the letter. And so the king, not 
knowing what had been agreed upon between his 
ambassadors and Hannibal, and wnat message the 
latter 's ambassadors were to have brought to him, 
sent another embassy with the same instructions. As 
ambassadors to Hannibal there were sent Heraclitus, 
surnamed Scotinus,^ and Crito, the Boeotian, and 
Sositheus, of Magnesia. These succeeded in carrying 
and in bringing back instructions ; but the summer 
was over before the king could make any active 
preparations. So effectual was the capture of a 
single ship and ambassadors in postponing a war which 
threatened the Romans. 

Also in the vicinity of Capua both consuls were 
carrying on the war, now that Fabius, after finally 
making atonement for the prodigies,* had crossed the 
^'olturnus. The cities of Combulteria and Trebula 
and Austicula, which had revolted to the Carthaginian, 
were forcibly taken by Fabius, and in them Hannibal's 
garrisons and very many Campanians were captured. 
And at Nola, just as in the previous year, the senate 
sided with the Romans, the common people with 
Hannibal, and secret plans were being formed for the 

* Mentioned in xxxi. 15. 



^539^ occulta dv caede principum et proditione iirbis 

8 inihantur. Quibiis ne incepta procedcrent, inter 
Capuam castraquc Hannibalis, quae in Tifatis erant, 
traducto exercitu Fabius super Suessulani in castris 
Claudianis consedit ; inde M. Marcel lum proprae- 
torem cum lis copiis quas habebat Nolam in prae- 
sidium misit. 

XL. Et in Sardinia res per T. Manlium praetorem 
adniinistrari coeptae, quae omissae erant postquam 
Q. Mucius praetor gravi niorbo est inplicitus. 

2 Manlius navibus longis ad Carales subductis navali- 
busque sociis armatis, ut terra rem gereret, et a 
praetore exercitu accepto duo et viginti milia 

3 peditum, milie ducentos equites confecit. Cum his 
equitum peditumque copiis profectus in agrum 
hostium baud procul ab Hampsicorae castris castra 
posuit. Hampsicora tum forte profectus erat in 
Pellitos Sardos ad iuventutem armandam, qua 

4 copias augeret ; filius nomine Hostus castris praeerat. 
Is adulescentia ferox temere proelio inito fusus 
fugatusque. Ad tria milia Sardorum eo proelio 

5 cresa, octingenti ferme vivi capti ; alius exei'citus 
primo per agros silvasque fuga palatus, dein, quo 
ducem fugisse fama erat, ad urbem nomine Cornum, 

6 caput eius regionis, confugit ; dcbellatumque eo 
p.. lio in Sardinia esset, ni classis Punica cum duce 

1 Cf. xxxi. 3 and 5 ; xlvi. 9. 

* Really proconsul ; cf. xxx. 18; xxxii. 2; xlviii. 2. 

^ Acting in place of the regular praetor; cf. xxxiv. 15. 

* Regularly called sorii 7iaralcs. from tlic time when seamen 
and oarsmen were allies, while the soldiers on board were 


BOOK XXIII. x.wix. 7-.\L. 6 

murder of the leadinjEf men and the betrayal of the b.c. 215 
city. That their undertaking should go no fiirther, 
Fahiu'; led his army between Capua and the camp of 
Hannibal, which was on Tifata, and estal)lished 
himself above Suessula in the Claudian Camp.^ 
From there he sent Marcus Marcellus, the pro- 
praetor,- with the forces which he had to Nola, to 
serve as a garrison. 

XL. And in Sardinia under the direction of Titus 
Manlius, the praetor,"^ the operations which had been 
neglected ever since Quintus Mucius, the praetor, 
was attacked by a serious malady, were resumed. 
Manlius, after beaching his warships at Carales and 
arming their crews,* in order to wage war on land, and 
receiving an army from the praetor, made up a total 
of twenty-two thousand infantry and twelve hundred 
cavalry. With these cavalry and infantry forces he 
set out for the enemy's territoiy and pitched camp 
not far from the camp of Hampsicora. At that time 
Hampsicora, as it liappened, had gone to the region 
of the Skin-clad Sardinians,^ to arm their young men, 
in order to enlarge his forces. His son named Hostus 
was in command of the camp. He with the over- 
confidi'nce of youth rashly went into battle, was 
routed and put to flight. About three thousand 
Sardinians Avere slain in that battle, some eight hun- 
dred taken alive. The rest of the army, at first 
wandering in flight through the farms and wooflf,,. 
then fled to the place to which it was reported that 
the commander had fled, a city named Cornus, the 
capital of that regioji. And the war in Sardinia 
would have been ended by that battle, had not the 

* An earlier population living in the mountainous interior 
of the island and wearing goat-skins. 

O D^ 



A.D.o. Hasdru])ale, quae tempestate deiecta ad Baliaris erat, 

7 in tempore ad spem rebellandi advenisset. Manlius 
post famani adpulsae Punicae classis Carales se 
recepit : ea occasio Hampsicorae data est Poeno se 

8 iungendi. Hasdrubal, copiis in terram expositis et 
classe remissa Carthaginem, duce Hampsicora ad 
socioruni populi Romani agrum populaiidum pro- 
fectus Carales perventurus erat, ni Manlius obvio 
exercitu ab effusa eum populatione continuisset. 

9 Primo castra castris medico intervallo sunt obiecta ; 
deinde per ^ procursationes levia certamina vario 
eventu inita ; postremo descensum in aciem. Signis 
conlatis iusto proelio per quattuor horas pugnatum. 

10 Diu pugnam ancipitem Poeni, Sardis facile vinci 
adsuetis, fecerunt ; postremo et ipsi, cum omnia 
circa strage ac fuga Sardorum repleta essent, fusi ; 

11 ceterum terga dantes cii-cumducto cornu quo pepu- 
lerat Sardos inclusit Romanus. Caedes inde magis 

12 quam pugna fuit. Duodecim milia hostium caesa, 
Sardorum simul Poenorumque, ferme tria milia et 
septingenti capti et signa militaria septem et viginti. 

XLI. Ante omnia claram et memorabilem pugnam 

fecit Hasdrubal imperator captus et Hanno et Mago, 

2 nobiles Carthaginienses, Mago ex gente Barcina, 

propinqua cognatione Hannibali iunctus, Hanno 

1 deinde per Madvig : deinceps P(l). 

BOOK XXIII. XL. 6-.\Li. 2 

Carthaginian fleet commanded by Hasdrubal, wliich b.c. 215 
had been carried by a storm to the Balearic Islands, 
arrived at the riijht moment to re\ive hopes for the 
rebellion. Manlias, when the arrival of the Punic 
fleet was reported, withdrew to Carales. By so 
doing he gave Hampsicora the opportunity to imite 
with the Carthao-inian. Hasdrubal, after landinjj his 
forces and sending the fleet back to Carthage, set out 
with Hampsicora as his guide to lay waste the lands of 
allies of the Roman people. And he would have 
reached Carales, had not Manlius by confronting him 
with an army restrained him from his widespread 
devastation. At first camp fiiced camp at no great 
distance. Then charges led to skirmishes with varying 
residts. Finally they went into line of battle. With 
standards against standards they fought a regular 
engagement for four hours. For a long time the 
Carthaginians made the issue uncertain, while the 
Sardinians were used to being easily defeated. 
Finalh', when the slain and the fleeing Sardinians 
had covered the whole field, the Carthaginians also 
were routed. But when they tried to flee, the Roman 
general hemmed them in by a flank movement of the 
wing with Avhich he had beaten back the Sardinians. 
It was a slaughter after that, rather than a battle. 
Twelve thousand of the enemy were slain, Sardinians 
and Carthaginians reckoned together. About three 
thousand seven hundred were captured, and twenty- 
seven military standards. 

XLI. What more than all made it a famous and 
memorable battle was the capture of Hasdrubal, the 
commander, and Hanno and Mago, Carthaginian 
nobles, Mago being of the Barca family and nearly 
related to Hannibal, while Hanno had advised the 



A.u.G. auctor rebellionis Sardis bellique eius liaud duhie 

3 concitor. Nee Sardorum duces minus nnbilem earn 
pugnani cladibus suis feceruiit : nam et filius Hamp- 

4 sicorae Hostus in acie cecidit, et Hampsicora cum 
paucis equitibus fugiens, ut super adflictas res necem 
quoque lilii audivit, nocte, ne cuius interventus 

5 coepta inpediret, mortem sibi conscivit. Ceteris 
urbs Cornus eadem quae ante fugae receptaculum 
fuit ; quam Manlius victore exercitu adgressus intra 

6 dies paucos recepit. Deinde aliae quoque civitates, 
quae ad Hampsicoram Poenosque defecerant, ob- 
sidibus datis dediderunt sese ; qifibus stipendio 
frumcntoque imperato pro cuiusque aut Airibus aut 

7 delicto Carales exei'citum i-eduxit. Ibi navibus longis 
deductis inpositoque quern secum advexerat milite 
Romam navigat Sardiniamque perdomitam nuntiat 
patribus ; et stipendium quaestoribus, frumentum 
aedilibus, captivos Q. Fulvio praetori tradit. 

8 Per idem tempus T. Otacilius praetor ab Lilybaeo 
classi in Africam transvectus depopulatusque agrum 

9 Carthaginiensem, cum Sardinian! inde peteret, quo 
fama erat Hasdrubalem a Balearibus nuper traiecisse, 
classi Africam repetenti occurrit, levique certamine 
in alto commisso septem inde naves cum sociis 
navalibus ccpit. Ceteras metus baud secus quam 
tempestas passim disiecit. 


BOOK XXIII. xLi. 2-9 

Sardinians to i-ebel and had undoubtedly fomented b.c. 2ii 
that \vai\ And the Sardinians' generals made the 
battle no less notable by their deaths, lor Hostus, 
the son of Hampsicora, fell in battle, and also Hampsi- 
cora as he fled vith a few horsemen, on hearing, not 
of the defeat only, but also]of the death of his son, took 
his own life, doing this at night, that no one might 
come upon him and interfere with his attempt. For 
all the rest the same city of Cornus was a place of 
refuge, as before. Manlius with his victorious army 
attacked it and took it within a few days. Then other 
cities also which had revolted to Hampsicora and the 
Carthaginians gave hostages and surrendered. From 
these cities Manlius exacted tribute and grain in 
proportion to the resources of each or its guilt, and 
led his army back to Carales. There he launched his 
warships, took on board the soldiers he had brought 
with him, sailed for Rome, and reported to the senate 
the complete subjugation of Sardinia. He also 
turned over the tribute to the quaestors, the grain to 
the aediles, the captives to Quintus Fulvius, the 

About the same time Titus Otacilius, the praetor ,i 
sailed with his fleet from Lilybaemn across to Africa, 
and after laying waste the country about Carthage, 
was steering thence toward Sardinia, to which it was 
reported that Hasdrubal had recently crossed from 
the Balearic Islands, when he encountered the fleet 
returning to Africa ; and in a slight engagement 
fought in open water he captured seven of their 
ships together with their crews. The rest were 
widely scattered by their fear quite as much as they 
had been by the storm. 

^ Here = praefectus, commander of the fleet. 



10 Per eosdcm forte dies ct Bomilear cum militibiis 
ad supplement um Carthagine missis clephantisque 

11 et commeatii Locros accessit. Quern ut ineautum 
opprimeret, Ap. Claudius per simulationem pro- 
vineiae cireumeundae Messanam raptim exercitu 

12 ducto vento aestuque suo ^ Loci'os traiccit. lam 
indc IJomilcar ad Hannonem in Bruttios profectus 
erat, et Locrenses portas Romanis clauserunt ; 
Appius magno conatu nulla re gesta Messanam 

13 Eadem aestate Marcellus ab Nola, quam pracsidio 
obtinebat, crebras excursiones in agrum Hir])inimi 

14 et Samnites Caudinos fecit adeoque omnia ferro 
atque igni vastavit ut antiquarum eladium Samnio 
n\emoriam renovaret. XLII. Itaque extemplo le- 
gati ad Hannibalem missi simul ex utraque gente ita 
Poenum adlocuti sunt: " Hostes populi Romani, 

2 Hannibal, fuimus primum per nos ipsi quoad nostra 
arma, nostrae vires nos tutari potei'ant. Postquam 
his parum fidebamus, Pyrrho regi nos adiunximus ; 

3 a quo relicti paceni necessariam accepimus, fuimusque 
in ea per annos prope quinquaginta ad id tempus quo 

4 tu in Italian! venisti. Tua nos non magis virtus 
fortunaque quam unica comitas ac benignitas erga 
cives nostros, quos captos nobis remisisti, ita con 
ciliavit tibi ut te salvo atque incolumi amico non 
modo populum Romanum sed ne deos quidem iratos, 

5 si fas est dici, timeremus. At hercule non solum 

^ vcnto aestuque suo Weissenborn : aestuquaesuo PR : 
aestuque suo R^?{1). 

1 In tlie Samnite Wars, as narrated in books VII to X, 
especially their defeats at fcsuessula, 343 B.C., and at Sentinuni, 

^ The speech is, of course, that of their leader. 

BOOK XXIII. xu. io~xLii. 5 

About the same time, moreover, as it liappened, b.o. 215 
Bomilcar arrived at Locri with the soldiers sent as 
reinforcements from Carthage and with elephants 
and supplies. In order to take him unawares Appius 
Claudius, with the pretence of making the round of 
his province, led his army in haste to Messana, and 
w ith wind and current in his favour crossed over to 
Locri. Already Bomilcar had left that place, to join 
Hanno amono- the Bruttii. and the Locrians closed 
their gates against the Romans. Appius, having 
accomplished nothing by his great effort, returned to 

The same summer Marcellus from Nola, which he 
held with a garrison, made frequent raids into the 
country of the Hirpini and the Samnites about 
Caudium and laid waste the whole region with fire 
and sword so completely that he revived the Samnites' 
memory of their old disasters..^ XLII . Accordingly 
ambassadors were sent at once to Hannibal from both 
tribes, and they addressed the Carthaginian thus : ^ 
" We were enemies of the Roman people, Hannibal, 
at first by ourselves, so long as our arms and our 
resources were able to defend us. When we had 
lost confidence in these, we attached ourselves to 
Pyn-hus, the king. Abandoned by him we accepted 
an inevitable peace, and have remained in that 
peace for about fifty years, down to the time when 
you came to Italy. It is not more your courage and 
success than your singular kindness and consideration 
toward our citizens, whom you captured and then 
sent back to us, that so won us over to you that, so 
long as you were a friend safe and sound, we not only 
did not fear the Roman people, but not even the 
anger of the gods, if it is right to say so. But in fact, 



A.u.c. incolumi et victore sed praesente te, cum ploratum 
prope coniugum ac Iiberorum nostrorum exaudire 
et flagrantia tecta posses conspicere, ita sumus 
aliquoticns hac aestate devastati ut M. Marcellus, 
non Hannibal, vicisse ad Cannas videatur, glorientur- 
que Romani te, ad unum niodo ictum vigentem, velut 

6 ac'uleo eniisso torpere. Per annos centum ^ cum 
populo Romano helium gessimus, nullo externo adiuti 
nee duce nee exereitu, nisi quod per bieimium 
Pyrrhus nostro magis milite suas auxit vires quam 

7 suis viribus nos defendit. Non ego secundis rebus 
nostris gloriabor, duos consules ac duos consulares 
exercitus ab nobis sub iugum missos, et si qua alia 

8 aut laeta aut gloriosa nobis evenerunt. Quae aspera 
adversaque tune acciderunt minore indignatione re- 

9 ferre possumus quam quae hodie eveniunt. Magni 
dictatores cum magistris equitum, bini consules cum 
binis consularibus exercitibus ingrediebantur finis 
nostros ; ante explorato et subsidiis positis et sub 

10 signis ad populandum ducebant ; nunc propraetoris 
unius et parvi ad tuendam Nolam praesidii praeda 
sumus ; iam ne manipulatim quidem sed latronum 
modo percursant totis finibus nostris neglegentius 

11 quam si in Romano vagarentur agro. Causa autem 
haee est quod neque tu defendis et nostra iuventus, 
quae si domi esset tutaretur, omnis sub signis militat 

12 tuis. Nee te nee exercitum tuum norim nisi, a quo 

1 centum x : prope centum A^x : om. P{1). 

1 E.g. Papirius Cursor, VIII. xxixEF. ; again IX. xxxviii; 
five times consul. 

2 In disparagement of Marcellus, a proconsul; cf. xliii. 12. 


BOOK XXIII. xLii. 5-12 

while you are not merely safe and victorious, but also b.c. 215 
here present, although you could almost hear the 
wailino- of our wives and children and could see the 
blazing houses, we have been so ravaged several 
times this summer that Marcus Marcellus, not 
Hannibal, appears to have been the victor at Cannae, 
and the Romans are boasting that you, having 
strength for but a single stroke, are inactive, as if 
you had spent your sting. For a hundred years we 
waged war with the Roman people, unaided either by 
commander or army from abroad, except that for 
two years Pyrrhus did not so much defend us with his 
resources as enlarge these by adding our soldiers. 
I shall not boast of our successes, that two consuls 
and two consular armies were sent under the yoke by 
us, nor of any other events which have brought us 
either joy or fame. But the hai-dships and defeats 
which then befel us we can relate with less indignation 
than the things that are happening today. Great 
dictators 1 and masters of the horse, two consuls and 
two consular armies, used each time to enter our 
territory. After first reconnoitring and posting 
reserves, and in regular array they would lead out 
for a raid. But now we are the prey of a single 
propraetor ^ and a small garrison assigned to the 
defence of Nola. Already they roam over our whole 
territory, not even in maniples, but after the manner 
of brigands, with less caution than if they were 
wandering in the country around Rome. The 
reason moreover is this : that you are not defending 
us, and at the same time our young men, who would 
be protecting us if they were at home, are all serving 
under your standards. I should be unacquainted 
both with you and your army if I were not to hold 


VOL. VI. li 


A.u.c. tot acies Romanas fusas stratasque esse sciam, ei 


facile esse ducani ^ opprimere populatores nostros 
vagos, sine signis palatos quo quemque trahit quamvis 
13 vana praedae spes. Numidarum paucorum illi 
quidcm praeda erunt praesidiumque miseris simul ^ 
nobis et Nolae ademeris, si modo, quos ut socios 
haberes dignos duxisti, baud** indignos iudicas quos 
in fidem receptos tuearis." 

XLIII. Ad ea Hannibal respondit, omnia simul 
facere Hirpinos Samnitesque, et indicare clades suas 
et petere pi'aesidium et queri indefensos se neglectos- 

2 que. Indicandum autem primum fuisse, dein peten- 
dum praesidium, postremo ni inpetraretur, tiuii 
denique querendum frustra opem inploratam. 

3 Exercitumi sese non in agrum Hirpinum Samnitemve, 
ne et ipse oneri esset, sed in pi-oxima loca sociorum 
populi Romani adducturum. lis populandis et 
militem suum repleturum se et metu jirocul ab his * 

4 summoturum hostis. Quod ad boUum Romanum 
attineret, si Ti'asumenni quam Trebiae, si Cannarum 
quam Trasumenni pugna nobilior esset, Cannarum 
quoque se ^ memoriam obscuram maiore et clariore 
victoria facturum. 

5 Cum hoc responso muneribusque amplis legatos 
dimisit ; ipse praesidio modico relicto in Tifatis pro- 

G fectus cetero exercitu ire Nolam pergit. Eodem 
Hanno ex Bruttiis cum supplemento Carthagine 
advecto atque elephantis venit. Castris haud procul 

1 ducam z : dicam P(l). 

^ miseris simul Madvig : misul P : misum P^?R : missum 
]i^(l)z : simul crit Gronoviiis. 

=* liaud Ay Valla : at it PE : ad id C : ad id R^14). 
* his P Walters, irithnut comment : iis ndgaie. 
^ quoque so Sieshye : se quoque P(l). 


BOOK XXIII. xLii. i2-.\Liii. 6 

it easy for one who, I know, hcas routed and laid low b.c. 215 
so many Roman battle-lines to surprise our scat- 
tered plunderers, roaming without their standards 
wherever a man is drawn by even the vain hope of 
booty. To a few Nuniidians they will in any case 
fall a prey, and you will have sent us troops and at 
the same time will have rid Nola of its garrison, if 
only men whom you have considered worthy to be 
your allies are not judged by you unworthy to be 
taken under your protection and defended." 

XLIII. To this Hannibal replied that the Hirpini 
and Samnites were doing everything at once, re- 
porting their losses, and asking for troops, and 
complaining that they were undefended and neg- 
lected. But they ought first to have reported, then 
asked for protection, finally, if this was not obtained, 
they should then, and not sooner, have complained 
that help had been besought in vain. He would lead 
his army, not into the territory of the Hirpini or the 
Samnites, in order not to be another burden, but into 
the nearest lands of allies of the Roman people. By 
devastating these he would satisfy his own army and 
drive the frightened enemy to a distance from them. 
As for the Roman war, if the battle of the Trasumen- 
nus was more celebrated than that of the Trebia, if 
Cannae than Trasumennus, he would overshadow the 
memory even of Cannae by a greater and more 
famous victory. 

With this answer and also with ample gifts he sent 
the ambassadors away. He himself set out, leaving a 
moderate force on Tifata, and proceeded with the 
rest of his army to Nola. Hanno also came thither 
from the land of the Bi-uttii with reinforcements 
brought from Carthage and Avith the elephants. 



A.u.c. positis longe alia omnia inquirenti conperta sunt 

7 quam quae a legatis sociorum audierat. Nihil 
enim Marcellus ita egerat ut aut foi'tunae aut tenaere 
hosti coniniissum dici posset. Explorato cum firmis- 
que praesidiis tuto receptu praedatum ierat, omnia- 
que velut adversus praesentem Hannihalem cauta 

8 provisaque fuerant. Tuni, ubi sensit hostem adven- 
tare, copias intra moenia tcnuit ; per min-os inanibu- 
lare senatores Nolanos iussit et omnia circa explorare 

9 quae apud hostes fierent. Ex liis Hanno, cum ad 
murum successisset, Herennium Bassum et Herium 
Pettium ad conloquium evocatos permissuque Mar- 

10 celli egressos per interpretem adloquitur. Hanni- 
balis virtutem fortunamque extollit : populi Romani 

11 obterit senescent em cum viribus maiestatem. Quae 
si paria essent, ut quondam fuissent, tamen expertis 
quam grave Romanum imperium sociis, quanta 
indulgentia Hannibalis etiam in captivos omnis 
Italici nominis fuisset, Punicam Romanae societatem 

12 atque amicitiam praeoptandam esse. Si ambo 
consules cum suis exercitibus ad Nolam essent, 
tamen non magis pares Hannibali futuros quam ad 
Cannas fuissent, nedum praetor unus cum paucis et 

13 novis militibus Nolam tutari possit. Ipsorum quam 
Hannibalis magis ^ interesse capta an tradita Nola 
poteretur; potiturum enim, ut Capua Nuceriaque 

^ magis Harant (after ipsorum in A^z) : om. P(l). 

BOOK XXIII. xLiii. 6-13 

Having pitclied his camp not far away, Hannibal n.c. 215 
found on enquiry that everything was very different 
from what he had heard from the legates of his allies. 
For Marcellus had not done anything in such a way 
that it could be said to have been left to fortune or 
rashly left to the enemy. After reconnoitring, having 
strong forces and a safe refuge, he had gone out to 
forage, and every possible precaution had been taken, 
as though against Hannibal in person. Then on 
learning of the approach of the enemy, he kept his 
troops inside the walls. He ordered the senators of 
Nola to w-alk up and down on the walls, and to observe 
everything that went on among the enemy all 
around. Hanno, having come close to the wall, 
called out from their number Herennius Bassus and 
Herius Pettius to a conference, and when they came 
out with Marcellus' permission, he addressed them 
through an interpreter. He lauded Hannibal's 
courage and success. He belittled the majesty of the 
Roman people, as wasting away along M'ith their 
resources. And if these qualities were evenly 
matched, he said, as once they had been, nevertheless 
those who had found out how burdensome was Roman 
rule to the alUes, how great had been Hannibal's 
indulgence even to all captives who called themselves 
Itahans, these were bound to prefer Carthaginian 
alliance and friendship to Roman. If both consuls 
were at Nola with their armies, still they would be 
no more a match for Hannibal than they had been 
at Cannae ; much less could one praetor with a few 
raw soldiers defend Nola. It was their own concern 
more than Hannibal's whether he took Nola by 
capture or by surrender. For he would take it, as he 
had taken Capua and Nuceria. But what a difference 



A.U.O. potitus esset ; sed quid inter Capuae ac Nuceriae 
fortiinam interesset ipsos prope in medio sitos 
14 Nolanos scire. Nolle ominari quae captae urbi 
casura ^ forent, et potius spondere, si Marcellum cum 
praesidio ac Nolam tradidissent, neminem alium 
quam ipsos legem qua in societatem amicitiamque 
Hannibalis venirent dicturum. 

XLIV. Ad ea Herennius Bassus respondit multos 
annos iam inter Romanum Nolanumque populum 
amicitiam esse, cuius ncutros ad earn diem paenitcre, 
et sibi, si cum fortuna mutanda fides fuerit, sero 

2 iam esse mutare. An dedituris se Hannibali fuisse 
accersendum. Romanorum praesidium ? Cum lis qui 
ad sese tuendos venissent omnia sibi et esse conso- 
ciata et ad ultimum fore. 

3 Hoc conloquium abstulit spem Hannibali per pro- 
ditionem recipiendae Nolae. Itaque corona oppidum 
circumdedit, ut simul ab omni parte moenia adgrede- 

4 retur. Quem ut successisse muris Marcellus vidit, 
instructa intra portam acie cum magno tumultu 
erupit. Aliquot primo impetu perculsi caesique 
sunt; dein concursu ad pugnantis facto aequatisque 
viribus atrox esse coepit pugna, memorabilisque 
inter paucas fuisset, ni ingentibus procellis effusus 

5 imber diremisset pugnantis. Eo die commisso 
modico certamine atque inritatis animis in urbem 
Roman], Pocni in castra receperunt sese; nam ^ 

^ casura Nipperdey : cessura P(ll)^^. 

^ nam W eissenborn : tarn P(l) : tamcn J/^. 

BOOK XXIII. xLiii. 13-XLIV. 5 

there was between the lot of Capua and that of n.c. 215 
Nuceria the men of Nola themselves knew, being 
situated about half-way between them. He did not 
wish to forecast what would happen to the city if 
captured, but assured them instead that if they sur- 
rendered Marccllus and Xola with the garrison, no 
one but themselves should name the terms on which 
they might enter alliance and friendship with 

XLIV. To this Herennius Bassus replied that for 
many years there had been friendshij) between the 
Roman people and that of Nola ; that down to that 
time neither party regretted it, and for themselves, if 
with altered fortune they ought to have changed their 
loyalty, it was now too late to change. If they were 
going to surrender to Hannibal, had they needed to 
send for a Roman ccarrison ? With the men who had 
come to defend them they had allied themselves in 
everything, and it would be so to the end. 

This conference deprived Hannibal of the hope of 
getting Nola by treachery. And so he completely 
invested the town, in order to attack the walls from 
all sides at once. Marcellus, on seeing that Hannibal 
had approached the walls, drew up his line inside the 
gate and sallied out with a great uproar. Not a 
few were terrified by the first attack and slain. Then, 
when they had charged the attacking force and 
brought up equal numbers, the battle began to be a 
fierce one, and would have been among the most 
memorable, if a downpour of rain in heavy squalls had 
not separated the combatants. That day, after begin- 
ning an engagement of no importance and merely in- 
flaming their passions, they withdrew, the Romans 
into the city, the Carthaginians to the camp. For of 



A.O.O. Poenorum prima eruptione perculsi ceciderunt liaud 

6 plus quam triginta,^ llomani quinqiiafjinta.^ Imber"' 
continens per noctem totani usque ad horam tertiam 
diei insequentis tenuit. Itaque, quamquam utra- 
que pars avidi certaminis erant, eo die tenuerunt sese 
tamen munimentis. 

Terlio die Hannibal partem copiarum praedatum 

7 in agrum Nolanum misit. Quod ubi animadvertit 
Marcellus, extemplo in aciem copias eduxit ; neque 
Hannibal detractavit. Mille fere passuum inter 
urbem erant castraque ; eo spatio — et sunt omnia 

8 campi circa Nolam — concurrerunt. Clamor ex parte 
utraque sublatus proximos ex cohortibus iis quae in 
agros praedatum exierant ad proelium iam com- 

9 missum revocavit. Et Nolani aciem Romanam 
auxerunt, quos conlaudatos Marcellus in subsidiis 
stare et saucios ex acie efterre iussit, pugna abstinere, 
ni ab se signum accepissent. XL\'. Proelium erat 
anceps ; summa vi et duces hortabantur et milites 
pugnabant. Marcellus victis ante diem tertium, 
fugatis ante paucos dies a Cumis, pulsis priore anno 
ab Nola ab eodem se duce, milite alio, instare iubet. 

2 Non omnis esse in acie ; praedantis vagari in agro ; 
et ^ qui pugnent, marcere Campana luxuria, vino et 
scortis omnibusque lustx'is per totam hiemem con- 

3 fectos. Abisse illam vim vigoremque, dilapsa ^ esse 
robora corporum animorumque quibus Pyrenaei 
Alpiumque superata sint iuga. Reliquias illorum 

^ triginta (xxx) PC^ (14) : xxxx R : trecenti Gronovius. 
^ quinquaginta Gronovius {see next note). 
3 imber lt-{l) : liber (i.e. l = 50 + iber) P : inber P^?. 
^ agro; ct Alschefski : agro sed P(l) : agris; et Luchs. 
^ dilapsa z : delapsa P(l). 

^ The small number is probably an error of the copyists. 


BOOK XXIII. XLiv. 5 .\Lv. 3 

the Carthaginians not more than thirty,^ who were b.c. 215 
terrified by the first sally, fell, of the Romans fifty. 
The rain continued incessantly throughout the 
night to the third hour of the next day. And so, 
although both sides were eager for the fray, they 
nevertheless kept within their fortifications that day. 
On the third day Hannibal sent a part of his forces 
into the country about Nola to plunder. On ob- 
serving this Marcellus at once drew up his troops in 
Une. And Hannibal did not refuse battle. There 
was about a mile between the city and the camp. In 
that space — and there is only a plain around Nola — 
they met each other. A shout raised on both sides 
recalled to a battle already begun the nearest men of 
the cohorts which had gone out to the farms for booty. 
And the men of Nola reinforced the Roman line. 
Marcclkis praised them and ordered them to keep 
their place among the reserves and to carry off the 
wounded from the field ; to refrain from fischtinij unless 
they should receive a signal fi-om him. XL\\ The 
battle was doubtful. The generals were doing their 
utmost in cheering on their men, the soldiers in 
fighting. Marcellus bids them attack men defeated 
two days before, driven from Cumae in flight a few 
days earlier, beaten back from Nola the previous year 
by himself, the same commander, and other soldiers. 
Not all of the enemy, he said, were in the line of 
battle ; the booty-hunters were roaming about the 
country, and those who were fighting were weakened 
by Campanian luxury, exhausted by wine and hai-lots 
and every kind of dissipation the Avhole Avinter 
through. Gone was that force and energy, lost the 
strength of body and spirit with which they had 
crossed the ranges of the Pyrenees and the Alps. 



A.u.o. virorum vix arma membraque sustinentis pugnare. 

■4 Capuam Hannibali Cannas fuisse : ibi virtutem belli- 

cam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi praeteriti temporis 

5 famani, ibi spcm futuri exstinctam. Cum haec 
exprobrando hosti Marcellus suorum niilitum animos 
erigeret, Hannibal multo gravioribus probris increpa- 

6 bat : arma signaque eadem se noscere quae ad 
Trebiam Trasumennumque, postremo ad Cannas 
viderit habueritque ; militem aliuni profecto se in 
liiberna Capuam duxisse, alium inde eduxissc. 

7 " Legatumne Romammi et legionis unius atque alae 
niagno certamine vix toleratis pugnam, quos binae 

8 acies consulares numquam sustinuerunt ? Marcellus 
tirone milite ac Nolanis subsidiis inultus nos iam 
iterum lacessit ! Ubi ille miles meus est qui derepto 
ex equo C. Flaminio consuli caput abstulit ? Ubi, 

9 qui L. Paulum ad Cannas occidit ? Ferrum nunc 
hebet ? an dextrae torpent ? an quid prodigii est 
aliud? Qui pauci plures vincere soliti estis, nunc 
paucis plures vix restatis ? Romam vos expugna- 

10 turos, si quis duceret, fortes lingua iactabatis : en,^ 
in minore re ^ hie experiri vim virtutemque volo. 
FiXpugnate Nolam, campestrem urbem, non flumine, 
non mari saeptam. Hinc vos ex tarn opulenta urbe 

1 en A» Valla, Madvig : enim P(10). 

2 in minore re Madvig : minor res est PJ/^M«'(13) Valla. 

1 Again disparagement of Marcellus, as in xlii. 10. 
^ A somewhat different account in XXII. vi. 4. 
8 Cf. XXII. xlix. 12. 



Remnants only of those men were figliting, scarcely b.c. 215 
able to hold up their weapons and their limbs. 
Capua had been Hannibal's Cannae. It was there 
that warlike courage had been extinguished, there 
the discipline of the soldier, there the past reputation, 
there the hope for the future. While by thus reviling 
the enemy Marcellus was raising the spirits of his 
soldiers, Hannibal was uttering much more serious 
reproaches ; he recognized the same arms and 
standards which he had seen and had at the Trebia 
and Trasumcnnus, finally at Cannae ; but as for the 
soldier, he had certainly led one man into winter 
quarters at Capua, and out of them a different man. 
" Are you," he said, " hardly able with great effort 
to hold out against a mere Roman lieutenant,^ and 
an engagement with a single legion and its auxiliaries 
— you, whom two consular armies combined have 
never withstood ? Marcellus with recruits and with 
reserves from Nola is now attacking us for the second 
time with impunity ! Where is that soldier of mine 
who pulled Gains Flaminius, the consul, down from 
his horse and carried away his head ? ^ Where the 
man who slew Lucius Paulus at Cannae ? ^ Is the 
sword now blunted? Or are your right hands be- 
numbed ? Or is it some other portent ? You who, 
though few, were wont to defeat larger numbers, 
now in larger numbers with difficulty resist the few ? 
You u'jcd to boast, brave men in speech, that if some 
one led you, you would take Rome by storm. Look 
you, in a less difficult situation, here and now I wish 
to test your might and courage. Take Nola by 
storm, a city of the plain, not fenced by a river 
nor by the sea. From this place, a city of such 
wealth, I wall either lead you, laden with booty and 



A^u.c. praecla spoliisqiie onustos vel ducam quo voletis vcl 

XLVI. Nee bene nee male dicta profuerunt ad 

2 conflrmandos animos. Cum omni parte pellcrentur, 
llomanisquo crescereht auimi, non duce solum adhor- 
tante sed Nolanis etiam per clamorem favoris indicem 
acccndentibus ardorem pusrnae, terga Poeni dederunt 

3 atque in castra conpulsi sunt. Quae oppugnare 
cupientis milites Romanos Mareellus Nolam reduxit 
cum magno gaudio et gratulatione etiam plebis, quae 

4 ante inclinatior ad Poenos fuerat. Ilostium plus 
quinque milia ^ caesa eo die, vivi capti sescenti et 
signa militaria undeviginti et duo elephanti, quattuor 
in acie occisi ; Romanorum minus mille interfecti. 

5 Posterum diem indutiis taeitis sepeliendo utrimque 
caesos in acie consumpserunt. Spolia hostium 

6 Mareellus Volcano votum cremavit. Tertio post die, 
ob iram, credo, aliquam aut spem liberalioris militiae, 
ducenti septuaginta duo equites, mixti Numidae et 
Hispani, ad Marcellum transfugerunt. Eorum forti 
fidelique opera in eo bello usi sunt saepe Romani. 

7 Ager Hispanis in Hispania et Numidis in Africa post 
bellum virtutis causa datus est. 

8 Hannibal, ab Nola remisso in Bruttios Hannone 
cum quibus venerat copiis, ipse Apuliae hiberna petit 

9 circaque Arpos consedit. Q. Fabius ut profectum in 

^ quinque milia Gronovms : vel P(l); cf. xxxiv. 13. 

BOOK XXIII. XLV. io-.\Lvi. 9 

spoils, or I will follow you whithersoever you shall d.c. 215 

XL\'I. Neither encouragement nor reproaches 
had any effect in steadying their spirits. Since they 
were everywhere beaten back, while the Romans' 
courage rose, as not only the general exhorted them, 
but the men of Nola also kindled their ardour for 
battle by shouting as evidence of their support, the 
Carthaginians retreated and were forced back into 
the camp. The Roman soldiers were eager to 
assault the camp, but Marcellus led them back to 
Nola, in the midst of great rejoicing and congratula- 
tion on the part of the common people as well, who 
had previously been more inclined to the Cai*- 
thaginians. Of the enemy more than five thousand 
were slain that day, six hundred captured alive, and 
nineteen military standards and two elephants 
w'ere taken, four killed in battle. Of the Romans 
less than a thousand were slain. The next day they 
spent under a tacit armistice, burying those slain in 
the battle on both sides. Marcellus burned the 
spoils of the enemy, paying a vow to Vulcan. Two 
days later in anger on some account, I suppose, or in 
the hope of a more generous service, two hundred 
and seventy-two hoi'semen, partly Numidians, partly 
Spaniards, deserted to Marcellus. Their brave and 
loyal services were repeatedly employed by the 
Romans in that war. As a reward for their courage 
farm land was given after the war to the Spaniards in 
Spain, to the Numidians in Africa. 

Hannibal, sending Hanno back from Nola into the 
country of the Bruttii with the forces with which he 
had come, himself sought winter quarters in Apulia 
and established himself near Arpi. Quintus Fabius, 



^fsf' Apuliam Hannibalem audivit, frumento ab Nola Nea- 
polique in ea castra convecto quae super Suessulam 
erant, munimentisque firmatis et, pracsiclio quod per 
hiberna ad obtinendum ^ locum satis esset relicto, 
ipse Capuam propius movit castra agrumque Campa- 

10 num ferro ignique est dcpopulatus, donee coacti 
sunt Campani, nihil admodum viribus suis fidentes, 
egredi portis et castra ante urbcm in aperto com- 

11 munire. Sex milia armatorum liabebant, peditem 
inbellem, equitatu plus poterant ; itaque equestribus 
proeliis lacessebant hostem. 

12 Inter multos nobiles equites Campanos Cerrinus 
Vibellius erat, cognomine Taurea. Civis indidem 
erat, longe omnium Campanorum fortissimus eques, 
adco ut, cum apud Romanes militaret, unus eum 
Romanus Claudius Asellus gloria equestri aequaret. 

13 Tunc 2 Taurea, cum diu perlustrans oculis obequi- 
tasset hostium turmis, tandem silentio facto, ubi 

14 esset Claudius Asellus quaesivit et, quoniam verbis 
secum de virtute ambigere solitus esset, cur non 
ferro decerneret daretque opima spolia victus aut 
victor caperet. 

XLVn. Haec ubi Asello sunt nuntiata in castra, 
id modo moratus ut consulem percunctaretur liceretne 
extra ordinem in provocantem hostem pugnare, 

1 obtinendum Madrirj : toncndum x Gronovius : petendum 


- tunc ira/t/i : hunc P(4) : hie DA. 

BOOK XXIII. xLvi. 9-.\Lvit. I 

on hearing that Hannibal had gone into ApuHa, u.c. 215 
brought in grain from Nola and Neapolis to the camp 
above Sucssula, strengthened the fortifications, and 
left a fjarrison which was strono- enoui>h to hold the 
place through the winter season. He then moved his 
camp nearer to Capua and ravaged the Campanian 
territory with fire and sword, until the Campanians, 
who had no confidence at all in their own resources, 
were compelled to come out of the gates and fortify 
a camp in the open before the city. They had six 
thousand armed men, infantry unfit for war ; but in 
cavalry they were more effective. Accordingly they 
kept harassing the enemy by cavalry battles. 

Among the many distinguished Campanian 
horsemen was Cerrinus \'ibellius. surnamed Taurca. 
A citizen of that state, he was far the bravest horse- 
man of all the Campanians, so much so that while he 
served with the Romans only one Roman, Claudius 
Asellus, rivalled him in reputation as a cavalryman. 
At this time Taurea, looking all around again and 
again, rode up to the squadrons of the enemy's 
cavalry and, when silence was at last obtained, asked 
where Claudius Asellus was, and why, since he had 
been in the habit of disputing M'ith him about their 
courage, did he not settle the matter with the sword 
and, if vanquished, give, or if victorious, take, the 
splendid spoils.^ 

XLVII. When this was reported to Asellus in the 
camp, he waited only to ask the consul whether he 
might fight out of the ranks against an enemy Avho 

* Strictly speaking the opima sj)oUa were those taken by a 
Roman general in command from the general of the enemy 
after a single combat; I. x. 4-7 (Romulus); IV. xx. 2 and 
6-6 (Cossus); Periocha 20 (Marcellus). 

A.iT.c. 2 permissu eius arnia extemplo cepit, provectusque 
" ^ ante stationes equo Tauream nomine compellavit 

3 congredique ubi vellct iussit. lani ^ Roniani ad 
spectaculuni pugnae eius frequentes exierant, et 
Campani non vallum modo castrorum sed moenia 

4 etiam urbis prospectantes repleverant.^ Cum iam 
ante ferocibus dictis rem nobilitassent, infestis hastis 
concitarunt equos ; dein libero spatio inter se ludi- 

5 fieantes sine vulnere pugnam extrahebant.^ Tum 
, Campanus Romano " Equorum " inquit " hoc non 

equitum erit certamen, nisi e campo in cavam banc 
viam demittimus equos. Ibi nullo ad evagandum 

6 spatio comminus conserentur manus." Dicto prope 
citius equum in viam Claudius deiecit.^ Taurea verbis 
ferocior quam re " Minime sis " inquit " canthcrium 
in fossam "; quae vox in rusticum inde proverbium 

7 prodita est. Claudius, cum ea via ^ longe perequi- 
tasset,® nullo obvio hoste in campum rursus cvectus, 
increpans ignaviam hostis, cum magno gaudio et 

8 gratulatione victor in castra redit. Huic pugnae 
equestri rem — quam vera sit,' communis exist imatio 
est — mirabilem certe adiciunt quidam annales : cum 
refugientem ad urbem Tauream Claudius sequeretur, 
patent! hostium porta ^ invectum per alteram, 
stupentibus miraculo hostibus, intactum evasisse. 

1 iam (13) : hinc C*M^ : in PCiMF. 

2 repleveraiit A'Jz Madvig : -erunt P( 1 )F. 

^ extrahebant P^?{\)F : extraherebant P: extrahere 

* deiecit A^ Madvig : delegit PA?{2)F : egit A^x Aldus. 

^ ea via Ferizonius, Madvig: exva P : ex via P-?{\)F ; 
cava Madvig (later). 

* perequitasset, P(\)F add quia, P^? via. 

^ quam vera sit Gronovius : quam vetatis P(4)P : quam 
etatis DA. 

* liOTta. Ingerslev: portaeP(l)P. 

BOOK XXIII. xLvn. 2-8 

challenged him. With the consul's permission he at it.c. 215 
once took up his arms, and riding out in front of the 
guard-posts he addressed Taurea by name and bade 
him engage wherever he pleased. Already the 
Romans had gone out in crowds to that spectacle of 
a combat, and the Campanians who looked on had 
filled not only the earthwork of the camp but also 
the walls of the city. First calling attention to the 
affair by high-spirited words, they levelled spears and 
spurred their horses. Then, eluding each other in the 
open space, they prolonged the bloodless fray. Then 
the Campanian said to the Roman: "This will be a 
contest of horses, not of horsemen, unless we let oin- 
horses go dowTi from the open field into this deep-cut 
road. There, with no room to avoid each other, we 
shall fight hand to hand." Almost sooner than said 
Claudius put his horse into the road. Taurea, more 
spirited in words than in action, said : " Never a nag, 
please, into a ditch ! " ^ — words which have come down 
from that time as a f;irmer's parable. Claudius rode 
a long way on that road, and then riding back to the 
field without meeting any enemy, returned as victor to 
the camp, reviling the cowardice of his enemy in the 
midst of great rejoicing and congratulations. To this 
combat of horsemen some annals add what is cer- 
tainly marvellous — how true, it is for everyone to 
judge — that, as Claudius was pursuing Taurea flee- 
ing to the city, he rode in through the enemy's 
open gate and, while they were spellbound in 
amazement, escaped unharmed by the opposite 

^ To be supplied is a verb, probably demiseris. Colloquial 
sis (= si vis, an insistent " please ") merely strengthens the 


A.o.c. XL\'I1I. Quicta inde stativa fuei*e, ac retro etiam 


consul movit castra, ut sementem Campani facerent, 
nee ante violavit agriini C'anipanum quam iam altae 

2 in segetibus herbae pabulum praebere poterant. Id 
convexit in Claudiana eastra super Suessulam ibique 
hiberna aedificavit. M. Claudio prooonsuli iniperavit 
ut, retento Nolae necessario ad tuendam m-bem 
praesidio, ceteros milites dimitteret Roniani, ne 

3 oneri sociis et sumptui rei publicae essent. Et 
Ti. Gracchus, a Cumis Luceriam in Apuliam legiones 
cum duxisset, M. Valerium inde praetorem Brundi- 
sium cum eo quem Luceriae habuerat exercitum misit 
tuerique cram agri Sallentini et providere quod ad 
Philippum bellumque Macedonicum attineret iussit. 

4 Exitu aestatis eius cpia haec gesta perscripsimus lit- 
terae a P. etCn. Scipionibus venerunt, quantas quam- 
que prosperas in Hispania res gessissent ; sed pecu- 
niam in stipendium vestimentaque et frumentum 

5 exercitui et sociis navalibus omnia deesse. Quod ad 
stipendium attineat, si aerarium inops sit, se aliquam 
rationcm inituros quomodo ab Hispanis sumatur ; ^ 
cetera utique ab Roma mittenda esse, nee aliter aut 

6 exercitum aut provinciam tenei'i posse. Litteris 
I'ecitatis nemo omnium erat quin et vera scribi et 
postulari aequa fateretur ; sed occurrebat animis 
quantos exercitus teiTCstris navalisque tuerentur, 
quantaque nova classis mox paranda esset, si bellum 

^ sumatur (sumaf) P^? AlschpJski, Walters : summat'q. P : 
sumant' P^m^?{l)F. 

^ The time is early autumn. 

2 In the extreme south of Calabria; XXIV. xx. 16; XXV. 
i. 1. 

3 As told in XXII. xxii. and XXIII. xxvi ff. 
* 1 .e. the senators present. 


BOOK XXIII. xLviir. i-6 

XLVIII. Thereafter the winter quarters were b.o. 215 
undisturbed, and the consul moved his camp back 
again, that the Campanians might do their sowing. 1 
And he did not ravage the Campanian country until 
the growing grain in the fields was tall enough to 
furnish fodder. This he transported to the Claudian 
Camp above Suessula and there built winter barracks. 
He ordered Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, to keep 
at Nola only the garrison needed to defend the city, 
and to send away the rest of the soldiers to Rome, 
lest they be a burden to the allies and an expense to 
the state. And Tiberius Gracchus, after leading his 
legions from Cumae to Luceria in Apulia, sent thence 
Marcus Walerius, the praetor, to Brundisium with the 
army Avhich he hacl had at Luceria, and ordered him 
to defend the coast of the Sallentine region 2 and to 
take measures concerning Philip and the Macedonian 

At the end of the summer in which occurred the 
events I have described, there came a letter from 
Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, reporting how great and 
how successful had been their operations in Spain ; * 
but that money for pay, also clothing and grain, were 
lacking for the army, and for the crews everything. 
So far as pay was concerned, if the treasury was empty, 
they would find some method of getting it from the 
Spaniards. Everything else, they said, must in any 
case be sent from Rome, and in no other way could 
either the army or the province be kept. After 
the reading of the letter, there was no one among 
them all "* who did not admit that the statements were 
true and the demands fair. But they reflected what 
great forces on land and sea they were maintaining, 
and how large a new fleet must soon be made ready 

M 2 


A.u.c. 7 Macedoniciim moveretur : Siciliam ac Sardiniam, 

^^ quae ante bellum vectigales fuissent, vix praesides 

provincianim exercitus alere ; tributo sumptus 

8 supj)eclitai-i ; ipsuni ^ tributurn eonferentium minie- 
rum tantis exercituum stragibus et ad Trasuniennum 
lacum et ad Cannas inminutum ; qui superessent 
pauci, si multiplici Qravarentur stipendio, alia peri- 

9 turos peste. Itaque nisi fide staretur,- rem publicam "^ 

10 opibus non staturam. Prodeundum in contioneni 
Fulvio praetori esse, indicandas populo publicas 
necessitates cohortandosque, qui redempturis auxis- 
sent patrimonia, ut rei publicae, ex qua crevissent, 

11 tempus commodarent conducerentque ea ^ lege prae- 
benda quae ad exercitum Hispaniensem opus 
essent, ut, cum pecunia in aerario esset, iis pi-imis 

12 solveretur. Haec praetor in contione ; edixit- 
que diem ^ quo vestimenta frumentuni Hispaniensi 
exercitui praebenda quaeque alia opus essent navali- 
bus sociis esset locaturus. XLIX. Ubi ea dies 
venit, ad conducendum tres societates aderant homi- 
num undeviginti, quorum duo postulata fuere : 

2 unum ut militia vacarent, dum ^ in eo publico essent, 
alterum ut quae in naves inposuissent ab hostium 

3 tempestatisque vi publico periculo essent. Utroque 
impetrato conduxervmt, privataque pecunia res 
publica administrata est. li mores eaque caritas 
patriae per omnes ordines velut tenore uno pertine- 

1 ipsum, P{l)F have eum ipsum. 

^ staretur (staref) P Wallers : staret (l)F vuhjale. 

^ rem publicam P{2)F : res publica Az. 

* ea Sigonius : ex P{l)F. 

* -que diem Riemann : om. P(l). 

* ut militia vacarent dum (Ironovius : hopeless conjusitn 

^ A direct tax paid by Roman citizens. 

BOOK XXIII. xLviii. 6 .xLi.x. 3 

if a Macedonian war should begin ; thai Sicily and Sar- b.c. 215 
dinia, which before the war had paid taxes in kind, 
were hardly feeding the armies that garrisoned those 
provinces ; that necessary expenses were met only 
by the property tax ; ^ that the numl)cr of those who 
paid that particular tax had been diminished by such 
great losses of troops at Lake Trasimiennus and also 
at Cannae ; that if the few who survived should be 
burdened by a much greater levy, they would perish 
by another malady. And so they thought that, unless 
support should be found in credit, the state would not 
be sustained by its assets ; that Fulvius, tlie praetor, 
must go before the assembly, inform the people of the 
public needs and exhort those who by contracts 
had increased their property to allow the state, the 
source of their wealth, time for payment, and to 
contract for furnishing what was needed for the 
army in Spain, on the condition that they should be 
the first to be paid, as soon as there was money in the 
treasury. To this eifect the praetor addressed the 
people, and named a date on which he would let 
the contracts for furnishing clothing and grain to the 
army in Spain and whatever else was needed for the 
crews. XLIX. When that day came, three companies 
of nineteen members presented themselves to take 
the contracts. And their demands were two : one, 
that they should be exempt from military duty so 
long as they were in that public service, the other, 
that the cargoes which they shipped should be at 
the risk of the state, so far as concerned the violence 
of enemies and of storms. Both demands being 
obtained, they contracted, and the state was carried 
on by private funds. Such character and such love 
of country pervaded all the classes virtually without 



^^39* '^ ^^Sit. Queniadmodum conducta omnia mai^no animo 
sunt, sic sunima fide praebita, nee quie(juani pax'cius 
militibus quam ^ si ex opulento aerario, u^uuondam, 

5 Cum lii commeatus venerunt, Iliturgi oppidum ab 
Hasdrubale ae Magone et Hannibale Bomilcaris filio 

6 ob defectionem ad Romanos oppugnabatur. Inter 
haec trina eastra hostium Scipiones eum in urbem 
sociorum magno certamine ae strage obsistentium 
pervenissent, frumentum, cuius inopia erat, advexe- 

7 runt, eohortatique oppidanos ut eodem animo 
moenia tutarentur quo pro se pugnantem Romanum 
exercitum vidissent, ad eastra maxima oppugnanda, 

8 quibus Ilasdrubal praeerat, ducunt. Eodem et duo 
duces et duo exercitus Carthaginicnsium, ibi rem 

9 summam aari cernentes, eonvenerunt. Itaoue 
eruptione e castris pugnatum est. Sexaginta 
hostium milia eo die in pugna fuerunt, sedecim circa 

10 a Romanis. Tamen adeo haud dubia victoria fuit ut 
plures numero quam ipsi erant Romani hostium 

11 occiderint, ceperint amphus tria miha hominum, 
paulo minus mille equorum, undesexaginta mihtaria 
signa, septem elephantos, quinque in proeho occisis, 

12 trinisque eo die castris potiti sint. Ihturgi obsidione 
liberato ad Intibili oppugnandum Punici exercitus 
traducti suppletis copiis ex provincia, ut quae maxima 

^ parcius militibus quam Madvig {one line), but he added 
datum {before quam) with Weis-senhorn : orn. P{\)F. 

1 In southern Spain, on the upper course of the Baetis 
(Guadakpiivir), destroyed by Scipio Africanus in 206 B.C. ; 


BOOK XXIII. xLix. 3-12 

exception. As all the supplies were magnanimously b.c. 215 
contracted for, so they were delivered with great 
fidelity, and nothing was furnished to the soldiers less 
generously than if they were being maintained, as 
formei-ly, out of an ample treasury. 

When these supplies arrived, the town of Iliturgi,^ 
because of its revolt to the Romans, was being 
besieged by Hasdrubal and'Mago and Hannibal, the 
son of Bomilcar. Between these three camps of the 
enemy the Scipios made their way into a city of their 
allies with great effort and great loss to those that op- 
posed them. And they brought grain, of which it had 
no supply, and encouraged the townspeople to defend 
their walls with the same spirit with which they had 
seen the Roman army fighting for them. Then they 
led their troops to an attack upon the largest camp, 
which Hasdrubal commanded. To it also came the 
other two generals and two armies of the Cartha- 
srinians, seeing that the whole issue was at stake there. 
Accordingly a sally from the camp opened the battle. 
Sixty thousand of the enemy were in the battle that 
day, about sixteen thousand on the Roman side. 
Yet so far was the victory from being uncertain that 
the Romans slew more than their own number, cap- 
tured more than three thousand men, a little less 
than a thousand horses, fifty-nine military standards, 
seven elephants, five having been slain in battle. 
And they took the three camps that day. The siege 
of Iliturgi having been raised, the Carthaginian armies 
were led over to attack Intibili,^ while their forces 
were recruited from a province which, more than any 

2 Apparently not far from Iliturgi; cf. Frontinus II. iii. 1. 
The only town of this name of which we hear elsewhere was on 
the east coast south of the Hiberus (Ebro). 



omnium belli avida. modo praeda aut mcrces esset, 

13 et turn iuventute abundante. Iterum signis conlatis 
eadem forhina utriuscjue pai-tis pugnatum. Supra 
tredecim milia hostium caesa, supra duo eapta cum 
signis duobus et quadraginta et novem elephantis. 

14 Turn vero omnes prope Hispaniae populi ad Romanos 
defecerunt, multoque maiores ea aestate in Hispania 
quam in Italia res gestae. 

1 68 

BOOK XXIII. xLi.x. 12 14 

other, was eager for war, if only there was booty or b.c. 21s 
pay, and at that time was well supplied with young 
men. A second time there was a battle in reorular 
line, with the same result for each side. Over 
thirteen thousand of the enemy were slain, over two 
thousand captured, with forty-two standards and nine 
elephants. Then indeed nearly all the peoples of 
Spain revolted to the Romans, and there were much 
greater achievements that summer in Spain than in 



Campani ad Hannibalem defeccrunt. Nuntius Cannensis 
victoriac Mago Carthaginem missus anulos aureos corpo- 
ribus occisorum detractos in vestibule curiae effudit, 
quos excessisse raodii mensuram traditur. Post quern 
nuntium Hamio, vir ex Poenis nobilibus, suadebat 
senatui Carthaginiensium ut jjacem a populo Romano 
peterent; nee tenuit obstrepente Barcina factione. 
Claudius ]\Iarcellus praetor ad Nolam eruptione adversus 
Hamiibalcm ex oppido facta prospere pugnavit. C^asilinura 
a Poenis obsessum ita fame vexatum est ut lora et pelles 
scutis detractas et mures inclusi essent. Nucibus per 
Volturnum amnem a Romanis missis vixerimt. Senatus 
ex equestri ordinc hominibus centum nonaginta septem 
suppletus est. L. Postumius praetor a Gallis cum exercitu 
caesus est. Cn. et P. Scipiones in Hispania Hasdrubalem 
vicerunt et Hispaniam suam fecerunt. Reliquiae 
Cannensis exercitus in Sicilian! relcgatae sunt, ne recedcrent 
inde nisi finito bello. Sempronius Gracchus consul 
Campanos cecidit. Claudius Marcellus praetor Hannibalis 
exercitum ad Nolam proelio fudit et vicit, primusque tot 
cladibus fessis Romanis meliorem spem belli dedit. Inter 
Philippum Macedoniae regem et Hannibalem societas 
iuncta est. Praeterea in Hispania feliciter a P. et Cn. 
Scipionibus, in Sardinia a - T. Manlio praetore adversus 
Poenos res gestas continet, a quibus Hasdrubal dux et 
Mago et Haimo capti. Exercitus Hannibalis per hiberna 
ita luxuriatus est ut corporis animique viribua ener- 

1 For the Periochae cf. Vol. I, pp. xvii f. 
^ The words Cn. . . . a, omitted in MSS., were added by 0. 



The Campaiiians revolted to Hannibal. Mago, who was 
sent to Carthage to report the victory at Cannae, poured 
out before the entrance of the Senate House golden rings 
taken from bodies of the slain ; and the tradition is that 
there were more than a peck of them. After that report 
Hamao, one of the Carthaginian nobles, tried to persuade the 
Carthaginian senate to sue for peace from the Roman people. 
And he did not carry it through, since the Barca faction 
protested loudly. Claudius Marcellus, a praetor, fought 
with success at 'Xola, making a sally from the city against 
Hannibal. Casilinum, beset by the Carthaginians, 
suffered so much from starvation that the besieged 
ate thongs, hides stripped off from shields, and rats. 
They lived on nuts sent down the river Volturnus by the 
Romans. The senate was recruited by one hundred and 
ninety-seven men from the equestrian order. Lucius 
Postumius, the praetor, was slain with his army by the 
Gauls. Gnaeus and Publius Scipio defeated Hasdrubal 
in Spain and made Spain their o^ti. The remnant of the 
army of Cannae was relegated to Sicily, not to leave it 
except after the end of the war. Sempronius Gracchus, 
the consul, utterly defeated the Campanians. Claudius 
Marcellus, a praetor, routed and worsted Hamiibal's 
army in battle at Nola, and was the first to give the Romans, 
exhausted by so many disasters, a better hope for the war. 
An alliance was formed between Philip, king of Macedonia, 
and Hannibal. The book also contains the successes 
gained over the Carthaginians by Publius and Gnaeus 
Scipio in Spain and by Titus Manlius, the praetor, in 
Sardinia. Hasdrubal, the general, and Mago and Hanno 
were captured by them. The army of Hannibal lived in 
such indulgence in winter quarters as to be weakened in 
body and spirit. 



A.u.o. I. Ut ex Campania in Bruttios i*editiim est, 

^^^ Hanno adiutoribus et ducibus Bruttiis Graecas urbes 

temptavit, eo facilius in societate mancntes Romana 

quod Bruttios, quos et odevant et metuebant, C'ar- 

2 thaginicnsium partis faetos cernebant. llegiuni 
primum temptatum est diesque aliquot ibi nequi- 
quam absiunpti. Interim Locrenses frumcntum 
lignaque et cetera neccssaria usibus ex agris in 
urbem rapere, etiam ne quid relictum praedae hosti- 
bus esset, et in dies maior omnibus portis multitudo 

3 effundi ; postremo sescenti ^ modo relicti in urbe 
erant, qui reficere muros ac - portas, teLujue in pro- 

4 pugnacula congerere cogebantur. In permixtam 
omnium aetatium ordinumque multitudinem et 
vagantem in agris magna ex parte inermem Hamilcar 
Poenus ^ equites emisit, qui violare quemquam 
vetiti, tantum ut ab urbe excluderent fuga dissi- 

5 patos, turmas obiecere. Dux ipse loco sujieriore 
capto, unde agi'os urbemque posset conspicere, 
Bruttiorum cohortem adire muros atque evocare 

^ sescenti (dc) W. Heraeus : ob P : oc P^? : hoc (1): 
hi a; : ii 2. 

^ ac X : om. P(l). 

* Poenus 7'(1): Poenos ,4^. 

1 He had been with Hannibal around Nola, and was sent 
back to the country of the Bruttii; XXIII. xlvi. 8. 



I. Having returned from Campania to the land of b.c. 215 
the Bruttii, Hanno,i ^^ji^ the Bruttii as supporters 
and guides, attacked the Greek cities,^ which were 
all the more ready to remain in alliance with Rome 
because they saw that the Bruttii, whom they both 
hated and feared, had gone over to the side of the 
Carthaginians. Regium was the first city to be 
attacked, and some days were spent there to no 
purpose. Meantime the Locrians hastily brought 
grain and wood and the other things needed to supply 
their wants froni the farms into the city, also that no 
booty might be left for the enemy. And every day 
a larger crowd poured out of all the gates. Finally 
there were left in the city only six hundred men, 
who were made to repair walls and gates and to carry 
arms to the battlements. Against the multitude 
made up of all ages and classes, Avandering about the 
country, many of the unarmed, Hamilcar the 
Carthaginian sent out his cavalry. Forbidden to 
injure anyone, they interposed their squadrons 
merely to shut off from the city those who had 
scattered in flight. The commander himself, after 
capturing higher ground from which he could see 
the country and the city, ordered a cohort of Bruttii 

2 Operations against Regium, Locri and Croton, Uarely 
mentioned in XXIII. xxx. 6 if., are given here in greater 
detail. It is late autumn, 215 B.C. 



^bZ^' pi'i'ifipcs Locrcnsium ad conlnquium iussit et polli- 
centes aniicitiam Ilannibalis adhortari ad urbcni tra- 

6 dendani. Bruttiis in conloquio nuUius rei primo fides 
est ; deindc, ut Poenus apparuit in collibus et i*efu- 
gientes pauci aliani omnem multitudinem in potestate 
hostiuni esse adfercbant. tuin mctu victi consulturos 

7 se populum responderunt. Advocataciue extemplo 
contione, cum et levissimus quisque novas res 
novamque societatem mallent et, quorum propinqui 
extra urbeni interclusi ab hostibus erant, velut 

8 obsidibus datis pigneratos haberent animos, pauci 
magis taciti probarent constantem fidem quani 
prolatam ^ cueri audercnt, baud dubio in speciem 

9 consensu fit ad Poenos deditio. L. Atilio praefecto 
praesidii quique cum eo milites Romani erant clam 
in portum deductis atque impositis in navis, ut 
Regium deveherentur, Haniilcarem Poenosque ea 
condicione ut foedus extemplo acquis legibus fieret in 

10 urbem acceperunt. Cuius rei prope non servata 
fides deditis est, cum Poenus dolo dimissum Ro- 
manum incusaret, Locrenses profugisse ipsum cau- 

11 sarentur. Insccuti etiam equites sunt, si quo casu 
in freto aestus morari aut deferre naves in terram 
posset. Et eos quidem quos sequebantur non sunt 
adepti : alias a Messana ti'aicientis freto Regium 

12 naves conspexerunt. Milites erant Romani a 

^ prolatam /'(4) Coniray : probatam DA : propalam 

* ■ ■ — 

1 Not directly opposite Messana, but about seven miles to 
the southeast. 


BOOK XXIV. I. 5-12 

to go up to the walls and call out the chief men of b.o. 215 
the Loci-ians to a conference, and with a promise of 
Hannibal's friendship to encourage them to sur- 
render the city. In the conference the Bruttians 
at first were not believed at all. Then, when the 
Carthaginians were seen on the hills, and a few 
returning fugitives repeatedly asserted that all the 
rest of the multitude were in the power of the 
enemy, overcome by fear, they answered that they 
would consult the people. An assembly being at 
once called, all the fickle preferred political change 
and a new alliance ; also those whose relations had 
been shut off outside the city by the enemy had mort- 
gaged their affections, having virtually given hostages. 
And the few silently approved of steadfast loyalty, 
rather than dared to declare and defend it. Hence 
surrender to the Carthaginians was voted with appar- 
ently unquestioned unanimity. After Lucius Atilius, 
commander of the garrison, and the Roman soldiers 
who were with him had been secretly led down to 
the harbour and put on ships to be carried to Regium, 
they admitted Hamilcar and the Carthaginians into 
the city on condition that a treaty be made at once 
on fair terms. The promise of such a treaty was 
almost broken after they surrendered, when the 
Carthaginian charged that the Roman had been 
allowed by trickery to go away, while the Locrians 
pleaded that he had escaped unaided. Also the 
cavalry pursued him in the hope that possibly the 
current in the strait might delay the ships or bring 
them to shore. They did not indeed overtake the 
men they were pursuing, but they sighted other 
ships crossing the strait from Messana to Regium. ^ 
It was the Roman soldiers sent by Claudius, the 




*-"-^- Claudio praetore missi ad obtinendam urbem prae- 
13 sidio. Itaque Regio extemplo abscessum est. Lo- 
crensibus iussu Haniiibalis data pax iit liberi suis 
legibus viverent, urbs pateret Poenis, portus in 
potestate Locrensium esset, societas eo iure staret ut 
Poenus Locrensem Locrensisque Poenum pace ac 
bello iuvaret. 

II. Sic a freto Poeni reducti frementibiis Bruttiis 
quod Regium ac Locros, quas urbes dii-epturos se de- 

2 stinaverant, intactas reKqmssent. Itaque per se 
ipsi conscriptis armatisque iuventutis suae quin- 
decim milibus ad Crotonem oppugnanduni pergunfc 

3 ire, Graecam et ipsam urbem et maritimam, pluri- 
mum accessurum opibus, si in ora maris urbem ac 
portimi ^ moenibus validam tenuissent, credentes. 

4 Ea cura angebat quod neque non accersere ad auxi- 
lium Poenos satis audebant, ne quid non pro sociis 
egisse viderentur et, si Poenus rursus magis arbiter 
pacis quam adiutor belli fuisset, ne in libertatem 
Crotonis, sicut ante Locrorum, frustra pugnaretur. 

5 Itaque optimum visum est ad Hannibalem mitti 
legatos caverique ab eo ut receptus Croto Brut- 

6 tiorum esset. Hannibal cum praesentium eam 
consultationem esse respondisset et ad Hannonem 
eos reiecisset, ab Hannone nihil certi ablatum. 
Nee - diripi volebat nobilem atque opulentam urbem 
et sperabat, cum Bruttius oppugnaret, Poenos nee 

^ ac portum P(\) : portu ac x. 

* nee Biemann : nee eo P(l) : nee enim A^. 



praetor, to garrison and hold the city. And so the b.c 215 
siege of Regium was at once raised. Peace was 
granted the Locrians by Hannibal's oi'der : they 
were, namely, to live in freedom under their own 
laws, the city to be open to the Carthaginians, the 
harbour in the power of the Locrians, the alliance to 
rest upon this basis : that the Carthaginian should 
help the Locrian, the Locrian the Carthaginian, in 
peace and in war. 

II. Thus the Carthaginians were withdrawn from 
the strait, though the Bnittians Mere indignant 
because they had left Regium and Locri untouched, 
the cities which they had counted upon plundering. 
And so without aid they enlisted and armed 15,000 
of their young men and set out to besiege Croton, 
another Greek city and on the sea, believing that it 
would be a great addition to their resources if they 
should hold a fortified city and harbour on the sea- 
coast. It troubled them that they did not quite 
dare not to call the Carthaginians to their aid, for 
fear they might seem to have failed to act as became 
allies. At the same time they feared that, if the 
Carthaginian should acrain be rather an arbiter of 
peace than a helper in war, fighting to secure free- 
dom for Croton might be profitless, as previously for 
Loci-i. And thus it seemed best to send legates to 
Hannibal and gain assurance from him that Croton 
when captured should belong to the Bruttians. 
Hannibal having replied that decision in the matter 
lay with those on the ground, thus referring them 
to Hanno, they obtained no definite answer from 
Hanno. He did not wish a city well-known and rich 
to be plundered, and he Mas hoping that, M'hile the 
Bruttian Mas besieging them and the Carthaginians 


N 2 

A.n.c. probare nee iu\are eani oppugnationcni appareret, 

8 eo maturius ad se defeeturos. Crotone nee consilium 
unum inter populares nee voluntas erat. Unus 
velut morbus invaserat omnes Italiae eivitates ut 
plebes ab optimatibus dissentirent, senatus Romanis 

9 faveret, plebs ad Poenos rem traheret. Earn dis- 
sensionem in urbe perfuga nuntiat Bruttiis : Aristo- 
machum esse principem plebis ti'adendaeque aueto- 
rem urbis, et in vasta urbe lateque moenibus disieetis ^ 
raras stationes eustodiasque senatorum esse ; qua- 
ciunque custodiant plebis homines, .ea patere aditum. 

10 Auctore ac duce perfuga Bruttii eorona einxerunt 
urbem acceptique ab plebe primo impetu omnem 

11 praeter arcem cepere. Arcem optimates tenebant 
praeparato iani ante ad talem casum perfugio. 
Eodem Aristomachus perfugit, tamquam Poenis, non 
Bruttiis auctor urbis tradendae fuisset. 

III. Urbs Croto murum in circuitu patentem duo- 
decim milia passuum habuit ante Pyrrhi in Italiam 

2 adventum. Post vastitatem eo bello factam vix pars 
dimidia habitabatur; flumen, quod medio oppido 
fluxerat, exti'a frequentia tectis loca praeterfluebat, 

3 et arx procul eis erat ^ quae habitabantur. Sex 
milia aberat ab ^ urbe nobili * templum ipsa urbe 

^ moenibus disieetis Jacobs : omnibus disieotis moenibus 

- erat //. J. Mi'ilhr (after arx II eissenborn ; before et 
WnUers): urn. P(\). 

^ ah z : in P(\) : inde Gronoviiis. 

« nobili iM/^^2 . nubile 7^-(l). 


BOOK XXI\'. II. 7-III. 3 

obviously neither approving nor helpings the siege, b.c. 215 
they would all the more promptly come over to his side. 
At Croton there was among the citizens no one policy 
or common preference. One malady, so to speak, had 
attacked all the city-states of Italy, that the common 
people were at odds Avith the upper class, the senate 
inclining to the Romans, the common people drawing 
the state to the side of the Carthaginians. This 
disagreement in the city was reported to the Bruttians 
by a deserter: that Aristomachus was the leader of 
the plebeians and advised surrender of the city ; also 
that in the sparsely inhabited city, with its walls at a 
great distance, there were only scattered posts and 
guards of the senators ; that wherever plebeians were 
on guard there was free access to the city. With 
the deserter as adviser and leader the 13ruttians 
completely encircled the city, and being admitted 
by the plebeians, they took the whole city by assault, 
with the exception of the citadel. The optimates 
held the citadel, having previously prepared a place 
of refuge for such an emergency. To it Aristo- 
machus also fled, as though he had advised sur- 
rendering the city to the Carthaginians, not to the 

III. The city of Croton had a wall with a circuit of 
twelve miles before the coming of Pyrrhus to Italy. 
Since the desolation caused by that war scarcely 
half of the city was inhabited.^ The river which 
had flowed through the middle of the city now flowed 
past, outside the quarters which had numerous houses, 
and the citadel was far from the inhabited portions. 
Six miles from the famous city was a temple more 

^ According to XXIII. xxx. 6 the city now had less than 
2000 inhabitants. 


A.u.c. nobiliiis 1 Laciniae lunonis, sancliuu omnibus circa 

4 populis. I^ucus ibi frequenti sih'a et proceris abietis 
arboi'ibus saeptus laeta in medio pascua habuit, ubi 
omnis generis saci-um dcae pecus pascebatur sine 

5 ullo pastore, separatinKjue greges sui cniusque 
generis nocte remeabant ad stabula, nnnKjviam 

6 insidiis fei'arum. non fi-aude violati horninum. Magni 
igitm* fructus ex eo pecore capti, columnaque inde 
aurea solida facta et sacrata est ; inclitumque 
templum divitiis etiam, non tantum sanctitate fuit. 

7 Ac miraciila aliqua adfingunt, ut plcrumque tarn 
insignibus locis : fama est aram esse in vestibulo 
templi, cuius cinerem nullo ^ umquam moveri ^ 

8 vento. Sed ^ arx Crotonis una parte imminens mari, 
altera vergente in agrum, situ tantum naturali 
quondam munita, postea et muro cincta est qua per 
aversas rupes ab Dionysio Siciliae tyranno per dolum 

9 fuerat capta. Ea tum arce satis, ut videbatur, tuta 
Crotoniatum optimates tenebant se, circumsedente 

10 cum Bruttiis eos etiam plebe sua. Postremo Bruttii, 
cum suis viribus inexpugnabilem viderent arcem, 

11 coacti necessitate Hannonis auxilium inplorant. Is 
condicionibus ad deditionem compellere Crotoniates 

^ nobilius, before this P(l) have erat. 
" nullo P Gi-onoi-ius : nuUiis P'(l). 

^ moveri Gronorius : move P : movet P^{1) : moveat z. 
* vento. Sed Gronovius : ventos et PCR : vento et P^ : 
ventus et C'M?DA. 

1 Cp. XXIII. xxxiii. 4. At that temple, the most celebrated 
shrine in i\Iagna Graccia, Polj^bius found and used Hannibal's 
own inscription in Punic and Greek, recording his successes 
(Polyb. III. xxxiii. 18; Ivi. 4), a document which Livj- barely 
mentions (XXVlll. xlvi. 16). A single column of the temple 
still stands on the ])romontory. Livj' is correct in regard to 
the distance from the city of Croton {ca. 9 km.). 



famous than the city itself, that of Lacinian Juno,i b.c. 215 
revered by all the surroundins^ peoples. There a 
sacred grove, which was enclosed by dense woods and 
tall fir-trees, had initscentreluxuriantpastures, where 
cattle of all kinds, being sacred to the goddess, used 
to pasture without any shepherd. And at night the 
flocks of each kind Avould return separately to their 
stalls, being never harmed by wild beasts lying in 
wait, nor by the dishonesty of men. Therefore great 
profits were made from the cattle, and out of the 
profits a massive golden column ^ was wrought and 
consecrated. And the temple was famous for its 
wealth also, not merely for its sanctity. They give 
it some pretended marvels also, as generally in 
places so noted. It is reported that in the space in 
front of the temple there is an altar whose ashes are 
never stirred by any wind. But the citadel of 
Croton, on one side overhanging the sea, while the 
other slopes down toward the country, was once 
protected merely by its natural situation, but later 
encircled with a wall also, where, along the cliffs on 
the farther side, it had been captured by Dionysius,^ 
the tyrant of Sicily. In that citadel, sufficiently safe, 
as it seemed, the optimates of Croton were at the 
time maintaining themselves, besieged even by their 
own plebs as well as by the Bruttians. Finally the 
Bruttians, seeing that the citadel was for their re- 
sources impregnable, were of necessity constrained 
to beg aid of Hanno. He attempted to compel the 
Crotonians to surrender on condition that they 

" Coelius the historian said that Hannibal, finding it was 
not merely plated, decided to carry it away, but was deterred 
by a dream; Cicero de Div. I. 48. 

^ Who captured Croton about 389 B.C. and is said to have 
held it twelve years. 


A.u.o. conatus ut coloniani ]}iuttiorum eo deduci anti- 


quamque frcquenliam recipere vastam ac desertam 
bellis urbem patcrentur, omnium neminem praetcr 

12 Aristomachum movit. Morituros se adfirmabant 
citius quam inmixti Bruttiis in alienos ritus mores 

13 legesque ac mox linguam etiam verterentur. Ari- 
stomachus unus, quando nee suadendo ad deditionem 
satis valebat nee, sicut urbem prodiderat, locum pro- 
dendae arcis inveniebat, transfugit ad Hannonem. 

14 Locrenses brevi post legati, cum permissu Hannonis 
arcem intrassent, persuadent ut traduci se in Locros 

15 paterentur nee ultima experirivellent. lam hoc ut sibi 
liceret impetraverant et ab Hannibale missis ad id 
ipsum legatis. Ita Crotone excessum est deductique 
Crotoniatae ad mare naves conscendunt. Locros 
omnis multitude abeunt. 

16 In Apulia ne hiems quidem quieta inter Romanos 
atque Haniiibalem erat. Luceriae Scmpronius con- 

17 sul, Hannibal haud proeul Arpis hibernabat. Inter 
eos levia proelia ex occasione aut opportunitate 
huius aut illius partis oriebantur, meliorque eis Ro- 
manus et in dies cautior tutiorque ab insidiis fiebat. 

IV. In Sicilia Ilomanis omnia mutaverat mors 

Hieronis regnum(|ue ad Hieronymimi nepotem eius 

translatum, puerum vixdum libertatem, neduni domi- 

2 nationem modice laturum. Eam aetatem, id inge- 

^ The entire population, while " Crotonians " refers primar- 
ily to the optimates. 

2 For Hiero's family see the table on p. 338. 


BOOK XXIV. III. ii-iv. 2 

permit a colony of Bruttians to be established there, n.c. 215 
and allow the city, desolate and depopulated by 
wars, to recover its old-time numbers. But among 
them all he prevailed upon no one except Aristo- 
machus. They claimed that they would sooner die 
than mingle with the Bruttians and change to the 
rites, customs and laws, and presently even the 
language, of another people. Aristomachus, since 
he was imable by persuasion to bring them to sur- 
render and could find no opportunity to betray the 
citadel, as he had betrayed the city, alone Avcnt over 
to Hanno. Soon after that the Locrian legates 
entered the citadel with Ilanno's consent and per- 
suaded them to allow themselves to be transfei'red 
to Locri, and not to risk desperate measures. Per- 
mission to that effect they had already obtained 
from Hannibal, having sent legates for that very 
purpose. So Croton was evacuated, and the Cro- 
tonians were led down to the sea and went on 
shipboard. They went, the whole number of them,^ 
to Loci-i. 

In Apulia even the winter was not without conflict 
between the Romans and Hannibal. Sempronius, 
the consul, was wintering at Luceria, Hannibal not 
far from Arpi. Skirmishes between them kept 
occurring as opportunity offered, or the favourable 
moment for one side or the other. And in conse- 
quence the Romans were better soldiers, daily more 
cautious and safer from surprise attacks. 

IV. In Sicily everything had been changed for the 
Romans by the death of Hiero ^ and the transfer of 
the kingdom to his grandson Hieronymus, a boy 
hardly able to keep his independence under control, 
much less absolute power. Such Avas the age, such 



A.u.c. iiiuiii tutures atciue aniici ad i)raecipitanduni in 

539 . 

omnia vilia acceperunt. Quae ita futura cernens 
Hiero ultima senecta voluisse dicitur liberas Syracu- 
sas relinquere, ne sub dominatu puerili per ludibrium 
bonis artibus pavtuni firmatum(pie interiret regnuni. 

3 Huic consilio eius summa ope obstitcre filiae, nomen 
regium penes puerum futuruni ratae, regimen rerum 
omnium penes se virosque suos Adranodorum et 

4 Zoippum, qui tutorum ^ primi relinquebantur. Non 
facile erat nonagensimum iam agenti annum, circum- 
sesso dies noctesque muliebribus blanditiis, liberare 
animum et convertere ad publicam a privata curam. 

5 Itaque tutores modo quindecim puero relinquit, 
quos precatus est moriens ut fidem erga populum 
Romanum quinquaginta annos ab se cultam inviola- 
tam servarent iuvenemque suis potissimum vestigiis 
insistere vellent et disciplinae in qua eductus esset. 

6 Haee mandata. Cum expirasset, tutores testa- 
mento prolato pueroque in contionem producto — 

7 erat autem quindecim turn ferme annorum^ — paucis, 
qui per contionem ad excitandos clamores dispositi 
erant, adprobantibus testamentum, ceteris velut 
patre amisso in orba civitate omnia timentibus . . . ^ 

8 Funus fit regium, magis amore civium et caritate 

9 quam cura suorum celebre. Brevi deinde ceteros 

^ The loss of a line in P{\) reduced five words apparently to 
andranonim ; restored by Gronovius from Polybius. 

^ The lost words may have covered the transfer of power to 
Hieronynms (Madrig). Or, more briefly, it may have been 
merely the assuniplion of control by the guardians, e.g. munus 
suscipiunt {i.e. tutores, § 6); then perhaps followed Turn funus, 
etc. ( Weissenborn). 



the disposition which guardians and friends took in b.o. 215 
hand, to throw liim into all the vices. Hiero, seeing 
that this would happen, is said in his extreme old age 
to have Avished to leave Syracuse free, that kingly- 
power gained and confirmed by good qualities might 
not come to an end in disgrace under the tvrannv 
of a boy. This his plan was opposed might and 
main by his daughters, who thought the boy would 
have the kingly title, but that complete control 
would be in their hands and those of their husbands, 
Adranodorus and Zoippus, who were being left as the 
principal guardians. It was not easy for a man now 
in his ninetieth year,i surrounded day and night by 
the blandishments of women, to be independent and 
turn his attention from the personal to the public 
interest. Accordingly he merely left fifteen guar- 
dians for the boy. and dying entreated them to keep 
inviolate that loyalty to the Roman people which he 
had maintained for fifty years ^ and to choose above all 
to have the young man tread in his footsteps and con- 
tinue the training in Avhich he had been brought up. 
Such were his instructions. After he had breathed 
his last the guardians produced the will and brought 
the boy. at that time about fifteen years old, beforg an 
assembly of the people. While a few men, who had 
been posted in all parts of the assembly to start 
applause, showed approval of the will, while the rest, 
as if deprived of a father and in an orphaned city, 
had only fears, the guardians {took charge). Then 
came the king's funeral, honoured rather by the love 
and regard of the citizens than by the grief of his 

^ He lived more than ninety j'-ears according to Poly bins 
VII. viii. 7. 

2 In fact 48 years (263-215 B.C.). 



A.o.c. tutores .suniniovet Adranodorus, iiivencm iam esse 

dictitans Hieronymum ac regni potentem ; de- 
ponend()(jiie tutelani ipse, quae cum pluribus com- 
muiiis erat, in se unum omnium vires convertit. 

y. Yi\ quidem ulli vel ^ bono moderatoque regi 
faoilis evat favor apud Syracusanos, succedenti 

2 tantae caritati Hieronis ; vcrum enimvoro Hiero- 
nymus, velut suis vitiis desiderabilem efficcre vellet 
avum, primo statim conspectu omnia quam disparia 

3 essent ostendit. Nam qui per tot annos Hieronem 
filiumquc eius Gelonem nee vestis habitu nee alio 
ullo insigni differentes a ceteris civibus vidissent, ei 
conspexere purpuram ac diadema ac satellites arma- 

4 tos, quadrigisque etiam alborum equorum interdum 

5 ex regia procedentem more Dionysi tyranni. Hunc 
tarn superbum apparatum habitumque convenientes 
sequebantur contemptus omnium hominum, superbae 
aures, contumeliosa dicta, rari aditus non alienis 
modo sed tutoribus etiam, libidines novae, inhumana 

6 crudelitas. Itaque tantus omnis terror invaserat ut 
quidam ex tutoribus aut morte voluntaria aut fuga 

7 praeverterent metum suppliciorimi. Tres ex iis, 
quibus solis aditus in domum familiarior erat, Adrano- 
dorus et Zoippus, generi Hieronis, et Thraso quidam, 
de aliis quidem rebus baud magnopere audiebantur ; 

8 tendendo autcm duo ad Cai'thaginicnses, Thraso ad 
societatcm llomanam, certamine ac studiis interdum 

9 in se convertebant animum adulcscentis, cum coniu- 

1 ulli vel Conway : ulli PC"(11) : vel Madvig. 

^ See note on XXIII. xxx. 11. 

2 In XXV. 1-2 the blame for his conduct is laid upon the 
guardians. The youth reigned only thirteen months; 
Polybius VII. vii. 3, 

1 88 

BOOK XXIV. IV. 9-v. 9 

family. Soon afterwards Adranodorus removed the b.c. 215 
rest of the guardians, saying that Hieronymus was 
now a young man and capable of ruling. And laying 
down his own guardianship, which was shared with a 
number of others, he took to himself alone the powers 
of them all. 

V. It would have been difficult for any king, even 
a good one and self-controlled, to find favour with the 
Syracusans as successor to Hiero, so beloved. But 
certainly Hieronymus at his very first appearance 
showed how different everything was, just as if he 
wished by his vices to make them regret his grand- 
father. For, though through so many years they had 
seen Hiero and his son Gelo ^ not differing from the 
rest of the citizens in garb or in any other distinction, 
they beheld purple and a diadem and armed attend- 
ants and a man who came forth from the palace 
sometimes even in a chariot with four white horses 
after the manner of Dionysius the tyrant. This 
haughty state and costume w-ere suitably attended 
by contempt shown towards everyone, by haughty 
ears, insulting words, infrequent access, not only for 
outsiders but even for his guai-dians, by unheard- 
of lusts, by inhuman cruelty. ^ Consequently such 
alarm had laid hold of all that some of the guardians 
anticipated the dreaded punishments either by 
suicide or by flight. Three of them, who alone had 
more intimate access to the palace, Adranodorus 
and Zoippus, the sons-in-law of Hiero, and a certain 
Thraso, were not ijideed much listened to on other 
matters ; but as two of them were inclining to the 
Carthaginians, Thraso to alliance wdth Rome, by 
their partisan rivalry they were occasionally attract- 
ing the young man's attention, when a conspiracy 



A.u.c ^-^'c ratio in tyranni caput facta indicatur per Callonem 

"^^ quondam, aequalcm Hiei*onymi et iam inde a puero 

10 in omnia familiaria iura adsuetum. Index ununi ex 
coniuratis Theodutum, a quo ipse appellatus erat, 
nominare potuit. Qui conprensas extemplo tradi- 
tusque Adranodoro tonpiendus, de se ipse haud 

11 cunctantcr fassus conscios celabat. Postremo, cum 
omnibus intolerandis patientiae humanae cruoiati- 
bus laccraretur, victvmi malis se simulans avertit 

12 ab consciis in insontes indicium, Thrasonem esse 
auctorem consilii mentitus, nee nisi tam potenti duce 

13 confisos rem tantam ausuros fuisse ; addit socios ^ ab 
latere tyranni quorum capita vilissima fingenti inter 
dolores gemitusque occurrere. Maxime animo 
tyranni credibile indicium Thraso nominatus fecit ; 
itaque extemplo traditur ad supplicium, adiectiquc 

14 poenae ceteri iuxta insontes. Consciorum nemo, 
cum diu socius consilii torqueretur, aut latuit aut 
fugit ; tantum illis in virtute ac fide Theodoti fiduciae 
fuit tantumque ipsi Theodoto virium ad arcana 

\ I. Ita, quod unum vinculum cum llomanis socie- 

tatis erat, Thrasone sublato e medio extemplo haud 

2 dubie ad defectionem res spectabat ; legatique ad 

Hannibalem missi ac remissi ab eo cum Hannibale, 

nobili adulescente, Hippocrates et Ej)icydes, nati 

^fuisse; addit socios J)/a</r/^ (a ////e) : am. P{1). 

^ Zoijipus liad been sent about this time to Eg3'pt; xxvi. 1. 

^ Liv\' mentions only Hannibal's envoys. Pol^'bius gives 
the names of two sent from Hieronymus' court, viz. Polyclitus 
and Philoderaus (VII. ii. 2). 

3 This Hannibal was only a trierarch; ibid. § 3. 



-VI. 2 

formed against the life of the tyrant was revealed b.c. 215 
by one Callo, of the same age as Hieronymus and 
from boyhood accustomed to all the rights of 
intimacy. The informer was able to name but one 
of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he had 
himself been approached. And Theodotus, at once 
seized and handed over for torture to Adranodorus,i 
confessed without hesitation in regard to himself, 
but did not reveal his accomplices. Finally, racked 
by all the tortures which pass human endurance, 
pretending to be mastered by his sufferings, he turned 
informer against the innocent instead of against his 
accomplices, and falsely stated that Thraso was 
responsible for the plan : that they would not have 
ventured upon such an undertaking if they had not 
relied upon so powerful a leader. He also named 
attendants of the tyrant as associates, men whose 
lives, it occurred to him, as he was fabricating be- 
tween pains and groans, were of the least account. 
His mentioning Thraso made the information parti- 
cularly credible to the mind of the tyrant. According- 
ly Thraso was forthwith handed over for execution, 
and the rest, equally innocent, shared his punishment. 
Not one of the accomplices either hid himself or fled, 
though their partner in the plot was long under 
torture. Such confidence was theirs in the courage 
and loyalty of Theodotus, and such will-power to 
keep secrets did Theodotus himself possess. 

VI. Thus as soon as Thraso, Avho Avas the sole link 
to an alliance with the Romans, had been removed 
from their midst, matters at once tended unquestion- 
ably toward defection. And ambassadors ^ were sent 
to Hannibal, and he sent back with a young noble 
named Hannibal ^ also Hippocrates and Epicydes, 



^wf ' Cartha<rine scd oriundi ab Syraeusis exule avo, Poeni 

3 ipsi materno genere. Per hos iuncta societas 
Hannibali ac Syracusano tyranno, nee invito Hanni- 

4 bale apud tyrannum manserunt. Appiiis Claudius 
praetor, cuius Sicilia provincia erat, ubi ea accepit 
extemplo legatos ad Hieronymum misit. Qui cum 
sese ad renovandam societatem quae cum avo fuisset 
venisse dicerent, per ludibrium auditi dimissique 
sunt ab quaerente per iocum Hieronymo quae 

5 fortuna eis pugnae ad Cannas fuisset ; vix credibilia 
enim legatos Hannibalis narrare ; velle quid veri sit 
scire, ut ex eo utram spem sequatur consilium capiat. 

6 Romani, cum serio legationes audire coepisset redi- 
turos se ad eum dicentes esse, monito magis eo 
quam rogato ne fidem temere mutaret proficiscuntur. 

7 Hieronymus legatos Carthaginem misit ad foedus ex 
societate cum Hannibale pacta faciendimi. Convenit 
ut, cmii Romanes Sicilia expulissent — id autem brevi 
fore, si naves atque exercitum misissent — , Himera 
amnis, qui ferme mcdiam ^ dividit, finis regni Syracu- 

8 sani ac Punici imperii esset. Aliam deinde, inflatus 
adsentationibus eorum qui eum non Hieronis tantum 
sed Pyrrhi etiam regis, materni avi, iubebant memi- 
nisse, legationem misit, qua aecum censebat Sicilia 
sibi omni cedi, Italiae imperium proprium quaeri 

9 Carthaginiensi populo. Hanc Icvitatcm ac iacta- 

1 median! Riemann : om. F{\) : insulam {after dividit) z 
\V eissenborn. 

1 Pyrrhus seems to have been his mother's grandfather; 
see table on p. 338. 



who were born at Carthage but Syracusans by origin n.c. 215 
(their grandfather being an exile), Carthaginians 
themselves on the mother's side. Through these 
men an alliance was made between Hannibal and the 
tyrant of Syracuse, and Avith Hannibal's consent they 
remained with the tyrant. Appius Claudius, the 
praetor, whose province was Sicily, on learning of this, 
forthwith sent legates to Hieronymus. While they 
were saying that they had come to renew the alliance 
which they had had with his grandfather, they were 
heard with derision and dismissed by Hieronymus, 
who in jest asked what success they had had in the 
battle at Cannae; for Hannibal's envoys reported 
what was scarcely to be believed. He wished to 
know, he said, what the truth was, that he might 
accordingly determine from which side he had the 
more to hope. The Romans departed, saying that 
they would return to him when he began to give a 
sober hearing to embassies, and warning rather than 
asking him not to be rash in changing his loyalty. 
Hieronymus sent ambassadors to Carthage to make 
a ti-eatv in accordance with the alliance arranjjed 
with Hannibal. The agreement was that, after they 
had driven the Romans out of Sicily (and this would 
be shortly done if ^Ae?/ would send ships and an army), 
the river Himera, which nearly divides the island in 
halves, should be the boundary of the kingdom of 
Syracuse and the Carthaginian empire. Thereupon, 
puffed up by the flatteries of those who bade him 
remember not Hiero only but also King Pyrrhus, his 
maternal grandfather, ^ Hieronymus sent another 
embassy, through which he declared it was fair for 
them to yield all Sicily to him, and for the Cartha- 
ginian people to seek their own dominion over Italy. 




A.u.c. tionem animi neque mirabantur in iuvene furioso 
neque arguebant, dummodo averterent eum ab 

VII. Scd omnia in eo praecipitia ad exitium 
fuerunt. Nam cum praemissis Hippocrate atque 
Epicyde cum binis milibus armatorum ad temptandas 

2 urbes quae praesidiis tenebantur Romanis, et ipse in 
Leontinos cum cetero omni exercitu — erant autem 
ad quindecim milia peditum equitumque — profectus 

3 erat,^ liberas aedis coniurati — et omnes forte milita- 
bant — imminentes viae angustae, qua descendere 

4 ad forum rex solebat, sumpserunt. Ibi cum instructi 
armatique ceteri transitum expectantes starent, uni 
ex eis — Dinomeni fuit nomen — , quia custos corporis 
erat partes datae sunt ut, cum adpropinquaret ianuae 
rex, per causam aliquam in angustiis sustineret ab 

5 tergo agmen. Ita ut convenerat factum est. Tam- 
quam laxaret elatum pedem ab stricto nodo, moratus 
turbam Dinomenes tantum intervalli fecit ut, cum in 
praetereuntena sine armatis regem impetus fieret, 
confoderetur aliquot prius vulncribus quam succurri 

6 posset. Clamore et tumultu audito in Dinomenem 
iam baud dubie obstantem tela coniciuntur, inter 
quae tamen duobus acceptis vulneribus evasit. 

7 Fuga satellitum, ut iacentem videre regem, facta est. 
Interfectores pars in forum ad multitudinem lactam 
libertate, pars Syracusas pergunt ad praeoccupanda 

8 Adranodori regiorumque aliorum consilia. Incerto 

^ ereit P{1) Conway : esaet A^ Walters. 

^ Northwest of Syracuse and looking down on a lake and 
the plain of Catana; captured by Marcellus, xxx. 1. 


BOOK XXIV. VI. 9-vn. 8 

At this trifling and boastful spirit in a madcap youth b.c. 215 
they did not wonder, nor find fault either, provided 
they made him break with the Romans. 

\ II. But in everything he was on the verge of 
ruin. For after sending Hippocrates and Epicydes 
in advance, each with two thousand armed men, to 
attack the cities which were held by Roman garrisons, 
he too setting out with all the rest of the army — and 
they were about fifteen thousand infantry and 
cavalry — had gone to Leontini.^ The conspirators, 
all of whom, as it happened, were in the army, took 
possession of an empty house looking down upon the 
narrow street by which the king used to go down to 
the market-place. There, while the rest, drawn up 
under arms, were to stand waiting for him to pass, 
one of them — his name was Dinomenes — , as being 
a body-guard, was assigned the role of halting, on 
some pretext, the column following the king in the 
narrow .street, when he approached the door of the 
house. This was carried out as had been arranged. 
Dinomenes, raising one foot and pretending to 
loosen a knot drawni too tight, delayed the crowd 
and caused such a gap that, when the attack on the 
king was made as he passed without guards, he was 
stabbed with several thrusts before help could reach 
him. On hearing the shouting and uproar they 
hurled their weapons at Dinomenes, who was now 
obviously blocking the way. In the midst of these, 
however, he escaped with only two wounds. The 
guards fled as soon as they saw the king lying there. 
Of the assassins some proceeded to the market-place 
and into a crowd which rejoiced in its freedom, some to 
Syracuse to forestall the designs of Adranodorus and 
the other supporters of the king. In the unsettled 




A.u.c. rcrum statu Ap. Claudias bellum oriens ex propinquo 

cum cerneret, senatum litteris certiorem fecit Sici- 

liam Carthaginionsi populo et Hannibali conciliari ; 

9 ipse adversus Syracusana consilia ad provinciae 

rcgnique fines omnia convertit praesidia. 

10 Exitu anni eius Q. Fabius ex auctoritate senatus 
Puteolos, pel" bellum coeptum frequentari emporium, 

11 communiit praesidiumque inposuit. Inde llomam 
comitiorum causa veniens in eum quern primum diem 
comitialem habuit comitia edixit atque ex itinere 

12 praeter urbem in campum descendit. Eo die cum 
sors praerogativae Aniensi iuniorum exisset eaque 
T. Otacilium M. Aemilium Regillum consules diceret, 
tum Q. Fabius silentio facto tali oratione est 
usus : 

VIII. " Si aut pacem in Italia aut id bellum eum- 
que hostem liaberemus in quo neglegentiae laxior 
locus esset, qui vesti'is studiis, quae in campum ad 
mandandos quibus velitis honoi-es adfertis, moram 
ullam offerret, is mihi parum meminisse videretur 

2 vestrae libertatis ; sed cum in hoc bello, in hoc hoste 
numquam ab ullo duce sine ingenti nostra clade 
erratum sit, eadem vos cura qua in aeieni armati 
descenditis inire suffragium ad creandos consules 
decet et sibi sic quemque dicere : ' Hannibali 

3 imperatori parem consulem nomino.' Hoc anno 

1 In 241 B.C. Hiero as a faithful ally for 22 j'ears was 
allowed to keep the eastern end of the island (about one-fourth, 
and not including Messana). 

2 The Delayer, consul this year and the next (five times in 
all), dictator in 217 B.C. 

2 Thus he retains full military authority, Avhich ^vould not 
be the case if he had entered the city; cp. ix. 2. 


BOOK XXIV. VII. 8-vni. 3 

state of affairs Appius Claudius, seeing a war begin- b.c. 215 
ning near at liand, informed the senate by letter 
that Sicily was being won over to the Carthaginian 
people and Hannibal. For his own part, to meet the 
schemes of the Syracusans, he concentrated all his 
garrisons on the frontier between the province and 
the kingdom.^ 

At the end of that year Quintus Fabius ^ by the 
authority of the senate fortified and garrisoned 
Puteoli, which as a commercial centre had groM'n in 
population during the war. Then, Mhile on his Avay 
to Rome to hold the elections, he proclaimed them 
for the first date available for an election, and without 
stopping ^cissed the city and came down to the 
Campus.^ On the day set the right to vote first fell 
to the century of the younger men of the Aniensis 
tribe, and it named Titus Otacilius and Marcus 
Aemilius Regillus as consuls. Thereupon Quintus 
Fabius, after silence had been made, spoke somewhat 
as follows : 

VIII. " If we had either peace in Italy or such a 
war and such an enemy that there was ample room 
for carelessness, should someone interpose any delay 
' to the enthusiasm which you bring to the Campus in 
order to entrust magistracies to the men of your 
choice, such a man would seem to me/,forgetful of 
your freedom. But since in this war, in dealing 
with this enemy, never has a mistake been made by 
any commander Avithout huge losses to us, you 
ought in electing consuls to enter the polls with the 
same seriousness with which you go into battle-line 
under arms, and each man should say to himself: ' I 
name as consul a man who is a match for Hannibal 
the general.' This year at Capua, when Vibellius 



^639' ^^ Capuam \'ibellio Taureae, Campano summo 
equiti, provocanti sumnius Romanus eques Asellus 

4 Claudius est oppositus. Adversus Galium quondam 
provocantem in ponte Anienis T. Manlium fidentem 

5 et animo et viribus misere maiores nostri. Eandem 
causam haud multis annis post fuisse non negaverim 
cur M. Valerio non diffideretur adversus similiter 
provoeantem arma capienti Galium ad certamen. 

6 Quern ad modum pedites equitesque optamus ut 
validiores, si minus, ut pares hosti habeamus, ita duci 

7 hostium parem imperatorem quaeramus. Cum qui 
est summus in civitate dux eum legerimus, tamen 
repente lectus, in annum creatus adversus veterem ac 
perpctuum imperatorem comparabitur, nullis neque 
temporis nee iuris inclusum angustiis quo minus ita 
omnia gerat administretque ut tempora postulabunt 

8 belli ; nobis autem in apparatu ipso ac tantum inco- 

9 hantibus res annus circumagitur. Quoniam quales 
viros creare vos consules deceat satis est dictum, 
restat ut pauca de eis in quos praerogativae favor 

10 inclinavit dicam. M. Aemilius Regillus flamen est 
Quirinalis, quern neque mittere a sacris neque reti- 
nere possumus ut non deum aut belli deseramus 

11 curam. T. Otacilius sororis meae filiam uxorem 
atque ex ea liberos habet ; ceterum non ea vestra in 
me maioresque meos merita sunt ut non potiorem 
privatis necessitudinibus rem publicam habeam. 

1 Cf. XXIII. xlvii. 

2 Cf. VII. X. 2 ff. 

3 Also in Book VII (xxvi. 2 ff.). 




Taurea, a distinguished Campanian knight, chal- b.c. 215 
lenged, Asellus Claudius, a distinguished Roman 
knight, was matched against him.^ Against the 
Gaul who once challenged at the bridge over the 
Anio our ancestors sent Titus Manlius,^ who relied 
upon his courage and his strength. There was the 
same reason, I am inclined to admit, -svhy not many 
years later Marcus \'alerius ^ found no lack of con- 
fidence in him when he took up arms for the fray 
against a Gaul who made a like challenge. Just as 
we desire to have foot and horse stronger than those 
of the enemy, if not, then a match for him, so let us 
seek a general who is a match for the commander of 
the enemy. When we shall have chosen the man 
who is the greatest commander in the state, never- 
theless, although suddenly chosen, elected for a 
single year, he will be pitted against an experienced 
permanent general, hampered by no restrictions of 
time or authority to prevent him from doing and 
directing everything as the phases of the war shall 
require. But with us the year rolls round in mere pre- 
paration and while we are just beginning. Having 
sufficiently stated what kind of men you ought to 
elect as consuls, it remains for me to say a few 
words in regard to those to whom the favour of the 
first century to vote has inclined. Marcus Aemilius 
Regillus is the flamen of Quirinus, and we can 
neither send him away from the sacred rites nor 
keep him at home without abandoning our responsi- 
bility for the gods or else for the war. Titus Ota- 
cilius has my sister's daughter as his wife and children 
by her. But not so slight are your favours to my 
ancestors and myself that I can fail to hold the state 
of more account than personal ties. Any one of the 



A.u.c. 12 Quilibet nautarurn vectorumque tranquillo mari 

''' ' gubcrnare potest ; ubi saeva orta tempestas est ac 

turbato mari rajiitur vento navis;, turn viro et guberna- 

13 tore opus est. Non tranquillo naviganius, sed iani 
aliquot procellis submersi paene sumus ; itaque quis 
ad gubernaeula sedeat summa cura provide ndum ac 
praeeavenduni vobis est. In minore te experti, 
T. Otacili, re simius ; baud sane cur ad maiora tibi 

14 fidamus documenti quicquam dedisti. Classem hoc 
anno, cui tu praefuisti, trium rerum causa paravimus, 
ut Africae orani popularetur, ut tuta nobis Italiae 
litora assent, ante omnia ne supplementum cum 
stipendio commeatuque ab Carthagine Hannibali 

15 transportaretur. Create consulem T. Otacilium, 
non dico si omnia haec, sed si aliquid eorum rei 
publicae praestitit. Sin autem te classem obti- 
nente,^ ea ^ etiam velut pacato mari quibus non erat 
opus ^ Hannibali tuta atque Integra ab domo vene- 

16 runt, si ora Italiae infestior hoc anno quam Africae 
fuit, quid dicere potes cur te potissimum ducem 

17 Hannibali hosti opponamus ? * Si consul esses, 
dictatorem dicendum exemplo maiorum nostrum 
censeremus, nee tu id indignari posses, aliquem in 
civitate Romana meliorem bello haberi quam te. 
Magis nullius interest quam tua, T. Otacili, non 

18 imponi cervicibus tuis onus sub quo concidas. P'igo 
magnopere oro ^ suadeoque,® eodem animo quo si 

1 obtincnte C^M^BDA : obtincntes P{A)A'. 

2 ea //. J. Midler: om. P{\). 

' non erat opus Riemann (after H. J . M.) : om. P(l) : various 

* opponamus Sabnasius : -pugnabant FC?RM : -ponant 
DAz Wallers (inserting hi). 

* ore Hertz : moneo Alachefski : om. P(\). 



sailors and passengers can steer when the sea is b.c. ji-, 
calm. When a savage storm comes and the ship is 
swept over a rough sea by the wind, then there is 
need of a man and a pilot. We are not sailing a calm 
sea, but have been almost sunk already by a number 
of squalls. And so who is to sit at the helm is for 
you to decide with the greatest seriousness and 
foresight. In a lesser affair we have tested you, 
Titus Otacilius. Certainly you have not shown any 
reason why we should trust you for greater things. 
This year we equipped the fleet which you com- 
manded for three purposes : to ravage the coast of 
Africa, to make our Italian shores safe, but above all 
to prevent reinforcements with pay and supplies 
from being brought over from Carthage for Hannibal. 
Citizens, elect Titus Otacilius consul, if he has per- 
formed, I do not say all of these things, but some 
part of them, for the state. But if, while you, Titus 
Otacilius, commanded the fleet, even the things he 
did not need came to Hannibal from home safe and 
intact, asthough he had conquered the sea, if the coast 
of Italy has been more unsafe this year than that of 
Africa, what reason can you give why we are to 
match you by preference as commander against such 
an enemy as Hannibal .'' If you were consul we should 
propose the appointment of a dictator, following the 
precedent of our ancestors, and you could not be 
incensed that some one in the Roman state was 
considered a better man in war than you. It is to 
no one's interest more than yours, Titus Otacilius, 
that no such burden be placed on your shoulders that 
you may fall beneath it. I earnestly entreat and 
urge you, citizens, that the same spirit which you 

* suadeoque P(4) : suadeo BDA. 



^539' stantibus vobis in acie armatis repente deligendi duo 

imperatores essent quorum ductu atque auspicio 

19 dimicaretis, hodie quoque consules creetis quibus 
Sacramento liberi vestri dicant, ad quorum edictum 
conveniant, sub quorum tutela atque cura militent. 

20 Lacus Trasumennus et Cannae tristia ad recorda- 
tionem exempla, sed ad praecavendas ^ similes ^ 
clades ^ documento sunt. Praeco, Aniensem iunio- 
rum in suffraijium revoca." 

IX. Cum T. Otacilius ferociter eum continuare 
consulatum velle vociferaretur atque obstreperet, 

2 lictores ad eum accedere consul iussit et, quia in 
urbem non inierat protinus in campum ex itinere 
profectus, admonuit cum securibus sibi fasces prae- 

3 ferri. Interim praerogativa suffragium init creatique 
in ea consules Q. Fabius Maximus quartum M. 
Marcellus tertium. Eosdem consules ceterae 

4 centuriae sine variatione uUa dixerunt. Et praetor 
unus refectus Q. Fulvius Flaccus, novi alii creati, 
T. Otacilius Crassus iterum, Q. Fabius consulis filius, 
qui tum aedilis curulis erat, P. Cornelius Lentulus. 

5 Comitiis praetorum perfectis senatus consultum 
factum, ut Q. Fulvio extra ordinem urbana provincia 
esset isque potissimmn consulibus ad bellum profectis 

6 urbi praeesset. Aquae magnae bis eo anno fuerunt 

1 praecavendas Stroth : -enda P(2) Comoay : -endum Axz. 
* similes PCfRM : simile BDAxz : similia C* Conway. 
3 clades Stroth : utiles P(10) : utile C : utili M^ : utilia z. 

^ Removed when a magistrate entered the city, as an 
indication that there his sentence was subject to appeal. 
2 His first praetorship was in 217 B.C.; XXII. x. 10. 


BOOK XXI\'. VIII. i8-i.\. 6 

would show if, while standing armed in battle-line, b.c. :;i5 
you had suddenly to choose two generals under 
whose command and auspices you should fight, be 
yours today also in electing consuls to whom your 
sons shall repeat the oath, in response to whose 
edict thev shall assemble, under whose jjuardian 
care they shall serve. The Lake of Trasumennus 
and Cannae are sad examples to recall, but to guard 
against like disasters they are a warning. Herald, 
summon the Aniensis century of the younger men 
to vote again ! 

IX. While Titus Otacilius was fiercely and noisily 
shouting that Fabius wanted to have his consulship 
prolonged, the consul ordered the lictors to go up to 
him, and, as he had not entered the city, having gone 
without a halt directly to the Campus, he warned 
Otacilius that the fasces carried before the consul 
had their axes.^ Meanwhile the leading century pro- 
ceeded to vote, and in it were elected consuls Quintus 
Fabius Maximus for the fourth time and Marcus 
Marcellus for the third time. The rest of the cen- 
turies without exception named the same men as 
consuls. And of the praetors one, Quintus Fulvius 
Flaccus, was reelected, the others newly created, 
Titus Otacilius Crassus for the second time,^ Quintus 
Fabius, son of the consul and at the time curule aedile, 
and Publius Cornelius Lentulus. The election of 
praetors being now completed, the senate decreed ^ 
that Quintus Fulvius by special designation should 
have the duties of city praetor, and that he, and no 
one else, should be in charge of the city when the 
consuls took the field. There were great floods twice 

^ Ordinarily praetors received their particular assignment 
of duty by casting lots or by agreement. 




A.yx: Tiberisque agros inuiidavit cum magna strage 
tectorum pecorumque et hominum pernicie. 

A.u.c. 7 Qiiinto anno secundi Punici belli Q. Fabius Maxi- 
mus qiiartum M. Claudius Marccllus tertmm consu- 
latum ineuntcs plus solito converterant in se civitatis 
animos ; multis enim annis tale consulum par non 

8 fuerat. Referebant senes sic Maximum RuUum 
cum P. Decio ad bellum Gallicum, sic postea Papirium 
Carviliumque adversus Samnites Bruttiosque et 
Lucanum cum Tarentino populum consules dc- 

9 claratos. Absens Marcellus consul creatus, cum ad 
exercitum esset ; praesenti Fabio atque ipso comitia 

10 habente consulatus continuatus. Tempus ac necessi- 
tas belli ac discrimen summae rerum faciebant ne 
quis aut in eam rem ^ cxemplum exquirei*et aut 
suspectum cupiditatis imperii consulem haberet ; 

11 quin laudabant potius magnitudinem animi quod, 
cum summo imperatore esse opus rei publicae sciret 
seque eum haud dubie esse, minoris invidiam suam, 
si qua ex ea re oreretur, quam utilitatem rei publicae 

X. Quo die magistratum inierunt consules, senatus 

2 in Capitolio est habitus decretumque omnium pri- 
mum ut consules sortirentur conpararentve ^ inter 
se uter censoi'ibus crcandis comitia haberet, prius- 

3 quam ad exercitum proficisceretur. Prorogatum 

1 cam rem J/. Midler : om. P{1). 

2 -ve 2 : -quae or -que P(l). 

^ For 295 b.c. ; X. xxiv. 1. 
2 For 272 b.c. 


BOOK XXIV. IX. 6-x. 


that year and the Tiber overflowed the farms with b.c. 215 
great destruction of buildings and cattle and much 
loss of life. 

In the fifth year of the Second Punic War, Quintus nc. 214 
Fabius Maxinuis entering his fourth consulship and 
Marcus Claudius Marcellus his third attracted the 
attention of the citizens more than was usual. For 
many years there had been no such pair of consuls. 
Old men recalled that thus Maximus Kullus had been 
declai-ed consul ^ with Publius Decius for the Gallic 
war, thus, later on,^ Papirius and Carvilius against 
the Samnites and Bruttians and the people of Lucania 
and of Tarentum. Marcellus was made consul in 
his absence, being with the army ; for Fabius, who 
was present and himself conducted the election, his 
consulship was continued. The times and the straits 
of war and danger to the existence of the state 
deterred any one from searching for a precedent for 
that,^ and from suspecting the consul of greed for 
power. On the contrary they praised his high- 
mindedness, in that, knowing the state had need 
of a great commander, and that he was himself 
undoubtedly that man, he counted his own unpopu- 
larity) should any be the consequence, as of less 
moment than the advantage of the state. 

X. On the day on which the consuls entered upon 
office the senate met on the Capitol, and it was 
decreed first of all that the consuls should decide by 
lot or by mutual arrangement which of them should 
hold the election for naming the censors before 
leaving for the army. Then for all who were with 

' I.e., immediate reelection, which a plebiscite of 217 B.C. 
had made legal for the duration of the war in Italy; cf. 
XXVII. vi. 7 f. 



A.u.c. deinde imperium omnibus qui ad exercitus erant 
iussique in provinciis manere, Ti. Gracchus Luceriae, 
ubi cum volonum exercitu erat, C. Terentius Varro 

4 in agro Pioeno, M. Pomponius in Gallico ; et prae- 
tores 1 prioris anni pro praetoribus, Q. Mucins 
obtincret Sardinian!, M. \'alerius ad Brundisium 
orae maritimae, intentus adversus omnes motus 

5 Philippi Macedonum regis, praeesset. P. Cornelio 
Lentulo praetori Sicilia decreta provincia, T. Otacilio 
classis eadem quam advei'sus Carthaginienses priore 
anno habuisset. 

6 Prodigia eo anno multa nuntiata sunt, quae quo 
magis credebant simplices ac religiosi homines, eo 
phn-a nuntiabantur : Lanuvi in aede intus Sospitae 

7 lunonis corvos niduni fecisse ; in Apulia pahnam 
virideni arsisse ; Mantuae stagnum efFusum Mincio 
amjii oruentum visum ; et Calibus creta et Romae in 

8 foro bovario sanguine pluvisse ; et in vico Insteio 
fontem sub terra tanta vi aquarum fluxisse ut serias 
doliaque quae in eo loco erant provoluta velut 

9 impetus ^ torrentis tulerit ; tacta de caelo atrium 
publicum in Capitolio, aedem in campo \'olcani, 
\'acunae ^ in Sabinis publicamque Warn, murum ac 

10 portam Gabiis. lam alia vulgata miracula erant : 

^ praetorcs Gronorius : praetorura Drakenborch : pf P(2). 
2 impetus P(l) : impetu x Gronovius. 
8 Vacunae Hertz : vocem P( 1 ) : arcem 2. 

1 Cf. XXIII. xxxii. 1. 

2 Cf. XXIII. xxxi. 15; XXIV. xliv. 8. 

3 A street leading up to the Collis Latiaris (part of the 
Quirinal), not far from the Curia, 



BOOK XXIV. x. 3-10 

the army their commands Avere continued, and they b.c. 2U 
were ordered to remain in their assignments, Tiberius 
Gracchus at Luceria, where he was with the army of 
shive-vohmteers,^ Gains Terentius \'arro in the 
Picene district, Marcus Pomponius in the GaHic ; 
and that of the praetors of the previous year, now 
as propraetors, Quintus Mucius should govern Sar- 
dinia and Marcus ^ alerius should be in command of 
the sea-coast at Brundisium, watchful against all 
movements of Philip, King of the Macedonians. 
Sicily was assigned as his province to Publius Cornelius 
Lentulus, the praetor, and to Titus Otacilius the same 
fleet which he had had against the Carthaginians the 
previous year. 

Prodigies ^ in large numbers — and the more they 
were believed by men simple and devout, the more 
of them used to be reported — were reported that 
year : that at Lanuvium ravens had made a nest 
inside the temple of Juno Sospita ; that in Apulia a 
green palm took fire ; that at Mantua a lake, the 
overflow of the river Mincius, appeared bloody; and 
at Cales it rained chalk, and at Rome in the Cattle 
Market blood ; and that on the Mcus Insteius ^ an 
underground spring flowed with such a volume of 
water that the force of a torrent, as it were, over- 
turned the jars, great and small, that Avere there and 
carried them along ; that the Atrium Publicum on 
the Capitol, the temple of Vulcan in the Campus, 
that of Vacuna * and a public street in the Sabine 
country, the wall and a gate at Gabii were struck by 
lightning. Moreover other marvels w'ere widely 

* Honoured especially by the Sabines, and known to modern 
readers chiefly in Horace's post fanum putre Vacunae ; Epist. 
I. X. 49. 



A u.c. hastam Martis Praeneste sua sponte promotam ; 
bovem in Sicilia locutum; infantem in utero matris 
in Marrucinis " lo triumphe " clamasse ; ex muliere 
Spoleti virum factum ; Hadriac aram in caelo species- 
que hominiim circuni cam cum Candida veste visas 

11 esse. Quin llomac quoque in ipsa iirbe, secundum 
apxim examen in foro visum — quod mirabile est, 
quia raruni — adfirmantes quidam legiones se armatas 
in laniculo videre concitaverunt civitatera ad arma, 

12 cum qui in laniculo essent negarent quemquam il)i 
praeter adsuetos collis eius cultores adparuisse. 

13 Haec prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata sunt ex 
haruspicum response, et supplicatio omnibus deis 
quorum pulvinaria Romae essent indicta est. 

XI. Perpetratis quae ad pacem deiun pertinebant, 
de re publica belloque gerendo et quantum copiarum 
et ubi quaeque essent consules ad senatum rettule- 

2 runt. Duodeviginti legionibus bellum geri placuit : 
binas consules sibi sumere, binis Galliam Siciliamque 

3 ac Sardinian! obtineri ; duabus Q. Fabium praetorem 
Apuliae, duabus volonum Ti. Gracchum circa Lu- 
ceriam praeesse ; singulas C. Terentio proconsuli 
ad Picenum et M. Valerio ad classem circa Brundi- 

4 sium relinqui ; duas urbi praesidio esse. Hie ut 
nvunerus Icgioniun expleretur, sex novae legiones 

^ I.e.. draped lecli with their cushions, kept in the temples of 
such gods as received the special honour of a lectisternium, a 
feast at which images of gods reclined in pairs ; XXII. x. 9. 

2 Not including those in Spain. Similarly in § 5 no mention 
is made of a fleet for Spain. 


BOOK XXIV. X. lo-xi. 4 

circulated : that the spear of Mars at Praeneste moved b.c. 214 
of itself; that an ox in Sicily spoke ; that among the 
Marrucini an infant in its mother's womb shouted 

Hail, triumph ! "; that at Spoletium a -woman was 
changed into a man ; that at Hadria an altar was 
seen in the sky, and about it the forms of men in 
white garments. In fact at Rome also, actually in 
the city, directly after the appearance of a swarm 
of bees in the Forum — a wonder because it is rare 
— certain men, asserting that they saw armed legions 
on the Janiculum, aroused the city to arms, whereas 
those who were on the Janiculum denied that anyone 
had been seen there except the usual dwellers on 
that hill. Atonement was made for these prodigies 
with full-grown victims on the advice of the sooth- 
sayers, and a season of prayer to all the gods who had 
festal couches ^ at Rome was proclaimed. 

XI. The rites which concerned peace with the gods 
being now completed, the consuls laid before the 
senate the condition of the state and the conduct of 
the war, and what forces there were and where 
severally stationed. It was voted to carry on the 
war Avith eighteen legions ; ^ that each consul should 
take two ; that with two legions in each case Gaul 
and Sicily and Sardinia should be held ; that with 
two legions Quintus Fabius, a praetor, should be in 
charge of Apulia, and that with two legions of slave- 
volunteers Tiberius Gracchus should be in command 
in the region of Luceria ; that one legion each should 
be left for Gaius Terentius, the proconsul, in the 
Picene district and for Marcus Valerius for service 
with the fleet near Brundisium; that two should 
foi-m the garrison of the city. To make up this 
number of legions six new legions had to be enrolled. 


VOL. VI. p 


A.u.c. 5 erant scribendae. Eas primo quoque tempore 

^^^ consules scribere iussi et classem parare, ut cum eis 

navibus quae pro Calabriae litoribus in statione essent, 

centum quinc^uaginta longarum classis navium eo 

6 anno expleretur. Dilectu habito et centum navibus 
novis deductis Q. Fabius comitia censoribus creandis 
habuit ; creati M. Atilius Regulus et P. Furius 

Cum increbresceret rumor bellum in Sicilia esse, 

7 T. Otacilius eo cum classe proficisci iussus est. Cum 
deessent nautae, consules ex senatus consulto edixe- 
runt ut, qui L. Aemilio C. Flaminio censoribus milibus 
aeris quinquaginta ipse aut pater eius census fuisset 
usque ad centum milia, aut cui postea tanta res ^ 
esset facta, nautam unum cum sex mensum stipendio 
daret ; qui supra centum milia usque ad trecenta 

8 milia, tris nautas cum stipendio annuo ; qui supra 
trecenta milia usque ad deciens aeris, quinque 
nautas ; qui supra deciens, septem ; senatores octo 

9 nautas cum annuo stipendio darent. Ex hoc edicto 
dati nautae, armati instructique ab dominis, cum 
triginta dierum coctis cibariis naves conscenderunt. 
Tum primum est factum ut classis Romana sociis 
navalibus privata inpensa paratis conpleretur. 

XII. Hie maior solito adparatus praecipue conter- 

ruit Campanos, ne ab obsidione Capuae bellum eius 

2 anni Romani inciperent. Itaque legatos ad Hanni- 

balem oratum miserunt ut Capuam exercitum 

admoveret : ad cam oppugnandam novos exercitus 

^ tanta res Weissenborn : res tanta z : tanta -P(l). 

^ Meaning chiefly remiges. who pulled the long oars and were 
in general slaves ; cf. XXVI. xxxv. 


BOOK XXIV. XI. 5-.xn. 2 

The consuls were ordered to enroll them as soon as b.c, 2U 
possible, and to furnish a fleet, so that, including the 
ships at anchor defending the coast of Calabria, the 
fleet should amount that year to a hundred and fifty 
warships. After conducting the levy and launching 
a hundred new ships, Quintus Fabius held an election 
for the choosing of censors. Marcus Atilius Regulus 
and Publius Furius Philus were elected. 

As the rumour that there was a war in Sicily 
spread more widely, Titus Otacilius was ordered to 
set sail thither Avith his fleet. Owinw to the lack of 
sailors ^ the consuls in accordance with a decree of 
the senate issued an edict that a man who in the 
censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gains Flaminius^ 
had been rated — either he or his father — at from 
50,000 to 100,000 asses, or if his property had since 
increased to that amount, should furnish one sailor 
provided with six months' pay ; that one who had 
more than 100,000 and up to 300,000 should furnish 
three sailors and a year's pay ; he who had over 
300,000 and up to a million asses, five sailors ; he 
who had over a million, seven; that senators should 
furnish eight sailors and a year's pay. The sailors 
furnished in accordance with this edict went on board 
armed and equipped by their masters, and with 
cooked rations for thirty days. It was the first time 
that a Roman fleet was manned with crews secured 
at private expense. 

XII. This extraordinary preparation particularly 
alarmed the Campanians, for fear the Romans might 
begin that year's war with a siege of Capua. Accord- 
ingly they sent legates to Hannibal to beg him to 
bring his army to Capua. New armies, they said, 

2 I.e. 220 B.C.; XXIII. xxiii. 5. 




A.u.o. scribi Romae, nee ullius urbis defectioni magis infensos 

3 eorum animos esse. Id quia tarn trepide nuntiabant, 
^ maturandum Hannibal ratus, ne praevenirent Ro- 

niani, profectus Arpis ad Tifata in veteribus castris 

4 super Capuam conscdit. Inde Numidis Ilispanisque 
ad praesidium simul castrorum simul Capuae relictis 
cum cetero exercitu ad lacum Averni per speciem 
sacrificandij re ipsa ut temptaret Puteolos quodque 

5 ibi praesidium erat, descendit. Maximus, postquam 
Ilannibalem Ai-pis profectum et regredi in Cam- 
paniam adlatura est, nee die nee nocte intermisso 

6 itinere ad exercitum redit, et Ti. Gracchum ab 
Luceria Beneventuni copias admovere, Q. Fabium 
praetorem — is filius consulis erat — ad Luceriam 
Graccho succedere iubet. 

7 In Sicilian! eodeni tempore duo praetores profecti, 
P. Cornelius ad exercitum, T. Otacilius qui mari- 

8 timae orae reique navali praeesset. Et ceteri in 
suas quisque provincias profecti, et quibus pro- 
rogatum imperium erat easdem quas priori anno 
regiones obtinuerunt. 

XIII. Ad Hannibalem, cum ad lacum Averni esset, 
quinque nobiles iuvenes ab Tarento venerunt, partim 
ad Trasumennum lacum, partim ad Cannas capti di- 
missique domos cum eadem comitate qua usus ad- 
2 versus omnes llomanoruni socios Poenus fuerat. Ei 
memores beneficiorum eius perpulisse magnam par- 
tem se iuventutis Tarentinae referunt ut Hannibalis 

^ Probably in connection with the necromancy practised 
at Avernus. 


BOOK XXIV. XII. 2-.\iii. 2 

were being enrolled at. Rome for besieging it, and the b.c. 2U 
defection of no city had more embittered the Romans. 
Since they reported this with snch excitement, 
Hannibal, thinking he must make haste, lest he be 
anticipated by the Romans, set out from Arpi and 
established himself by Tifata in his old camp above 
Capua. Then leaving Numidians and Spaniards to 
defend the camp and Capua at the same time, he 
came down with the rest of his army to the Lake of 
Avernus, with the pretext of sacrificing,^ in reality 
to attack Puteoli and the garrison which was there. 
Maximus, on being informed that Hannibal had left 
Arpi and was returning to Campania, without inter- 
rupting his journey by day or night returned to the 
army. And he ordered Tiberius Gracchus to bring 
his troops from Lucei-ia to Beneventum, and Quintus 
Fabius, the praetor — he was the consul's son — , to 
relieve Gracchus at Luceria. 

Two praetors set out at the same time for Sicily, 
Publius Cornelius to the army, and Titus Otacilius to 
take command of the sea-coast and of naval opera- 
tions. And the others set out for their several 
assis:nments, and those whose commands had been 
prolonged held the same regions as in the previous 

Xin. While Hannibal was at the Lake of Avernus 
five noble young men came to him from Tarentum, 
some of whom had been captured at the I^ake of 
Trasumennus, others at Cannae, and sent to their 
homes with that same courtesy which the Cartha- 
ginian had showTi toward all allies of the Romans. 
Mindfid of his favours, they reported that they had 
induced a large part of the young men of Tarentum 
to prefer the friendship and alliance of Hannibal to 



A.u.c. amicitiam ac societatem quam populi Romani 
mallent, legatosque ab suis missos rogare Hanni- 

3 balcm ut exercitum propius Tarentum admoveat : si 
signa eius, si castra conspecta a Tarento sint, haud 
ullam intercessuram moram quin in deditionem 
veniat ^ urbs ; in potcstate iuniorum plebeni, in manu 

4 plebis rem Tarentinam esse. Hannibal conlaudatos 
eos oneratosque ingentibus promissis domum ad 
coepta maturanda redire iubet : se in tempore 
adfuturmn esse. Hac cum spe dimissi Tarentini. 

6 Ipsum ingens cupido incesserat Tarenti potiundi. 
Urbem esse videbat cum opulentam nobilemque, turn 
maritimam et in Macedonian! opportune versam, 
regemque Philippum hunc portum, si transiret in 
Italian!, quoniam ^ Brundisium Romani haberent, 

6 petiturum. Sacro inde perpetrate ad quod venerat 
et, dum ibi moratur, pervastato agro Cumano usque 
ad Miseni promuntui-ium Puteolos repente agmen 
convertit ad opprimendum praesidium Romanum. 

7 Sex milia hominum erant et locus munimento quoque, 
non natura modo tutus. Triduun! ibi moratus 
Poenus ab omni parte temptato praesidio, deinde, 
ut nihil procedebat, ad populandum agruni 
Neapolitanum niagis ira quam potiundae urbis spe 

8 Adventu eius in propincum agrum mota Nolana 
est plebs, iam diu aversa ab Romanis et infesta 
senatui suo. Itaque legati ad arcessendum Hanni- 
balem cum haud dubio promisso tradei!dae urbis 

^ in deditionem veniat {a line) Conway: om. P(\): (after 
urbs) dedatur A^ : ei tradatiir Madvig : in potestatem eiua 
tradatur Weissenborn. 

* quoniam Madvig, Conicay : om. P{\). 



those of the Roman people ; and that, as legates b.c. 214 
sent by their people, they asked Hannibal to bring 
his army nearer to Tarentum. If his standards, if 
his camp should be seen from Tarentum there would 
be no delay in the surrender of the city ; that the 
common people were in the power of the younger 
men, the Tarentine state in the hands of the common 
people. Hannibal praised them and overwhelmed 
them with great promises, and bade them return 
home to carry out their undertaking promptly ; that 
he would be there at the right moment. With this 
hope the Tarentines were sent away. He himself 
had conceived a great desire to gain possession of 
Tarentum. He saw that the city was not only rich 
and famous but also a seaport, and favourably placed 
in the direction of Macedonia, and that accordingly 
King Philip, if he should cross into Italy, would make 
for this port, since the Romans held Brundisium. 
Then, after accomplishing the rite for which he had 
come, and devastating the territory of Cumae as far 
as the promontory of Misenum, while he lingered 
there, he suddenly headed his column toward Puteoli, 
to surprise the Roman garrison. There were six 
thousand men and the place was defended by a wall 
also, not merely by nature. There the Carthaginian 
tarried three days, attacking the garrison from every 
side ; and then, when he met with no success, he 
set out to ravage the territory of Neapolis, rather in 
anger than with the hope of taking the city. 

His coming into a neighbouring region aroused the 
common people of Nola, who had long been estranged 
from the Romans and hostile to their own senate. 
Consequently legates came to invite Hannibal, 
bringing a definitive promise to surrender the city. 



A.u.c. 9 venerunt. Praevenit iiiccptum eorum Marcellus 

640 ' 

consul a primoribus accitus. Die uno Suessulam a 
Calibus, cum Volturnus amnis traicientem moratus 

10 essct, contcndci'at ; inde proxima nocte sex milia 
peditum, equitcs trecentos, qui ^ praesidio scnatui 

11 essent, Nolam intromisit. Et uti a consule omnia 
inpigre facta sunt ad praeoccupandam Nolam, ita 
Hannibal tempus terebat, bis iam ante nequiquam 
temptata re segnior ad credondum Nolanis factus. 

XIV. Isdem diebus et Q. Fabius consul ad Casi- 
linum temptandum, quod praesidio Punico tenebatur, 
venit et ad Beneventum velut ex composito parte al- 
tera Hanno ex Bruttiis cum magna peditum equitum- 
quc manu, altera Ti. Gracchus ab Luccria accessit. 

2 Qui primo oppidum intravit, deinde, ut Hannonem, 
tria milia ferme ab urbe ad Calorem fluvium castra 
posuisse et inde agrum populari audivit, et ipse 
egressus moenibus mille ferme passus ab hoste 

3 castra locat. Ibi contioncm militum habuit. 
Legiones magna ex parte volonum habebat, qui iam 
alterum annum libertatem tacite mereri quam 
postulare palam maluerant. Senserat tamen hi- 
bernis egrediens murmur in agmine esse quaerentium, 

4 en innquam liberi militaturi essent, scripseratque 
senatui non tam quid dcsiderarent quam quid meruis- 
sent : bona fortique opera eorum se ad earn diem 

^ trecentos, qui A^x : quingentos, qui Weissenborn : om. 

^ Since Hannibal had captured the city; XXIII. xix. 
15 f.; XX. 1. 


BOOK XXIV. XIII. 9-xiv. 4 

Marcellus, the consul, was called in by the leading b.c. 214 
men and forestalled theii* undertaking. From Cales 
he had hastened in one day to Suessula, though the 
river \'olturnus had delayed his crossinjr. Thence 
he sent six thousand infantry and three hundred 
horsemen that night into Nola, to defend the senate. 
And whereas the consul did everything with energy, 
in order to anticipate him in occupying Nola, Hannibal 
was wasting time, having twice already made the 
vain attempt, and being now less inclined to believe 
the men of Nola. 

XIV. At the same time not only did Quintus 
Fabius, the consul, come to Casilinum, to attack the 
city, held by a Carthaginian garrison,^ but also, as 
if l3y prearrangement, Hanno, with a large force of 
infantry and cavalry, from the land of the Bruttii, 
came to Beneventum from one side, while on the 
other side Tiberius Gracchus came to it from Luceria. 
The latter at first entered the town, and then, on hear- 
ing that Hanno had pitched his camp about three 
miles from the city by the river Calor, and from that 
point was ravaging the country, he likewise left the 
city and pitched camp about a mile from the enemy. 
There he held an assembly of the soldiers. The 
legions he had were largely made up of slave- 
volunteers, who noNV for two years had preferred 
silently to earn their freedom rather than openly to 
demand it. Yet as he came out of winter quarters 
he had been aware that there was murmuring in the 
column, as they asked whether they were ever at all 
to serve as free men. And he had written to the 
senate, not so much what they wanted as what they 
had deserved ; that he had had good and brave service 
from them up to that time, and that they lacked 



^540* ^isum, neque ad exemplum iusti militis quicquam eis 

5 praeter libertatem deesse. De eo permissum ipsi 
erat faceret quod e re publica duceret esse. Itaque 
priusquam cum hoste manum consereret, pronuntiat 
tempus venisse eis libertatis quam diu sperassent 

6 potiundae ; postero die signis conlatis diniieaturum 
puro ae patenti campo, ubi sine ullo insidiarum metu 

7 vera virtute geri res posset. Qui caput hostis rettu- 
lisset, eum se extemplo liberum iussurum esse ; qui 
loco cessisset, in eum servili supplicio animadversu- 

8 rum ; suam cuique fortunam in manu esse. Liberta- 
tis auctorem eis non se fore solum, sed consulem M. 
Marcellum, sed universos patres, quos consultos ab 

9 se de libertate eorum sibi permisisse. Litteras inde 
consulis ac senatus consultum recitavit ; ad quae 
clamor cum ingenti adsensu est sublatus. Pugnam 
poscebant signumque ut daret extemplo ferociter 

10 instabant. Gracchus proelio in posterum diem 
pronuntiato contionem dimisit. Milites laeti, prae- 
cipue quibus merces navatae in unum diem operae 
libertas futura erat, armis expediendis diei ^ relicum 

XV. Postero die ubi signa coeperunt canere, 
primi omnium parati instructique ad praetorium 
conveniunt. Sole orto Gracchus in aciem copias 
educit ; nee hostes moram dimicandi fecerunt. 

2 Decern ^ septem milia peditum erant, maxima ex 
parte Bruttii ac Lucani, equites mille ducenti, inter 
quos pauci admodum Italici, ceteri Numidae fere 

1 diei X Gronoviu.1 : que P : quod P^(l) : -4* adds diei fuit. 

2 decern P{2) : C M add et. 

BOOK XXIV. XIV. 4-xv. 2 

nothing toward the standard of the real soldier except b.o. 214 
their freedom. In this matter he had been given 
permission to do whatever he thought to be for the 
good of the state. And so, before engaging the 
enemy, he announced that the time had come for 
them to gain the freedom for which they so long had 
hoped ; that the next day he would fight, standards 
against standards, in a clear and open field, where 
without any fear of ambush the battle could be 
fought with pure courage. Whoever should bring 
back the head of an enemy would by his order be a 
free mail at once. Whoever retreated from his post 
would meet the punishment of a slave. Each man's 
fortune was in his own hand. The giver of their free- 
dom would be not merely himself, but the consul 
Marcus Marcellus, but the whole senate, for they had 
been consulted by him and had given him permission 
in the matter of their freedom. He then read the 
letter of the consul and the decree of the senate. 
Upon that a shout was raised with great applause. 
They clamoured for battle and with high spirit 
insisted that he give the signal at once. Gracchus 
announced a battle for the morrow and dismissed 
the assembly. The soldiers were happy, especially 
those for whom freedom was to be the reward of a 
single day's service, and spent the rest of the day in 
putting their arms in order. 

X\ . On the next day, when the signals began to 
sound, these soldiers were the first of all to assemble 
at headquarters, ready and in formation. After 
sunrise Gracchus led his troops out into line, and the 
enemy did not delay the battle. They had seventeen 
thousand infantry, mostly Bruttians and Lucanians, 
twelve hundred cavalry, among them very few 




Ax.c. 3 omnes Maurique. Pugnatum est et acriter et din; 
quattuor horis neiitro inclinata est pugna. Nee alia 
magis Romaiium impediebat res quam capita hostium 

4 pretia libcrtatis facta; nam ut quisque hostem 
inpigre occiderat, primum capita aegre inter turbam 
tumultumque abscidendo terebat tempus ; deinde 
occupata dextra tenendo caput fortissimus quisque 
pugnator esse desierat, segnibus ac timidis tradita 

5 pugna erat. Quod ubi tribuni militum Graccho nun- 
tiaverunt, nemineni stantem iam vulnerari Tiostem, 
carnificari iacentes, et in dextris militum pro gladiis 
humana capita esse, signum dari propere iussit, pro- 

6 icerent capita invaderentque hostem : claram satis et 
insignem virtutem esse nee dubiam libertatem fu- 
tui-am strenuis viris. Tum redintegrata pugna est. 

7 et eques etiam in hostes emissus. Quibus cum 
inpigre Numidae occurrissent,^ nee segnior equitum 
quam peditum pugna esset, iterum in dubium 
adducta res. Cum utrimque duces, Romanus Brut- 
tium Lucaniunque totiens a maioribus suis victos 
subactosque, Poenus mancipia Romana et ex ergas- 

8 tulo militem verbis obtereret, postremo pronuntiat 
Gracchus esse nihil quod de libertate sperarent, nisi 
eo die fusi fugatique hostes essent. XVI. Ea 
demum vox ita animos accendit ut renovato elamore, 
velut ahi repente facti, tanta vi se in hostem intule- 

1 occurrissent xz : concurrissent P(I). 

BOOK XXIV. XV. 3-xvi. i 

Italians, nearly all the rest Numidians and Mauri, b.c. 214 
The battle was fierce and long ; for four hours it did 
not incline either way. And nothing hampered the 
Romans more than that enemies' heads were made 
the price of freedom. For when a man had boldly 
slain an enemy, in the first place he was wasting time 
in cutting off the head with difficulty in the confusion 
and turmoil ; and then, as his right hand was occupied 
in holding the head, the bravest had ceased to be 
fighters, while the battle was turned over to the 
spiritless and the fearful. When the tribunes of the 
soldiers reported this to Gracchus : that they were 
not wounding a single enemy standing, but butchering 
the fallen; and that in the soldier's right hands 
there were human heads instead of swords, he ordered 
the command at once given that they should throw 
away the heads and attack the enemy. Their 
courage, he said, was sufficiently clear and con- 
spicuous, and for active men freedom would be 
beyond a doubt. Thereupon the battle was re- 
newed, and the cavalry also charged the enemy. 
Since the Numidians met this charge gallantly and 
the cavalry battle was no less spirited than that of 
the infantry, the issue was for the second time made 
doubtful. While the commanders on both sides 
heaped abuse, the Roman on the Bruttians and 
Lucanians, so many times defeated and subdued by 
their ancestors, the Carthaginian on the Roman 
slaves and prison-house soldiers, Gracchus finally 
declared that they had no reason to hope for freedom, 
unless on that day the enemy should be routed and 
put to flight. X\T. Those words at last so fired their 
courage that, as though they were suddenly different 
men, they raised a shout again and charged the enemy 



A.u.c. 2 1-int ut sustineri ultra non possent. Prinio ante- 
signam roenoruni, dem signa perturbata, postremo 
tota inpulsa acies ; inde haud dubie terga data, 
riuintcjue fugientes in castra adco pavidi trcpidique 
ut ne in portis quidem aut vallo (juisquam restiterit, 
ac prope continenti agmine Romani insecuti novum 
de integro proelium inclusi hostium vallo ediderint. 

3 Ibi sicut pugna inpeditior in angustiis, ita caedes 
atrocior fuit. Et adiuvere captivi, qui rapto inter 
tumultum ferro conglobati et ab tergo ceciderunt 

4 Poenos et fugam impedierunt. Itaquc minus duo 
milia hominum ex tanto exercitu, et ea maior pars 
equitum, cum ipso duce efFugerunt ; alii omnes 
caesi aut capti ; capta et signa duodequadraginta. 

5 Ex victoribus duo milia ferme cecidere. Praeda 
omnis praeterquam hominum captorum militi con- 
cessa est ; et pecus exceptum est quod intra dies 
trig-inta domini eoornovissent. 

6 Cum praeda onusti in castra redissent, quattuor 
milia ferme volonum militum, quae pugnaverant 
segnius nee in castra inruperant simul, metu poenae 

7 coUem haud procul castris ceperunt. Postero die 
per tribunes militum inde deducti contione militum 

S advocata a Graccho superveniunt. Ubi cum pro- 
consul veteres milites primum, prout cuiusque virtus 
atque opera in ea pugna fuerat, militaribus donis 

9 donasset, tunc quod ad volones attineret, omnes ait 

1 Livn^ often applies Roman military terms to the enemy's 
army. Here signa suggests a second line somewhat like the 
Roman principes. Cf. XXII. v. 7 for aiUesignani. 



with such force that they could no longer be with- u.c. 214 
stood. At first the front line ^ of the Carthaginians, 
then the second was in confusion ; finally the whole 
line was forced back. Then it was ininiistakeable 
flight, and fleeing they dashed into their camp in 
such fright and excitement that no one halted even 
at the gates or on the wall. And the Romans, 
pursuing in almost unbroken column, fought an 
entirely new battle while hemmed in by the enemies' 
wall. There the battle was indeed more hampered 
in a confined space, but the slaughter was more 
savage. And they were aided by the captives, who, 
seizing weapons during the confusion and advancing 
in a mass, slashed the Carthaginians from the rear 
and also hindered their flight. And so out of that 
great army less than two thousand men, mainly 
cavalry at that, escaped along with the general 
himself. All the rest were slain or captured. Cap- 
tured were also thirty-eight standards. Of the 
victoi's about two thousand fell. All the booty 
except the captives was given to the soldiers. Cattle 
also were excepted, if the owners should identify 
them within thirty days. 

When they had returned to camp laden with booty, 
about four thousand of the slave-volunteers, who had 
fought with less spirit and had not dashed into the 
camp with the others, for fear of punishment occupied 
a hill not far from the camp. The next day the}'' 
were brought down by military tribunes and arrived 
after an assembly of the soldiers had been called by 
Gracchus. There the proconsul first presented 
military decorations to the old soldiers, to each 
according to his valour and his part in that battle ; 
and then he said that, so far as the slave-volunteers 



A.u.c. malle laudatos a se, dignos indignosque, quam quem- 
quam eo die castigatum esse. Quod bonum faustum 
fclixque rei publicae ipsisque esset, omnes eos 
lu liberos esse iubere. Ad quam vocem cum clamor 
ingenti alacritate sublatus esset, ac nunc conplexi 
inter se gratulantesque, nunc manus ad caelum 
tollentes bona omnia populo Romano Gracohoque 

11 ipsi precarentur, tum Gracchus " Priusquam omnes 
iure libertatis aequassem " inquit, " neminem nota 

12 strenui aut ignavi militis notasse volui ; nunc exsoluta 
iam fide publica, ne discrimen omne virtutis ignaviae- 
que pereat, nomina eorum qui detractatae pugnae 
memores secessionem paulo ante fecerunt referri ad 
me iubebo, citatosque singulos iure iurando adigam, 

13 nisi quibus ^ morbus causa erit, non aliter quam 
stantes cibum potionemque, quoad stipendia facient, 
capturos esse. Hanc multam ita aequo animo 
feretis, si reputabitis nulla ignaviae nota leviore vos 

14 designari potuisse." Signum deinde colligendi vasa 
dedit ; militesque praedam portantes agentesque 
per lasciviam ac iocum ita ludibundi Beneventum 

15 rediere ut ab epulis per celebrem festumque diem 

16 actis, non ex acie reverti viderentur. Beneventani 
omnes turba effusa cum obviam ad portas exissent, 
complecti milites, gratulari, vocare in hospitium. 

17 Adparata convivia omnibus in propatulo aedium 

1 quibus C^M- : quis A : que P{2) : cui Weissenborn : quels 

^ Thus the good things could be seen through the open 
door, as in XXV^ xii. 15: apertis ianuis in propatulo epulati 


were concerned, he preferred to have all of them, the b.c. 214. 
worthy and the unworthy, praised by himself, rather 
than to have any one of them punished that day ; 
that, with the prayer that it might be good and 
happy and fortunate for the state and for the men 
themselves , he ordered them all to be free. At 
these words they raised a shout with great enthusiasm, 
and now- embracing and congratulating each other, 
now raising their hands to heaven, they prayed for 
every blessing for the Roman people and for Gracchus 
himself. Thereupon Gracchus said : " Before making 
you all equals by the right of freedom, I wished to 
stamp not one man of you with the mark of a brave 
or of a cow^ardly soldier. But now, the promise made 
in the name of the state being already fulfilled, to 
prevent the loss of every distinction between valour 
and cowardice, I shall order the names of those who, 
remembering their refusal to fight, left us a while 
ago to be reported to me ; and summoning them one 
by one I shall make them swear that, excepting men 
who shall have illness as an excuse, they will take 
food and drink standing only, so long as they shall 
be in the service. This penalty you will bear with 
patience, if you will reflect that you could not have 
been marked with any slighter sign of cowardice." 
He then gave the signal to pack baggage, and the 
soldiers carrying and driving their booty returned 
with sport and mirth so gaily to Beneventum that 
they seemed to be returning from a feast on a day 
of general festivity, not from a battle. All the 
people of Beneventum, having come out en masse to 
the gates to meet them, embraced the soldiers, 
congratulated them, invited them into their houses. 
Feasts had been made ready by all in the atria ^ of 



A.D.o. fuerant; ad ea invitabant Gracchumque orabant ut 
epulari permittcret multibus; et Oracchus ita 
perniisit, si^ in publico epularentur omnes ante suas 

18 quisque fores. Prolata oninia. Pillcati aut lana 
alba velatis capitibus volones epulati sunt, alii accu- 
bantes, alii stantes, qui simul ministrabant vesce- 

10 banturque. Digna res visa ut simulacrum cclebrati 
eius diei Gracchus, postquam llomain rediit, pingi 
iuberet in aede Libertatis quam pater eius in 
Aventino ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curavit 

X\'II. Dum haec ad Beneventum geruntur, Han- 
nibal depopulatus agrum Neapolitanum ad Nolam 

2 castra movet. Quern ubi adventare consul sensit, 
Pomponio propraetore cum eo exercitu qui super 
Suessulam in castris erat accito ire obviam hosti parat 

3 nee moram dimicandi facere. C. Claudium Neronem 
cum robore equitum silentio noctis per aversam 
maxime ab hoste portam emittit circumvectumque 
occulte subsequi sensim agmen hostium iubet et, 
cum coortum proelium videret, ab tergo se obicere. 

4 Id errore viarum an exiguitate temporis Nero exsequi 

5 non potuerit incertum est. Absente eo cum proe- 
lium commissum esset, superior quidem baud dubie 

^Romanus erat ; sed quia equites non adfuere in 

^ si Sigonius : ut x : ow. F{1). 

^ Tlie pilleus was evidence of freedom, as was the lana alba. 
2 The closing words are possibly copied from an inscription 
on the temple. The father was consul in 238 B.C. 


BOOK XXIV. XVI. i7-\-\ii. 5 

their houses. To these they invited the soldiers and b.c. 214 
implored Gracchus to allow the soldiers to feast. 
And Gracchus did permit them, provided they all 
feasted in the open, each before the door of his house. 
FA-erything was brought out. Wearing caps ^ or 
white woollen headbands the volunteers feasted, 
some reclining, and some standing served and ate at 
the same time. This seemed to deserve the order 
Gracchus gave on his return to Rome for a representa- 
tion of that day of festivity to be painted in the 
Temple of Liberty which his father, with money 
yielded by fines, caused to be built on the Aventine 
and dedicated. - 

X\TI. While these things were going on about 
Beneventum, Hannibal, after ravaging the territory 
of Neapolis, removed his camp to Nola. When the 
consul learned of his approach, summoning Pom- 
ponius, the propraetor, with the army which was in 
camp 3 above Suessula,he prepared to advance to meet 
the enemy and to engage without delay. He sent 
Gaius Claudius Nero with the best of the cavalry out 
by the gate farthest from the enemy in the 
silence of the night, and commanded him to ride 
around unseen and follow the enemy's column slowly, 
and when he saw that the battle had begun, to throw 
himself upon their rear. Whether it was by losing 
the way that Nero was unable to carry this out, or 
from the shortness of the time, is uncertain. After 
the battle had begun in his absence, the Roman in- 
deed unquestionably had the upper hand ; but since 
the cavalry were not there at the right moment, the 

* Cnstra Claudiana ; XXIII. xxxi. 3 and elsewhere. Pom- 
ponins must have been relieved of his duties in the North 
(X. 3). 




tempore, i*atio compositae rei turbata est. Non 
ausus insequi cedentes Marcellus vincentibus suis 

6 signum receptiii dedit. Plus tamen duo milia 
hostium eo die caesa traduntur, lloniani minus 

7 quadringenti. Solis fere occasu Nero diem noctem- 
que nequiquam fatigatis equis hominibusque, ne 
viso quidem hoste rediens, adeo graviter est ab 
consule increpitus ut per eum stetisse diceret ^ quo 
minus accepta ad Cannas I'edderetur hosti cladrs. 

8 Postero die Romanus in aciem descendit, Poenus, 
tacita etiam confessione \'ictus castris se tenuit. 
Tertio die silentio noctis omissa spe Nolae potiundae, 
rei numquam prospere temptatae, Tarentum ad 
certiorem spem pi-oditionis proficiscituv. 

XVIII. Nee minore animo res Romana domi quam 

2 militiae gerebatur. Censores, vacui ab operum 
locandorum cura propter inopiam aerarii, ad mores 
hominum regendos animum adverterunt castiganda- 
que vitia quae, velut diutinis morbis aegra corpora 

3 ex sese gignunt, eo ^ nata bello erant. Primum eos 
citaverunt qui post Cannensem pugnam rem publi- 
cam deseruisse ^ dicebantur. Princeps eorum M, 

4 Caecilius Metellus quaestor turn forte erat. lusso 
deinde eo ceterisque eiusdem noxae reis causam 

^ diceret z : diceretiir P(l). 

2 eo C'2 : aea P : ea C : om. P2.?(10). 

' pugnam rem publicam deseruisse A-x : om. P(l) : the 
gap indicaled in PA, probably a single line, is variously sup- 
plied, e.g. cladem a re publica defecisse Walters. 

1 Cannae was avenged by this Nero and his colleague Livius 
at the Metaurus, 207 B.C. ; XXVII. xlviii f. ; xlix. 5. 


BOOK XXIV. xvii. 5-.\viii. 4 

j)rcarrangedplan for the battle was ruined. Marcellus, b.c. 214 
not venturing to pursue the retreating, gave his men, 
victorious though they were, the signal to retire. 
More than two thousand of the enemy, however, are 
said to have been slain that day, of the Romans less 
than four hundred. About sunset Nero, returning 
with his horses and men exhausted to no purpose by 
their efforts for a day and a night, without even 
seeing the enemy, was sternly rebuked by the 
consul, who went so far as to say that it was his fault 
that the disaster suffered at Cannae was not paid 
back to the enemy. '^ On the next day the Roman 
went into hne of battle, while the Carthaginian, 
beaten, as he tacitly admitted also, remained 
in camp. The third day, giving up hope of capturing 
Nola, an undertaking which had never prospered, 
he set out in the dead of night for Tarentum, led by 
a surer hope of its betrayal. 

XVm. And it was with no less spirit that the 
Roman state was administered at home than in the 
field. The censors, freed from the charge of con- 
tracting for public works on account of the emptiness 
of the treasury, turned their attention to the control 
of morals and the punishment of vices which had 
sprung from that war, just as bodies suffering from 
long illnesses of themselves produce defects. First 
they summoned those who after the battle of Cannae 
were said to have abandoned the state. The fore- 
most among them, Marcus Caecilius Metellus,^ 
happened at this time to be quaestor. Inasmuch as 
he and the rest of those guilty of the same offence, 
on being ordered to plead their cases, proved unable 

- For his plan to leave Italy cf. XXII. liii. 5, where his 
praenomen is Luciu.s. 


Aj^u.c. dicere, cum purgari nequissent, promintiarunt verba 
orationemque eos adversus rem publicam liabuisse, 
quo coniuratio deserendae Italiae causa fieret. 
5 Secundum eos citati nimis callidi exsolvendi iuris 
iurandi interpretes, qui captivorum ex itinere re- 
gressi clam in castra Hannibalis solutum quod iura- 
8 verunt redituros rc])antur. His superioribusque illis 
equi adempti qui publicum equom habebant, tribuque 

7 moti aerarii omnes facti. Neque senatu mode aut 
equestri ordine regendo cura se censorum tenuit ; no- 
mina omnium ex iuniorum tabulis excerpserunt qui 
quadriennio non militassent, quibus neque vacatio 

8 iusta militiae neque morbus causa fuisset. Et ea 
supra duo milia nominum ^ in aerarios relata tribuque 

9 omnes moti ; additumque tam truci censoriae notae 
triste senatus consultum, ut ei omnes quos censores 
notassent pedibus mererent mitterenturque in 
Sicilian! ad Cannensis exercitus reliquias, cui militum 
generi non prius quam pulsus Italia hostis esset 
finitum stipendiorum tempus erat. 

10 Cum censores ob inopiam aerarii se iam locationi- 
bus abstinerent aedium sacrarum tuendarum curu- 
liumque equorum praebendorum ac similium his 

1 nominum P(l) Aldus : hominum xz Madvig. 

1 So ten of them pretended to think, XXII. Ixi. 8. Another 
version (ib. 4 and Iviii. 8) had only a single perjurer. 

* Transfer to one of tlic four city tribes was a degradation, 
but, since the reform of 312 B.C., aerarii ("taxpayers only") 
were allowed to vote and serve in the ami}-. 



to clear themselves, the censors gave their verdict b.c. 2ii 
that in conversation and formal speeches they had 
attacked the state, in order to form a conspiracy to 
desert Italy. Next after them were summoned 
those -who had been too crafty in interpreting the 
discharge of an oath, — those of the captives who, 
after setting out and then returning secretly to 
Hannibal's camp, thought the oath they had sworn, 
that they would return, had been discharged.^ 
From these men and those mentioned above their 
horses, if they had such from the state, were taken 
away, and all were ejected from their tribes and 
made aerarii? And the diligence of the censors 
did not confine itself to regulating the senate and 
the order of the knights. Fi-om the lists of the 
younger men they culled the names of all who during 
four years had not served, without having had a 
legitimate exemption from the service or ill health as 
an excuse. And of these above two thousand names 
were placed on the list of the aerarii, and they all 
were ejected from their tribes. And to this relentless 
stigma of the censors was added a severe decree of 
the senate that all of those whom the censors had 
stigmatised should serve on foot and be sent to 
Sicily, to the remnant of the army of Cannae. For 
this class of soldiers the term of service was not at 
an end until the enemy should be driven out of Italy. 
Since the censors on account of the emptiness of 
the treasury now refrained from letting contracts 
for the maintenance of temples and the furnishing 
of horses ^ used in religious processions and for similar 

3 The two-wheeled vehicles (iensae) which carried attributes 
of the Capitoline deities in procession to the Circus were usually 
dra^vn by four horses. 



A.u.c. 11 rcriim, convenire ^ ad eos frequentes qui hastae 

540 . . . 1 . „ 

niiius generis adsueverant, hortanque ^ censores ut 
omnia perinde agerent locarent ac si pecunia in 
aerario esset : neminem nisi bello confecto pecuniam 

12 ab aerario petiturum esse. Convenere deinde 
domini eorum quos Ti. Sempronius ad Beneventuna 
manu emiserat arcessitosque se ab triumviris mensariis 
esse dixerunt ut pi'etia servorum acciperent ; ceterum 
non ante quam bello confecto accepturos esse. 

13 Cum haec inclinatio animorum plebis ad sustinendam 
inopiam aerarii fieret, pecuniae quoque pupillares 

14 primo, deinde viduarum coeptae conferri, nusquam 
eas tutius sanctiusque deponere credentibus qui 
deferebant quam in publica fide ; inde si quid emptum 
paratumque pupillis ac viduis foret, a quaestore 

15 perscribebatur. Manavit ea privatorum benignitas 
ex urbe etiam in castra, ut non eques, non centurio 
stipendium acciperet, mercennariumque increpantes 
vocarent qui accepisset. 

XIX. Q. Fabius consul ad Casilinum castra habe- 

bat, quod duum milium Campanorum et septingen- 

torum militum Hannibalis tenebatur praesidio. 

2 Praeerat Statins Metius, missus ab Cn. Magio 

Atellano, qui eo anno medix tuticus erat, servitiaque 

^ convenire H. J. Midler : convenere P(l). 
2 hortarique P(l) : hortatique z Madvig, adding sunt after 

^ At sales and the letting of contracts a spear (hasta) symbol- 
ised the authority of the state, and gave its name to the pro- 


BOOK XXIV. xviir. n-xix. 2 

matters, those who had been in the habit of such b.c. 2U 
bidding ^ came in large numbers to the censors, and 
urged them to take action and let contracts at 
once for everything, just as if there were money 
in the treasury ; that no one would claim his 
money from the treasury until the war was over. 
Then came the owners of the slaves Tiberius Sem- 
pronius had manumitted at Beneventum, and said 
they had been summoned by the bank commissioners ^ 
to receive the price of their slaves ; but that they 
would not receive it until the war was over. Such 
being now the tendency of the people to relieve the 
poverty of the treasury, funds, first of wards, and then 
of widows and single women, began also to be turned 
in ; for those who brought in the sums believed that 
nowhere could they deposit them with a sense of 
greater safety and honesty than under the guarantee 
of the state. Thereafter when anything was pur- 
chased or provided for wards and widows and single 
women, it was paid for by an order of a quaestor. 
This generosity of private citizens spread from the 
city also even to the camps, so that no knight, no 
centurion accepted pay, and the man who did accept 
was reproachfully called a hireling. 

XIX. Quintus Fabius, the consul, had his camp 
near Casilinum, which was held by a garrison of two 
thousand Campanians and seven hundred of Hanni- 
bal's soldiers. In command was Statins Metius, who 
had been sent by Gnaeus Magius, of Atella (who was 
the medix tuticus ^ that year), and Metius had armed 
slaves and plebeians without distinction, in order to 

^ Cf. XXIII. xxi. 6. These emergency officials (triumviri 
mensarii) evidently served for some years ; cf. XXVI. xxxvi. 8. 
3 Cf. XXIII. X.XXV. 13 ; XXVI. vi. 13. 



A.u.c. et plebeiu promiscue armarat, ut castra Romana 
^*''' invaderet intento consule ad Casilinum oppugnan- 

3 duin. Nihil eorum Fabium fefellit. Itaque Nolam 
ad collcgam mittit : altero exercitu, dum Casilinum 
oppugnatur, opus esse qui Campanis opponatur ; 

4 vel ipse relicto Nolae praesidio modico veniret, vel, 
si eum Nola teneret necdum securae res ab Hanni- 
bale essent, se Ti. Gracchum proconsulem a Bene- 

5 vento acciturum. Hoc nuntio Marcellus duobus 
railitum milibus Xolae in praesidio relictis cum cetero 
exercitu Casilinum venit, adventuque eius Campani 

6 iam moventes sese quieverunt. Ita ab duobus con- 
sulibus Casilinum oppugnari coepit. Ubi cum multa 
succedentes temere moenibus Romani milites acci- 
perent vulnera neque satis inceptu ^ succederet, 
Fabius omittendam rem parvam ac iuxta magnis 
difficilcm abscedendumque inde censebat, cum res 

7 maiores instarent ; Marcellus multa magnis ducibus 
sicut non adgredienda, ita semel adgressis non 
dimittenda esse dicendo, quia magna famae momenta 
in utramque partem fierent, tenuit ne inrito incepto 

8 abiretur. \ ineae inde omniaque alia operum ma- 
chinationumque genera cum admoverentur, Campani- 
que Fabium orarent ut abire Capuam tuto liceret, 

9 paucis egressis Marcellus portam qua egredieban- 
tur occupavit, caedesque promiscue omnium circa 
portam primo, deinde inruptione facta etiam in urbe 

1 inceptu {dative) P(6) : -tus M : -tis A : -turn x Gronovius : 
-to Luchs. 

^ Catapults, towers, rams, etc. Movable sheds protected 
the besiegers. 

* Livy touches lightly upon Marcellus' apparent ruthless- 
ness; cf. xxxix. 7. 



make an attack upon the Roman camp wliile the n.c m 
consul was occupied with the siege of Casihnum. Of 
all this nothing escaped Fabius. So he sends word 
to his colleague at Nola that he needs the other 
army, to face the Campanians while Casilinum Mas 
beins" bcsicffed: either Mai'cellus should leave a 
suitable garrison at Nola and come in person, or if 
Xola held him back and there was still danger from 
Hannibal, he would himself summon Tiberius 
Gracchus, the proconsul, from Beneventum. On 
receiving this message Marcellus left two thousand 
soldiers as a garrison at Nola, and with the rest of his 
army came to Casilinum ; and upon his arrival the 
Campanians, who were already bestin-ing themselves, 
became inactive. So began the siege of Casilinum 
by the two consuls. Since in this operation the 
Roman soldiers rashly approaching the walls were 
receiving many wounds and the undertaking was not 
successful, Fabius thought that they should give up 
a small affair which was as difficult as great ventures, 
and that they must leave the place, since greater 
matters were impending. Marcellus, saying that, 
while there were many places which great generals 
ought not to attack, yet, once the attack has begun, 
they should not give them up, since reputation has 
great influence in both directions, carried his point, 
not to depart while their attempt was unsuccessful. 
Then while sheds and all other kinds of siege-works 
and apparatus ^ were being brought up, and the 
Campanians were begging Fabius for permission to 
go to Capua in safety, after a few had left the city, 
\Iarcellus occupied the gate by which they were 
leaving. And a general slaughter began,^ first 
around the gate, and then, as the troops burst in, 



A.u.c. 10 fieri coepta est. Quinquaginta fere primo egressi 
Campanorum, cum ad Fabium confugissent, prae- 
sidio eius Capuam pervenerunt. Casilinuni inter 
conlo(jiiia cunctationemque petentium fidem per 
11 occasionem captum est, captivique Campanorum 
quive ^ Hannibalis militum erant Romam missi 
atque ibi in carcere inelusi sunt ; oppidanorum 
turba per finitinios populos in custodiam divisa. 

XX. Quibus diebus a Casilino re bene gesta re- 
cessum est, eis Gracchus in Lucanis aliquot cohort es 
in ea regione conscriptas cum praefecto socium in 

2 agros hostium praedatum misit. Eos effuse palatos 
Hanno adortus haud multo minorem quam ad Bene- 
ventum acceperat reddidit hosti cladem atque in 
Bruttios raptim, ne Gracchus adsequeretur, concessit. 

3 Consules Marcelhis retro unde venerat Nolam rediit, 
Fabius in Samnites ad populandos agros recipiendas- 

4 que armis quae defecerant urbes processit. Caudi- 
nus Samnis gravius devastatus : perusti late agri, 

5 praedae pecudum hominumque actae ; oppida vi 
capta Conpulteria, Telesia, Compsa inde, Fugifulae 
et Orbitanium ex Lucanis, Blanda et Apulorum 

6 Aecae oppugnatac. Milia hostium in his urbibus 
viginti quinque capta aut occisa, et recepti perfugae 
trecenti septuaginta ; quos cum Romam misisset 
consul, virgis in comitio caesi omnes ac de saxo 

^ quive P(l) Conwarj : quique z. 

BOOK XXIV. .XIX. lo .XX. 6 

even inside the city. About fifty Campanians who b.c. 2r4 
had left the city first sought refuge with Fabius 
and, escorted by his men, reached Capua. Casilinum 
was captured, as opportunity offered during the con- 
versations and the delay due to those who be<raed a 
promise of protection. And the captives, w^hether 
Campanians or of Hannibal's soldiers, were sent to 
Rome and there imprisoned. The mass of the 
townspeople were distributed among the neigh- 
bouring comnnmities to be guarded. 

XX. At the same time that they left Casilinum 
after their success, Gracchus in Lucania sent a number 
of cohorts which had been enlisted in that region, 
under the command of a prefect of the allies, into the 
enemy's farm lands to plunder. Hanno attacked 
them as they were widely scattered and gave the 
enemy in return a defeat not much less serious than 
that which he had received near Beneventum, and 
withdrew hastily into the land of the Bruttians, that 
Gracchus might not overtake him. Of the consuls, 
Marcellus returned to Nola, whence he had come, 
Fabius advanced into Samnium, to lay waste their 
farms and to recover by force the cities which had 
revolted. Samnium around the Caudine Pass was 
more thoroughly laid waste. Farms were burned 
over far and wide, cattle and men carried off as booty. 
Conpulteria, Telesia and Compsa, towns of that 
region, were taken by storm, also Fugifulae and 
Orbitanium in Lucania. Blanda and, in Apulia, 
Aecae were taken after a siege. In these cities 
twenty-five thousand of the enemy were captured or 
slain, and three hundred and seventy deserters 
recovered. These were all sent to Rome by the 
consul, scourged in the Comitium and hurled from 

• 237 


A.u.c. 7 cleiecti. Haec a Q. Fabio intra paucos dies gesta. 
^'^ Marcellum ab gei'undis rebus valctudo adversa Nolae 

8 tcnuit. Et a praetore Q. Fabio, cui circa Luceriam 
provincia erat, Acuca oppidum per eos dies vi captum 
stativaque ad Ardancas communita. 

9 Duni hacc in aliis ^ locis ab Komanis gcruntur, iam 
Tarcntum pervenerat Hannibal cum maxima omni- 

10 um quacumque ierat clade ; in Tarentino demum 
agro pacatum incedere agmen coepit. Nihil ibi 
violatum neque usquam via excessuni est ; appare- 
batque non id modestia militum sed ducis iussu - ad 

11 conciliandos animos Tarentinorum fieri. Ceterum 
cum prope moenibus successisset,^ nullo ad con- 
spectum primum agminis, ut rebatur, motu facto 

12 castra ab urbe ferme passus mille locat. Tarenti 
triduo ante quam Hannibal ad moenia accederet a 
M. Valerio propraetore, qui classi ad Brundisium 

13 praeerat, missus M. Livius impigre ^ conscripta 
iuventute dispositisque ad omnes portas circaque 
muros qua res postulabat stationibus die ac nocte 
iuxta intentus neque hostibus neque dubiis sociis loci 

14 quicquam praebuit ad temptandum.'' Diebus ali- 
quot frustra ibi absumptis Hannibal, cum eorum 
nemo qui ad lacum Averni se ^ adissent aut ipsi 
venirent aut nuntium litterasve mitterent, vana 
promissa se temere secutum cernens castra inde 

1 in a.Yn>i Madvig, Emend.: maliis P : aliis P^l) Madvig*. 

^ sed diifis iussu U'ti/////?! : aut ducis usi P(2) : aut ducis sed 
X Sigonius, Madiig : aut ducis nisi Ax Wallers: aut ducis 
iussu sed 3P?. 

^ succcssissct Crro7io«7«s : acccssissetP(l). 

* imiVigre W eisse7ihorn : inpriore P(l). 

^ tcmptandum, PM mid q. (-que CEBA ) : cjuare AP? 

* se Madvig : am. l'(l). 


BOOK XXIV. .x.\. 7 14 

the Rock.^ Such were the acts of Fabius within a b.c. 214 
few days, while Marcelhis was kept out of employ- 
ment by illness at Nola. And the praetor Quintus 
Fabius, whose field of duty Mas around Luceria, 
stormed the toAvn of Acuca about that time and 
fortified a permanent camp at Ardaneae.^ 

While the Romans were thus employed elsewhere, 
Hannibal had now reached Tarentum, leaving the 
most complete devastation wherever he had passed. 
Not until it had entered the territory of Tarentum did 
his column begin to advance peaceably. There they 
did no damage, and noAvhcre did they leave the road. 
And it was plain that this was not due to the self- 
restraint of the soldiers, but to the commander's 
orders, for the purpose of winning over the Tarentines. 
But when he had come quite close to the walls, and 
there was no movement at the first sight of his column, 
as he supposed there would be, he pitched camp about 
a mile from the city. In Tarentum three days before 
Hannibal approached the walls, Marcus Livius, who 
had been sent by Marcus Valerius, the propraetor in 
command of the fleet at Brundisium, actively enlisted 
young men, posted guards at all the gates and along 
the walls, Avherever required, and alert by night as 
well as by day, he left neither the enemy nor wavering 
allies any opening for an attack. After spending some 
days there to no purpose, Hannibal, since none of the 
men who had come before him at the Lake of Avernus 
either came in person or sent a messenger or letter, 
saw that he had rashly followed empty promises 
and moved his camp away. Even then he left the 

1 The Tarpcian Rock of the Capitol (site still disputed). 

2 The same as Herdonea, XXV. xxi. 1 ; XXVII. i. 3. 



A..V.O. 15 movit, turn quoque intacto agro Tarentino, quam- 
quam simulata lenitas nihildum profuerat, tamen spe 
labefactandae fidei baud absistens. Salapiam ut 
venit, frumcntum ex agris Metapontino atque He- 
racleensi — iam enim aestas exacta crat et bibernis 
IG placebat locus — conportat. Praedatum inde Numi- 
dae Maurique per Sallentinum agrum proximosque 
Apuliae saltus dimissi ; unde ceterae praedae baud 
multum, equorum greges maxime abacti, e quibus 
ad quattuor milia domanda equitibus divisa. 

XXI. Iloniani, cum belluni nequaquam contem- 
nendum in Sicilia oreretur morsque tyranni duces 
magis inpigros dedisset Syracusanis quam causam 
aut animos mutasset, M. Marcello alteri consulum 

2 earn provihciam decernunt. Secundum Hieronymi 
caedem primo tumultuatum in Leontinis apud 
milites fuerat vociferatumque ferociter parentandum 

3 regi sanguine coniuratorum esse. Deinde libertatis 
restitutae dulce auditu nomen crebro usurpatum et 
spes ^ facta ex pecunia regia largitionis militiaeque 
fungendae potioribus ducibus et relata tyranni 
foeda scelera foedioresque libidines adeo mutavere 
animos ut insepultum iacere corpus paulo ante 

4 desiderati regis paterentur. Cum ceteri ex con- 
iuratis ad exercitum obtinendum i-emansissent, 
Theodotus et Sosis regiis equis quanto maximo 

^ et spes (or spesque) il/cK^ngr : spesP(l): spe Conway: 

1 Cf. XXITI. xlviii. 3. 

BOOK XXIV. XX. 15-XX1. 4 

territory of Tarentum unharmed, as he did not give b.c. 214 
up his hope of weakening their loyalty, although his 
pretended clemency had had no effect as yet. Ar- 
rived at Salapia, he brought in grain from the districts 
of Metapontum and Heraclea ; for the summer was 
now over, and he thought well of the place for ^\inter 
quarters. From it Numidians and Mauri were sent 
out to plunder in the Sallentine territoiy ^ and the 
nearest forests of Apulia. From these places not 
many other cattle were driven off as booty, but 
chiefly herds of horses, about four thousand of 
which were distributed among the cavalry to be 

XXI. The Romans, inasmuch as a war that was 
by no means to be despised was breaking out in 
Sicily, and the death of the tyrant had given energetic 
commanders to the Syracusans, and had not changed 
the situation or their feelings, assigned that country 
to Marcus Marcellus, one of the consuls, as his pro- 
vince. Directly after the assassination of Hieronymus 
there was at first an uproar among the soldiers at 
Leontini, and a fierce outcry that they must offer 
sacrificial vengeance to the dead king in the blood of 
the conspirators. Later the frequent mention of 
restored freedom — a word sweet to the ears — and the 
hope of a largess out of the king's money, and of serv- 
ing under better generals, also the enumeration of 
the shameful crimes and still more shameful lusts of 
the tyrant, so changed their feelings that they allowed 
the body of the king, Avhose loss they had just been 
regretting, to lie unburied. Although the rest of the 
conspirators had remained, in order to keep their hold 
on the army, Theodotus "^ and Sosis hastened to 

2 Cf. V. 10 £F. 




A.u.c cursu poterant, ut ignaros omnium regies opprime- 

5 rent, Syracusas contenduiit. Ceterum praevenerat 
non fama solum, qua nihil intalibus rebus est celerius, 

6 sed nuntius etiam ex regiis servis. Itaque Adrano- 
dorus et Insulam et arcem et alia quae poterat 

7 quaeque opportuna erant praesidiis firmarat. Hexa- 
pylo Theodotus ac Sosis post solis occasum iam 
obscura luce invecti, cum cruentam regiam vestem 
atque insigne capitis ostentarent, travecti per 
Tycham simul ad libertatem simul ad arma vocantes, 

8 in Achradinam convenire iubent. Multitiido pars 
procurrit in vias, pars in vestibulis stat, pars ex 
tectis fenestrisque prospectant et quid rei sit rogi- 

9 tant. Omnia luminibus conlucent strepituque vario 
conplentur. Armati locis patentibus congregantur ; 
inermes ex Olympii lovis templo spolia Gallorum 
Illyriorumque, dono data Hieroni a populo Romano 

10 fixaque ab eo, detrahunt, precantes lovem ut volens 
propitius praebeat sacra arma pro patria, pro deum 

11 delubris, pi*o libertate sese armantibus. Haec quo- 
que multitude stationibus per principes regionum 
urbis dispositis adiungitur. In Insula inter cetera 
Adi-anodorus praesidiis firmarat horrea publica. 

12 Locus saxo quadrato saeptus atque arcis in modum 
emunitus capitur ab iuventute quae praesidio eius 

^ The oldest quarter of Syracuse, Ortygia. Cf. Cicero's 
description of the city, Verr. IV. 117 if. 

2 The great northern gate of the Wall of Dionysius; 
xxxii. 4 ff. ; XXV. xxiv. 2f.. etc. ; v. Appendix. 

^ A C[uarter that included a level tract, in which lay the 
market-place (xxii. 12), but not the rocky heiglits to the 
northward facing the sea; frequently mentioned below; v. 


Syracuse on the king's horses at the greatest possible n.c. 214 
speed, to sui-prise his supporters while they were in 
complete ignorance. However, not only rumour, 
than which nothing is swifter in such cases, but also 
a messenger, one of the royal slaves, had anticipated 
them. And so Adranodorus had garrisoned the 
Island ^ and the citadel and such other places as were 
possible and of advantage. By the Hexapylon 2 
after sunset Theodotus and Sosis rode into the city 
in the twilight, showing the bloody garment of the 
king and his diadem. Then riding across the quarter 
of Tycha, and calling people to freedom and at the 
same time to arms, they bid them assemble in 
Achradina.3 Of the populace some dash into the 
streets, some stand before the entrance to their houses, 
some look out from roofs and windows and keep asking 
what it means. Everywhere there are bright lights, 
every place filled Avith mingled noises. The armed 
gather in open spaces ; those without arms take 
dowTi from the Temple of Olympian Jupiter ^ the 
spoils of Gauls and Illyrians, presented by the Roman 
people to Hiero and hung up there by him. And this 
they did with a prayer to Jupiter that he graciously 
consent to furnish consecrated arms to men arming 
themselves for their native city, for the temples of 
the gods, for liberty. This crowd also was added 
to the guard stationed by the leading citizens of the 
quarters. On the Island Adranodorus had garrisoned, 
among other positions, the public granaries. This 
place, Avhich Avas walled about with squared stone and 
made strong like a citadel, was captured by the young 

* On the market-olace ; built by Hiero ; not to be confused 
with the much older and larger temjjle west of the Great 
Harbour; xxxiii. 3; cf. Cicero op. cit. 119. 



A.u.o. loci adtributa erat, niittuntque nuntios in Achra- 
dinam horrea frumentumque in senatus potestate 

XXII. Luce prima populus omnis, armatus inermis- 
que, in Achradinam ad curiam convenit. Ibi pro 
Concordiae ara, quae in eo sita loco erat, ex principi- 
bus unus nomine Polyaenus contioneni et liberam et 

2 moderatam habuit. Servitutis formidines ^ indigni- 
tatesque homines expertos adversus notum malum 
inritatos esse : discordia civilis quas inportet clades, 
audisse magis a patribus Syracusanos quam ipsos 

3 vidisse. Arma quod inpigre ceperint, laudare ; magis 
laudaturum, si non utantur nisi ultima necessitate 

4 coacti. In praesentia legatos ad Adranodorum 
mitti placere qui denuntient ut in potestate senatus 
ac populi sit, portas Insulae aperiat, reddat praesi- 

5 dium. Si tutelam alieni regni suum regnum velit 
facere, eundem se censere multo acrius ab Adrano- 

6 doro quam ab Hieronymo repeti libertatem. Ab 
hac contione legati missi sunt. Senatus inde haberi 
coeptus est, quod sicut regnante Hierone manserat 
publicum consilium, ita post mortem eius ante eam 
diem nulla de re neque convocati neque consulti 

7 fuerant. Ut ventum ad Adranodorum est, ipsum 

^ servitutis formidines Weissenborn : servitudinis P{4) : 
servitutis M^DA^ : servitu onus A : servitii onus Walters. 

' A council, rather than a senate in the Roman sense. 

BOOK XXIV. x\i. i2-x.\ii. 7 

men who had been assigned to its defence ; and they b.c. 214 
sent messengers into Achradina to say that the 
granaries and the grain were under the authority of 
the senate.^ 

XXII. At daybreak all the people, armed and 
unarmed, gathered at the Senate House in Achradina. 
There, standing on the altar of Concord,^ which had 
been erected on that spot, one of the leading men, 
Polyaenus by name, delivered a speech at once 
outspoken and restrained. He said that men who 
had experienced the terrors of slavery and its 
humiliations had been inflamed against an evil 
which they knew. As for civil strife, the Syracusans 
had heard from their fathers, rather than seen for 
themselves, what disasters it brings. He praised 
them for having taken up arms readily, and would 
praise them the more willingly if they did not use 
them except when compelled by absolute necessity. 
For the present he approved of sending representa- 
tives to Adranodorus, to instruct him to put himself 
under the authority of the senate and people, open 
the gates of the Island and surrender the citadel. 
At the same time, if Adranodorus should try to turn 
a regency into a kingship of his own, he favoured 
reclaiming their freedom from Adranodorus much 
more fiercely than from Hieronymus. Alter this 
speech representatives were sent directly. Then 
began a session of the senate, which in the reign of 
Hiero had indeed continued to be the council of 
state, yet since his death had not been called together 
nor consulted about anything until that day. When 
the legates reached Adranodorus. he for his part was 

2 This altar and the Senate House were in the market-place ; 
12 f. 



•*-uc. quidem movebat et civium consensus et cum aliae 


occupatae urbis partes, turn pars Insulae vel muni- 

8 tissima prodita atque alienata. Sed evocatum eum 
ab Icgatis Damarata uxor, filia Hieronis, inflata 
adhuc regiis animis ac niulicbri spiritu, adnionet 

9 saepe usurpatae Dionysi tyranni vocis, qua pedibus 
tractum, non insidentem equo relinquere tyrannidem 
dixerit debere. Facile esse momento quo quis 
velit cedere possessione magnae fortunae ; facere 

10 et parare earn difficile atque arduum esse. Spatium 
sumeret ad consultandum ab legatis ; eo uteretur ad 
arcessendos ex Leontinis milites, quibus si pecuniam 
regiam pollicitus esset, omnia in potestate eius 

11 futura. Haec muliebria consilia Adranodorus neque 
tota aspernatus est neque extemplo accepit, tuti- 
orem ad opes adfectandas ratus esse viam, si in 

12 praesentia tempori cessisset. Itaque legatos re- 
nuntiare iussit futurum se in senatus ac populi 

Postero die luce prima patefactis Insulae portis in 

13 forum Achradinae venit. Ibi in aram Concordiae, 
ex qua pridie Polyaenus contionatus erat, escendit 
orationemque eam orsus est qua primum cuncta- 

14 tionis suae veniam petivit : se enim clausas habuisse 
portas, non separantem suas res a publicis, sed 
strictis semel gladiis timentem qui finis caedibus 
esset futurus, utrum, quod satis libertati foret, 
contenti nece tyranni essent, an qiiicumque aut 



moved by the agreement of the citizens, also by the b.c. 214 
occupation of other quarters of the city, and especially 
by the betrayal and loss of the most strongly fortified 
part of the Island. But his wife Damarata, daughter 
of Hiero and still puffed up Math princely pride and 
a woman's boldness, called him aside from the 
legates and reminded him of the oft-repeated 
utterance of Dionysius the tyrant, that one should 
leave a tyranny, not on horseback, but dragged by 
the feet. It was easy, she said, to give up the posses- 
sion of an exalted station at any moment one wished ; 
to create and achieve it was difficult and all but 
impossible. He should gain time for deliberation 
from the legates. He should use it to summon the 
soldiers from Leontini^and if he should promise them 
money from the royal treasury everything would be 
in his power. These feminine counsels Adranodorus 
neither wholly rejected nor at once adopted, thinking 
it a safer way to gain power if for the moment he 
should yield to the crisis. And so he bade the 
legates report that he would be under the authority 
of the senate and people. 

On the following day at dawn he opened the 
gates of the Island and came to the market-place 
of Achradina. There he mounted the altar of 
Concord, from which Polyaeims had addressed the 
people the day before, and began a speech in 
M-hich he first begged pardon for his hesitation. For 
he had kept the gates closed, he said, not that he 
wished to separate his cause from that of the people, 
but because he feared what limit there would be to 
slaughter, Avhen swords should once be drawn; 
whether they would be content with the death of the 
tyrant, which would be sufficient to secure freedom, 



A.u.o. propinquitate aut adfinitate aut aliquis ministeriis 
regiam coiitigissent alienae culpae rei trucidarentur. 

15 Postquam animadvertei-it eos qui liberassent patriam 
scrvare etiani liberatam velle atque undique consxili 
in medium, non dubitasse quin et corpus suum et 
cetera omnia quae suae fidei tutelaeque essent, 
quoniam eum qui mandasset suus furor absumpsisset, 

16 patriae restituei-et. Conversus deinde ad inter- 
fectores tyranni ac nomine appellans Theodotum ac 

17 Sosin, " Facinus " inquit " memorabile fecistis ; sed 
mihi credite, incohata vestra gloria, nondum perfecta 
est periculumque ingens manet, nisi paci et con- 
cordiae consulitis, ne libera efFeratur res publica." 

XXIII. Post banc orationem claves portarum pecu- 
niaeque regiae ante pedes eorum posuit. Atque illo 
quidem die dimissi ex contione laeti circa fana omnia 
deum supplicaverunt cum coniugibus ac liberis ; 
postero die comitia praetoribus creandis habita. 

2 Creatus in primis Adranodorus, ceteri magna ex 
parte interfectores tyranni ; duos etiam absentes, 

3 Sopatrum ac Dinomenen, fecerunt. Qui auditis ^ 
quae Syracusis acta erant pecuniam regiam quae in 
Leontinis erat Syracusas devectam quaestoribus ad 

4 id ipsum creatis tradiderunt. Et ea quae in Insula 
erat Achradinam tralata est ; murique ea pars quae 
ab cetera urbe nimis firmo munimento intersaepiebat 
Insulam consensu omnium deiecta est. Secutae 

^ auditis Gronovius : -tiis P : -tis lis P^i'(3) Madvig : -tis 
his D. 


BOOK XXIV. xxii. i4-x.\iii. 4 

or on the other hand every one who either by blood b.c. 214 
or marriage or certain duties was connected with the 
palace would be slain, as being chargeable with 
anotlier's guilt. After he observed that those who 
had freed their native city wished also to keep her 
free, and that the common-geod Mas the aim of 
all, he had not hesitated to surrender to the city his 
oMTi person and in addition all that had been confided 
to his honour and protection, since the man who had 
given that charge had been destroyed by his omti 
madness. Turning then to the assassins of the tyrant 
and addressing Theodotus and Sosis by name, he said : 
" It is a memorable deed that you have done. But 
believe me, your glory is but begun, not yet finished, 
and unless you provide for peace and harmony there 
remains a very great danger that this may be the 
funeral of the liberated state." 

XXIII. After this speech he laid the keys of the 
gates and those of the royal treasure at their feet. 
And they, dismissed from the assembly and happy 
that day at least, with their wives and children ffave 
thanks at all the temples of the gods. On the next 
day elections for the naming of magistrates were 
held. Among the first so named was Adranodorus, 
the rest largely assassins of the t}Tant. Two who 
were not even present, Sopater and Dinomenes, 
were elected. These, hearing what had been done 
at Syracuse, brought the royal treasure that was at 
Leontini to Syracuse and turned it over to treasurers 
elected for that very purpose. The money that was 
on the Island was also transferred to Achradina. And 
that part of the wall which shut off the Island from the 
rest of the city by a needlessly strong fortification 
was thrown do^vn by common consent. The other 



A.u.c. ct ceterae res banc iiiclinationem animorum ad 



5 Hippocrates atqiie P'picydes audita morte tyranni, 
quani Hippocrates ctiam nuntio interfecto celare vo- 
luerat, deserti a militibus, quia id tutissimum ex 

6 praesentibus videbatur, Syracusas rediere. Ubi ne 
suspecti obversarentur tamquam novandi res ali- 
quam occasionem quaerentes, praetores primum, 

7 dein per eos senatum adeunt. Ab Hannibale se 
missos praedicant ad Hieronymum tamquam ami- 
cum ac socium paruisse imperio eius cuius imperator 

8 suusvoluerit. \'elle ad Hannibalemredire ; ceterum, 
cum iter tutum non sit vagantibus passim per totam 
Sicilian! Romanis, petere ut praesidii dent aliquid 
quo Locros in Italiam perducantur ; gi-atiam magnam 

9 eos parva opera apud Hannibalem inituros. Facile 
res impetrata ; abire enim duces regios cum peritos 
militiae, turn egentes eosdem atque audaces cupie- 
bant ; sed quod volebant non quam maturate opuS 

10 erat naviter expediebant. Interim iuvenes militares 
et adsueti militibus, nunc apud eos ipsos, nunc apud 
transfugas, quorum maxima pars ex navalibus 
sociis Romanorum erat, nunc etiam apud infimae 
plebis homines crimina serebant in senatum opti- 

ll'Tnatesque : illud ^ moliri clam eos atque struere ut 
Syracusae per speciem reconciliatae societatis in 

^ libertatem, FORM add -que. 

2 illud Lxichs : ut P( 1 ) : et x : id Gronovius. 

n ' " 

1 For their service under Hieronymus, cf. vii. 1. 



measures also were in keeping with this trend toward b.c. 214 

Hippocrates and Epicydes, on hearing of the 
tyrant's death, which Hippocrates had wished to keep 
secret even by slaying the messenger, were deserted 
by the soldiers and returned to Syracuse,^ since that 
course seemed safest in the circumstances. There, 
to avoid going about under suspicion as seeking some 
opportunity for a revolution, they first came before 
the magistrates, and then through them before the 
senate. They stated that, having been sent by 
Hannibal to Hieronymus as his friend and ally, they 
had obeyed the orders of the man to whom their own 
commander wished them to be obedient. They 
wished to return to Hannibal ; but since the way was 
unsafe while the Romans were at large everywhere 
in Sicily, they asked the senators to give them some 
escort to conduct them to Locri - in Italy. The sen- 
ate, they said, would gain great favour with Hannibal 
by a small service. This request was readily granted ; 
for the senate greatly desired the departure of the 
king's generals, as men skilled in military art, and, 
what was more, needy also and daring. But they took 
no active steps to carry out their wish with the required 
promptness. Meanwhile the generals, as young men 
of military training and familiar with soldiers, at one 
time in the presence of these, at another among the 
deserters, the majority of whom were from the crews 
of the Romans, at another even among the lowest 
of thepeoplCi^made charges against the senate and 
theHaristocrats : that they were secretly Avorking 
and contriving that Syracuse under the guise of a 
reestablished alliance should be subject to the 

2 Cf. i. 2 fif. 



A.u.c. dicione Romanorum sint, dein factio ac pauci auctores 
foederis rcnovati dominentur. 

XXn'. His audiendis credendisque opportuna 
multitudo maior in dies Syracusas confluebat, nee 
Epicydi solum spem novandariim rerum, sed Adrano- 

2 doro etiam praebebat. Qui fessus tandem uxoris 
vocibus monentis nunc illud esse tempus occupandi 
res, dum lurbata omnia nova atque incondita liber- 
tate essent, dum regiis stipendiis pastus obversaretur 
miles, dum ab Hannibale missi duces adsueti militibus 
iuvare possent incepta, cum Themisto, cui Gelonis 
filia nupta erat, rem consociatam paucos post dies 
Aristoni cuidam tragico actori, cui et alia arcana com- 

3 mittere adsuerat, incaute aperit. Huic et genus et 
fortuna honesta erant, nee ars, quia nihil tale apud 
Graecos pudori est, ea deformabat. Itaque fidem 
potiorem ^ ratus quam patriae debebat, indicium ad 

4 praetores defert. Qui ubi rem baud vanam esse 
certis indiciis conpererunt, consultis senioribus et ^ 
auctoritate eorum praesidio ad fores posito ingressos 
curiam Themistum atque Adranodorum interfece- 

6 runt. Et cum tumultus ab re in speciem atrociore 
causam aliis ignorantibus ortus esset, silentio tandem 

6 facto indicem in curiam introduxerunt. Qui cum 
ordine omnia edocuisset ; principium coniurationis 
factum ab Harmoniae Gelonis filiae nuptiis, quibus 

7 Themisto iuncta esset ; Afrorum Hispanorumque 
auxiliares instructos ad caedem praetorum princi- 

1 potiorem, PGRM add -que : priorem potioremque 

* et P(l) : ex Lucks : et ex Wallers. 


BOOK XXIV. X.XIII. ii-xxiv. 7 

Romans, and that then a faction, that is, a few who b.c. 214 
supported the renewal of the treaty, should rule, 

XXI\\ Ready to hear and believe these charges, 
a daily larger multitude was flocking to Syracuse and 
giving not Epicydes only, but also Adranodorus, the 
hope of a revolution. The latter was at length 
wearied by admonitions of his wife : that it was 
now the time to seize the power, while everything 
was confused by the new freedom not yet organized ; 
while the soldiers one met were fattened on the king's 
pay ; while generals sent by Hannibal and familiar 
with the soldiers could aid the undertaking. Ac- 
cordingly he formed a plot with Themistus, whose 
wife was Gelo's daughter, and after a few days rashly 
revealed it to one Aristo, a tragic actor, to whom he 
had been in the habit of confiding other secrets. 
This man's family and station were respectable and 
not tarnished by his artistic profession, since among 
the Greeks nothing of the sort brings discredit. And 
so thinking that the loyalty he owed to his native 
city took precedence, he reports the matter to the 
magistrates. They, finding from trustworthy infor- 
mation that this was not unfounded, conferred w'ith 
the older men, placed a guard at the doors on their 
advice, and when Themistus and Adranodorus had 
entered the senate, slew them. And after the 
confusion resulting from an act even more terrible in 
appearance than in reality, since others were unaware 
of the reason, they at length secured silence and 
brought the informer into the Senate House. He first 
told everything in order : that the conspiracy had 
taken its start from the marriage of Gelo's daughter 
Harmonia, uniting her with Themistus ; that African 
and Spanish auxiliaries had been made ready for the 



A.u.c. pumque aliorum, bonaque eorum praedae futura 

8 interfectoribus pronuntiatum ; iam mercennariorum 
manum, adsuetam imperiis Adranodori, paratam 
fuisse ad Insulam rursus occupandam ; singula 
delude quae per quosque agerentur, totamque viris 
armisque instructam coniurationem ante oculos 
posuit. Et senatui quidem tam iure caesi quam 

9 Hieronymus videbantur : ante curiam variae atque 
incertae rerum multitudinis clamor erat. Quam 
ferociter minitantem in vestibule curiae corpora con- 
iuratorum eo metu compresserunt ut silentes inte- 

10 gram plebem in contionem sequerentur. Sopatro 
mandatum ab senatu et a coUegis ut verba faceret. 

XX^^ Is, tamquam reos ageret, ab ^ ante acta \-ita 
orsus, quaecumque post Hieronis mortem sceleste 
atque impie facta essent, Adranodorum ac Themi- 

2 stum arguit fecisse : quid enim sua sponte - Hiero- 
nymum, puerum ac vixdum pubescentem facere 
potuisse ? Tutores ac magistros eius sub aliena 
invidia regnasse ; itaque aut ante Hieronymum aut 

3 certe cum Hieronymo perire eos debuisse. At illos 
debitos iam morti dcstinatosque, alia nova scelera 
post mortem tyranui molitos, palam primo, cum 
clausis Adranodorus Insiilae portis hereditatem regni 
creverit et quae procurator tenuerat pro domino 

4 possederit ; proditus deinde ab eis qui in Insula 

1 ab xz: om. P(\). 

* sponte, P(l) add fecisse. 


BOOK XXIV. XXIV. 7-xxv. 4 

slaugliter of the magistrates and other leading b.c. 214 
citizens, and the announcement made that their 
property would be spoil for the assassins ; moreover 
that a force of mercenaries accustomed to the orders 
of Adranodorus had been provided, to occupy the 
Island again. He then set forth in detail what was 
to be done, and by whom, and pictured the whole 
conspiracy manned and armed. And to the senators 
indeed they appeared to have been slain with as 
much justice as Hieronymus. But in front of the 
Senate House there was shouting by the mixed 
crowd unacquainted with the situation. Uttering 
wild threats, they were checked by the corpses of the 
conspirators before the entrance to the Senate House, 
in such fear that they silently followed the orderly 
populace to the assembly. Sopater was instructed 
by the senate and his colleagues to speak. 

XX\'. Beginning with their previous life, just as if 
he were prosecuting them, he charged that every act 
of violence or impiety committed since the death of 
Hiero had been done by Adranodorus and Themistus. 
For what could Hieronymus, a boy who had hardly 
reached puberty, have done of his own motion? 
His guardians and teachers, shielded by the embitter- 
ment directed against another, had been the real kings. 
Accoi'dingly they ought to have perished either be- 
fore Hieronymus or at least with Hieronymus. But 
though doomed already and marked for death, they 
had contrived fresh crimes since the death of the 
tyrant, at first openly, when Adranodorus, closing 
the gates of the Island, took over the kingdom as his 
own inheritance and as owner entered into possession 
of what he had held as agent : again when, betrayed 
by those who were on the Island, beset by the whole 



A.u.c. erant, circumsessus ab universa civitate quae Achra- 
dinani tenuerit, neiiuiquam palam atque aperte 
petitum rcgnum clam et dolo adfectare conatus sit, 

5 et ne beneficio quidem atque honore potuerit vinci, 
cum inter liberatores patriae insidiator ipse libertatis 

6 creatus esset praetor. Scd animos eis renins reg-ias 
coniuges fecisse, alteri Hieronis, alteri Gelonis filias 

7 nuptas. Sub banc vocem ex omnibus partibus 
contionis clamor oritur nullam earum vivere debere 

8 nee quemquam superesse tyrannorum stirpis. Ka 
natura multitudinis est : aut sei'vit humiliter aut 
superbe dominatur ; libertatem, quae media est^jiec 

9 suscipere ^ modice nee habere sciunt ; et non ferme 
desunt irarum indulgentes ministri, qui avidos atque 
intemperantes suppliciorum animos ad sanguinem 

10 et caedes inritent ; sicut tum extemplo praetores 
rogationem promulgarunt, acceptaque paene prius 
quam promulgata est, ut omnes regiae stirpis inter- 
ficerentur ; missique a praetoribus Damaratam 
Hieronis et Harmoniam Gelonis filiam, coniuges 
Adranodori et Themisti, interfecerunt. 

XXVI. Heraclia erat filia Hieronis, uxor Zoippi, 
qui legatus ab Hieronymo ad regem Ptolomaeum 

2 missus voluntarium consciverat exilium. Ea cum 
ad se quoque veniri ^ praescisset, in sacrarium ad 
penates confugit cum duabus filiis ^ virginibus, 

3 resolutis crinibus miserabilique alio habitu, et ad ea 

^ suscipere x : cupere x : stupere P(2) : struere Conway : 
sibi parare 31. Midler. 

2 veniri x Gronovius : venire P(l). 

3 filiis Weissenborn conj. {cf. XXXVIII. Ivii. 2) : filiabus P( 1 ). 

1 Cf. V. 7. 

2 Ptolemy IV Philopator, XXIII. x. 11. 


BOOK XXIV. xx^'. 4-xxvi. 3 

body of citizens holding Achradina, he attempted b.c. ai4 
secretly and craftily to win the kingdom which he 
had sought in vain openly and above board, and 
could not be won over even by the bestowal of public 
office. For among those who gained liberty for the 
state, he, a plotter against liberty himself, had been 
elected a magistrate. But their autocratic temper 
was due to their royal consorts, Hiero's daughter 
married to the one, Gelo's daughter to the other. 
Folio-wing this statement there arose in all parts of 
the assembly a shout that none of those women 
ought to live, nor any one of the family of the 
tyrants to survive. This is the nature of the 
mass : either it is a humble slave or a haughty 
master. As for freedom, M"hich is. the mean, they 
know no moderation either in assuming or in 
keeping it. And angry passions usuallj^ do not lack 
complaisant helpers, to provoke to bloodshed those 
who are immoderately eager for punishment ; 
as in this case the magistrates forthwith proposed 
a bill — and it was adopted almost before it was 
proposed — that all members of the royal family 
should be put to death. And by order of the magi- 
sti'ates men were sent who put to death Damarata 
the daughter of Hiero and Harmonia the daughter of 
Gelo, being the wives of Adranodorus and Themistus. 
XXVI. Heraclia was the daughter of Hiero and 
■snfe of Zoippus.i who was sent as ambassador to 
King Ptolemy - by Hieronymus and had accepted 
voluntar}^ exile. She, having learned in advance that 
they were coming to her house also, fled into the 
chapel of the household gods with her two maiden 
daughters, her hair dishevelled and her general 
appearance moving to pity. And in addition were 




"^640*^ addidit preces, nunc per deos, nunc ^ per memoriam 
Hieronis patris Gelonisque fratris, ne se innoxiam 
4 invidia Hieronymi conflagrare sinerent : nihil se ex 
regno illius praeter exilium viri habere ; neque 
fortunam suam eandem vivo Hieronymo fuisse quam 
sororis, neque interfecto eo causam eandem esse. 
6 Quid quod si Adranodoro consiHa processissent, ilia 
cum viro fuerit regnatura, sibi cum ceteris servien- 

6 dum ? Si quis Zoippo nuntiet interfectum Hierony- 
mum ac liberatas Syracusas, cui dubium esse quin 
extemplo conscensurus sit navem atque in patriam 

7 rediturus ? Quantum spes hominum falli ! in liberata 
patria coniugem eius ac liberos de vita dimicare, 

8 quid obstantes libertati aut legibus ? Quod ab se cui- 
quam periculum, a sola ac prope vidua et puellis in 
orbitate degentibus esse ? At enim periculi quidem 
nihil ab se timeri, invisam tamen stirpem regiam esse. 

9 Ablegarent ergo procul ab Syracusis Siciliaque et 
asportari Alexandriam iuberent, ad virum uxorem, ad 

10 patrem filias. Aversis auribus animisque cum con- 
clamassent ^ ne tempus tereretur ^ ferrum quosdam 

11 expedientes cernebat ; tum omissis pro se precibus, 
puellis ut saltern parcerent orare institit, a qua aetate 
etiam hostes iratos abstinere ; ne tyrannos ulciscendo 

12 quae odissent scelera ipsi imitarentur. Inter haec 
abstractam a penetralibus iugulant ; in virgines 

^ IH'T deos, nunc Ruperti : 07n. P{\). 

2 {•iiin conclamassent Novak : cassae P : cassae or casse 
(1): variously emended : adstare J/ac/c/^ : questa est /iCoc^. 

* tereretur .4": terrcrentur P(4) : tererentur A : tererent 



her prayers, now by the gods, now by the memory of b.c. 214 
her father Hiero and her brother Gelo, that they 
should not allow her innocent self to perish by the 
fire of resentment against Hieronymus. Nothing 
had she gained by liis reign except the exile of her 
husband; and Avhile Hieronymus lived, her station 
had not been so high as her sister's, nor was their 
situation the same after his death. What of it that, 
if Adranodorus' plans had succeeded, the sister would 
have reigned with her husband, while she herself 
and all the rest must be slaves ? If someone should 
inform Zoippus that Hieronymus had been slain and 
Syracuse set free, who would have any doubt that 
he would forthwith board ship and return to his 
native city ? How the hopes of men were disap- 
pointed ! In his native city, now set free, his wife 
and children were fighting for their lives, offering 
what obstacle to freedom and laws ? What danger 
to anyone was there from herself, a lone woman, 
virtually a widow, and from maidens living as orphans ? 
But they might say that no danger was indeed feared 
from her, that nevertheless the royal family was 
hated. Therefore they should send them far from 
Syracuse and Sicily and bid them to be carried away 
to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters 
to their father. When they paid no attention 
whatever and shouted not to waste time, she could see 
some men drawing swords. Then ceasing entreaties 
for herself, she urgently begged them at least to spare 
the girls — an age on which even enraged enemies do 
not lay hands ; that in taking vengeance on the 
tyrants they should not themselves imitate the 
crimes which they hated. While still speaking, they 
dragged her away from the altar and cut her throat, 



A.U.C. deinde respersas matris cruore impetum faciunt. 
Quae alienala mente simul luctu metuque velut 
captae furore eo cursu se ex sacrario proripuerunt ut, 
si effupiuin patuisset in publicum, impleturae urbera 

13 tumultu fuerint. Turn quoque baud magno aedium 
spatio inter medios tot armatos aliquotiens integro 
corpore evaserunt tenentibusque, cum tot ac tam 
validae eluctandae nianus essent, sese eripuerunt. 

14 Tandem vuhieribus confectae, cum omnia replessent 
sanguine, exanimes corruerunt. Caedemque per se 
miserabilem miserabiliorem casus fecit, quod paulo 
post nuntius venit, mutatis repente ad misericordiam 

15 animis, ne interficerentur. Ira deinde ex miseri- 
cordia orta, quod adeo festinatum ad ^ supplicium 
neque locus paenitendi aut regressus ab ira relictus 

16 esset, Itaque fremere multitudo et in locum Adrano- 
dori ac Themisti — -nam ambo praetores fuerant — 
comitia poscere, quae nequaquam ex sententia 
praetor um futura essent. 

XXVII. Statutus est comitiis dies ; quo necopi- 
nantibus omnibus unus ex ultima turba Epicyden 
nominavit, turn inde alius Hippocratem ; crebriores 
deinde hae voces et cum haud dubio adsensu multi- 

2 tudinis esse. Et erat confusa contio non populari 
modo sed militari quoque turba, magna ex parte 
etiam perfugis, qui omnia novare cupiebant, per- 

3 mixtis. Praetores dissimulare primo et trahenda 
re morae ^ esse ^ ; postremo, victi consensu et sedi- 

1 ad P(l) : id Madvig, Ememl. 

- rxiora,e M . M idler : ow. P(l). 

' esse, for et trahenda re esse (PBD : et -dam rem esse 
C^MBA) Madvig and Walters read extrahenda re; sed. 

BOOK XXIV. XXVI. 12-xx'vii. 3 

then turned their attack upon the girls spattered with b.c. 214 
their mother's blood. Beside themselves for grief 
and fear, as though insane, they dashed out of the 
chapel with such speed that, if there had been any 
escape to the street, they would have caused a riot 
throughout the city. Even as it was, in the limited 
space of the house, amidst so many armed men, 
they several times escaped unharmed and tore 
themselves away from those who tried to hold 
them, although they had to fight off hands so 
many and so strong. At last exhausted by wounds, 
after staining everything Avith their blood, they fell 
lifeless. The slaughter, in itself pitiful, was made 
still more pitiful by the coincidence that shortly 
after came the word that they were not to be put to 
death, for animosity had suddenly changed to pity. 
From pity then came anger, that such haste to punish 
had been made, and no chance left for a change of 
mind or a cooling of anger. And so the multitude 
complained, and to replace Adranodorus and Themi- 
stus — for both had been magistrates — they clamoured 
for an election, which would not prove at all to the 
liking of the magistrates. 

XXVII. A day was set for the election, and on 
that day, to the surprise of everybody, one man on 
the outskirts of the crowd nominated Epicydes, 
then after him another named Hippocrates, where- 
upon these shouts were repeated and with evident 
approval of the multitude. And the assembly was 
disturbed by the crowd not only of citizens but 
also of soldiers, even deserters in large part mingling 
with them and eager for any change. The 
magistrates at first ignored them and by postponing 
delayed matters. Finally, compelled by the general 



A-u.c. 4 tionem metuentes, pronuntiant eos praetores. Nee 
illi primo statim creati nudare quid vellent, quam- 
quam aegre ferebant et de indutiis dierum decern 
legates isse ad Appium Claudium et inpetratis eis 
alios qui de foedere antiquo rcnovando agerent 

5 missos. Ad Murgantiam turn classem navium 
centum Romanus habebat, quonam evaderent motus 
ex caedibus tyrannorum orti Syracusis quove eos 
ageret nova atque insolita libertas opperiens. 

6 Per eosdem dies cum ad Marcellum venientem in 
Sicilian! legati Syracusani missi ab Appio essent, 
auditis condicionibus pacis Marcellus, posse rem 
convenire ratus, et ipse legatos Syracusas qui coram 
cum praetoribus de renovando foedere agerent misit. 

7 Et iam ibi nequaquam eadem quies ac tranquillitas 
erat. Postquam Punicam classem accessisse Pa- 
chynum adlatum est, dempto timore Hippocrates et 
Epicydes nunc apud mercennarios milites, nunc apud 
transfugas prodi Romano Syracusas criminabantur. 

8 'Ut vero Appius naves ad ostium portus, quo ^ aliae ^ 

partis hominibus animus accederet, in statione ha- 
bere coepit, ingens in speciem criminibus vanis 

9 accesserat fides ; ac primo etiam tumultuose decur- 
rerat multitudo ad prohibendos, si in terram egre- 

1 qno X GroTWvius : quid P(l). 

^ aliae P(l)x Hertz: alius A^ : amicae Madvig : suae 
Bauer. For the old form aliae c/. Cicero de DivincUione II. 30 

^ Now a legatus of Marcellus ; praetor in Sicily the previous 
year; vi. 4; vii. 8. 


BOOK XXIV. xxvii. 4-9 

agreement and fearing an uprising, they declared b.o. 214 
Epicydes and Hippocrates magistrates. And at 
first the newly elected did not reveal their intentions, 
although they were indignant that legates had gone 
to Appius Claudius ^ to sue for a ten days' truce, 
and that, this being secured, others had been sent to 
negotiate the renewal of the old treaty. At that time 
the Roman commander had a fleet of a hundred 
ships off Murgantia,2 waiting to see what would be 
the outcome of the disturbances at Syracuse due to 
the massacre of the tyi-ant's family, and to what the 
new and unwonted freedom would prompt them. 

About the same tin\e Marcellus was just arriving 
in Sicily, and the Syracusan ambassadors were sent 
to him by Appius. After hearing the peace terms, 
Marcellus thought agreement could be reached, and 
himself sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat in 
person with the magistrates for a renewal of the 
treaty. And by this time the situation there was by 
no means so orderly and peaceful. When word was 
received that a Carthaginian fleet had reached the 
promontory of Pachynum,^ Hippocrates and Epicydes, 
relieved of their fear, kept making the charge, now 
before the mercenaries, now among the deserters, 
that Syracuse was being betrayed to the Roman. 
But from the time Appius began to keep ships at 
anchor at the harbour mouth in order to encourage 
the men of the other party, the false charges ap- 
parently had received strong confirmation. And at 
first the crowd had even rushed down in disorder 
to keep them off in case they should be landing. 

^ A seaport of unknown situation. Another town of the 
same name was in the interior, to the east of Henna. 
^ Little more than thirty miles south of Syracuse. 



A.u.o. XXV'III. In liac turbatione renim in contionem 


vocari placuit. Ubi cum alii alio tenderent nee 
procul seditione res esset, Apollonides, principum 
unus, orationem salutarem ut in tali tempore habuit : 

2 nee spem salutis nee perniciem propiorem umquam 

3 civitati ulli fuisse. Si enim imo animo omnes vel ad 
Romanos vel ad Carthaginienses inclinent, nullius 

4 eivitatis statum fortunatiorem ac beatiorem fore ; si 
alii alio trahant res, non inter Poenos Romanosque 
bellum atrocius fore quam inter ipsos Syracusanos, 
cum intra eosdem muros pars utraque suos exercitus, 

5 sua amia, suos habitura sit duces. Itaque ut idem 
omnes sentiant summa vi agendum esse. Utra 
societas sit utilior, earn longe minorem ac levioris 

6 momenti consultationem esse ; sad tamen Hieronis 
potius quam Hieronymi auctoritatem sequendam in 
sociis legendis, vel quinquaginta annis feliciter 
expertam amicitiam nunc incognitae, quondam 

7 infideli praeferendam. Esse etiam momenti aliquid 
ad consilium quod Carthaginiensibus ita pax negari 
possit, ut non utique in praesentia bellum cum eis 
geratur : cum Romanis extemplo aut pacem aut 

8 bellum habendum. Quo minus cupiditatis ac studii 
visa est oratio habere, eo plus auctoi'itatis habuit. 
Adiectum est praetoribus ac delectis senatorum 
militare etiam consilium ; iussi et duces ordinum 

9 praefectique aiixiliorum simul consulere. Cum saepe 
acta res esset magnis certaminibus, postremo, quia 


BOOK XXIV. xxviii. 1-9 

XXVIII. In this confused state of affairs it was b.o. 214 
decided to summon the people to an assembly. There 
while some inclined in one direction, some in another, 
and an uprising was not far away, A poUonide s, one 
of the leading citizens, made a speech which was well- 
advised, considering the crisis. He said that neither 
the prospect of safety nor that of destruciion had 
ever been nearer to any state. For if with one 
mind they should all incline, whether to the Romans 
or to the Carthaginians, no state would be in a more 
higlily favoured and happier condition. If they 
pulled in different directions, war between Carthagin- 
ians and Romans would not be more cruel than that 
among the Syracusans themselves, since within the 
same walls each side would have its own armies, its 
own Aveapons, its own generals. Accordingly they 
must make the greatest effort to reach agreement. 
Which alliance was the more advantageous was a 
question decidedly subordinate and of far less weight. 
Yet Hiero^s authority ought to be followed in choos- 
ing allies rather than that of Hieronymus ; in other 
words, a friendship which had proved happy for fifty 
years should be preferred to one unknown at present 
and formerly faithless. For their decision it was also 
of considerable importance that they could decline 
the Carthaginians' offer of peace without necessarily 
waging war with them at once. With the Romans 
they must straightway have either peace or war. 
The less of party passion the speech seemed to have, ' 
the greater was its influence. To the magistrates 
and picked senators they added a military council 
also. Commanders of units and prefects of auxiliaries 
as well were ordered to take part in the deliberations. 
After the question had been repeatedly debated with 



A.u.c. belli cum Romanis gerendi ratio nulla apparebat, 
pacem fieri placuit mittique legates ad rem cum 
eis ^ confirmandam. 

XXIX. Dies baud ita multi intercesserunt, cum 
ex Leontinis legati praesidium finibus suis orantes 
venerunt ; quae legatio peropportuna visa ad multi- 
tudinem inconditam ac tumultuosam exonerandam 

2 ducesque eius ablegandos. Hippocrates praetor 
ducere eo transfugas iussus ; secuti multi ex mercen- 
nariis auxiliis quattuor milia ai'matorum effecex'unt. 

3 Et mittentibus et missis ea laeta expeditio fuit ; 
nam et illis, quod iam diu cupiebant, novandi res 
occasio data est, et hi sentinam quandam urbis rati 
exhaustam laetabantur. Ceterum levaverunt modo 
in praesentia velut corpus aegrum, quo mox in 

4 graviorem morbum recideret. Hippocrates enim 
finitima provinciae Romanae primo furtivis excur- 
sionibus vastare coepit ; deinde, cum ad tuendos 
sociorum agros missum ab Appio praesidium esset, 
omnibus copiis impetum in oppositam stationem cum 

5 caede multorimi fecit. Quae cum essent nuntiata 
Marcello, legates extemplo Syracusas misit qui pacis 
fidem ruptam esse dicerent nee belli defuturam um- 
quam causam, nisi Hippocrates atque Epicydes non 
ab Syracusis modo, sed tota procul Sicilia ablegaren- 

6 tur. Epicydes, ne aut reus criminis absentis fratris 
praesens esset, aut deesset pro parte sua concitando 
bello, profectus et ipse in Leontinos, quia satis eos 

1 cum eis P(l), but after mittique : after rem Gronotnus. 

BOOK XXIV. xxviii. 9-xxi.\. 6 

great contention, finally, as they evidently had noB.o. i'i4 
means of carrying on a war with the Romans, it was 
decided to make an alliance with them, and to send 
ambassadors for the ratification. 

XXIX. Not many days had elapsed, when ambas- 
sadors from Leontini arrived, pleading for a force to 
defend their territory. The request of this embassy 
seemed very timely for the purpose of relieving the 
city of a disorderly and turbulent multitude and of 
sending away its leaders. Hippocrates as magistrate 
was ordered to lead the deserters thither. Many of 
the mercenary auxiUaries followed, making four thou- 
sand armed men. That enterprise gave joy both to 
the senders and the sent ; for the one party were 
given a long-desired opportunity for revolution, and 
the other rejoiced also to think that the dregs of the 
city had been drained off. But they reUeved the 
diseased body, so to speak, merely for the moment, 
only to have it relapse presently into a more serious 
ailment. For Hippocrates began, at first with 
stealthy raids, to ravage lands on the border of the 
Roman province. Later, when Appius had sent 
troops to protect the farms of the allies, he made an 
attack with all his forces upon the unit on guard- 
duty facing him, and many were slain. Marcellus, 
being informed of this, at once sent legates to Syra- 
cuse, to say that the promised peace had been broken, 
and that a reason for war would never be wanting 
unless Hippocrates and Epicydes should be sent far 
away, not merely from Syracuse, but from all Sicily. 
Epicydes, to avoid being present under an accusation 
brought against his absent brother, or else failing 
to do his part in provoking war, went Ukewise to 
Leontini ; and seeing that its citizens were sufficiently 



A.u.c. adversus populum Romaniim concitatos cernebat, 

7 avertere etiam ab Syracusanis coepit : nam ita eos 
pacem pepigisse cum Romanis ut quicumque populi 
sub regibus fuissent ^ suae dicionis essent, nee iam 
libertate contentos esse nisi etiam regnent ac domi- 

8 nentur. Ilenuntiandum igitur eis esse Leontinos 
quoque aequom censere liberos ^ esse, vel quod in 
solo urbis suae tyrannus ceciderit, vel quod ibi 
primum conclamatum ad libertatem relictisque 

9 regiis ducibus Syracusas concursum sit.^ Itaque aut 
eximendum id de foedere esse, aut legem eam 

10 foederis non accipiendam. Facile multitudini per- 
suasum ; legatisque Syracusanorum et de caede 
stationis Romanae querentibus et Hippocratem 
atque Epicydem abire seu Locros seu quo alio 
mallent, dummodo Sicilia cederent, iubentibus 
ferociter responsum est neque mandasse sese Syracu- 

11 sanis ut pacem pro se cum Romanis facerent, neque 

12 teneri alienis foederibus. Haec ad Romanos Syra- 
cusani detulerunt, abnuentes Leontinos in sua 
potestate esse : itaque integro secum foedere bellum 
Romanos cum iis gesturos, neque sese defuturos ei 
bello, ita ut in potestatem redacti suae rursus 
dicionis essent, sicut pax convenisset. 

XXX. Marcellus cum omni exercitu profectus in 

1 fuissent Madvig* : fuissent et P{1) Conway: fuissent ei 

2 liberos P(l) Conway : liberos se Madvig. 

^ sit Wdssenhorn [before concursum z) : om. P(l). 


BOOK XXIV. XXIX. 6-xxx. i 

aroused against tlie Roman people, began also to b.c. 214 
estrange them from the Syracusans. For, he explained, 
the Syracusans had made an alliance with the Romans 
with the provision that all the states which had been 
subject to the kings should be under their rule ; 
that now they were not satisfied with freedom, 
without also being lords and masters. They must 
therefore report to them that the Leontinians like- 
wise thought it right that they should be free, either 
because it was on the soil of their city that the 
tyrant fell, or because there for the first time men 
shouted the summons to hberty, and deserting the 
king's generals flocked to Syracuse. Accordingly 
either that clause, he said, must be removed from the 
treaty, or else an alliance on such terms was not to 
be accepted. The multitude was easily persuaded, 
and when the legates of the Syracusans complained 
of the slaughter of the Roman guard-post and also 
bade Hippocrates and Epicydes go away to Locri or 
wherever they preferred, provided they withdrew from 
Sicily, the people rephed with spirit that they had 
not instructed the Syracusans to make a treaty for 
them with the Romans, and that they were not 
bound by treaties not of their own making. This 
was reported to the Romans by the Syracusans 
who stated that the men of Leontini were not subject 
to their authority ; and that consequently the Romans 
would make war upon them without violating the 
treaty made with Syracuse ; also that they would them- 
selves not refuse to give help in the war, on condition 
that, when reduced to subjection, the Leontini should 
again be under their authority, as had been settled 
in the treaty. 

XXX. Marcellus, proceeding with his whole army 



A.u.c. Leontinos, Appio quoque accito ut altera parte ad- 

* grederetur, tanto ardore militum est usus ab ira inter 

condiciones pacis interfectae stationis ut primo impe- 

2 tu urbem expugnarent. Hippocrates atque Epicydes, 
postquam capi muros refringique portas videre, in 
arcem sese cum paucis recepere ; inde clam nocte 

3 Herbesum perfugiunt. S\'racusanis octo milium 
armatorum agmine profectis domo ad Mylan flumen 

^ nuntius occurrit captam urbem esse, cetera falsa 

4 mixta veris ferens : caedem promiscuam militum 
atque oppidanorum factam, nee quicquam puberum 
arbitrai-i superesse ; direptam urbem, bona locuple- 

5 tium donata. Ad nuntium tarn atrocem constitit 
agmen, concitatisque omnibus duces — erant autem 
Sosis ac Dinomenes — quid agerent consultabant. 

6 Terroris speciem haud vanam mendacio praebuerant 
verberati ac securi percussi transfugae ad duo milia 

7 hominum ; ceterum Leontinorum militumque alio- 
rum nemo post captam urbem violatus fuerat, suaque 
omnia eis, nisi quae primus tumultus captae urbis 

8 absumpserat, restituebantur. Nee ut Leontinos 
irent, proditos ad caedem commilitones querentes, 
perpelli potuere, nee ut eodem loco certiorem nun- 

9 tium expectarent. Cum ad defectionem inclinatos 
animos cernerent praetores, sed eum motum haud 
diuturnum fore, si duces amentiae sublati essent, 

10 exercitum ducunt Megara, ipsi cum paucis equitibus 

1 Probably between Syracuse and Leontini, perhaps on the 
My las. 

^ Leontini. 

^ The -praetores, havnng taken the field, are now generals, 
as repeatedly below. 

* On the coast north of Syracuse; destroyed by Marcellus, 
XXXV. 2. 



to Leontini and summoning Appius also to make an b.c. 214 
attack from the other side, found such enthusiasm 
in his soldiers, due to anger aroused by the slaughter 
of men of the guard while negotiations were pending, 
that they took the city at the first assault. Hippo- 
crates and Epicydes, on seeing that the walls were 
being taken and gates forced, sought refuge with a 
few men in the citadel. Thence they fled secretly 
by night to Herbesus.^ The Syracusans, who had 
set out from home in a column of eight thousand 
men, were met at the river Mylas by a messenger, 
reporting that the city ^ had been captured, but for 
the rest mingUng the false with the true : that a 
general massacre of soldiers and townspeople had 
occurred, and no adults, he thought, had survived; 
that the city had been plundered, the property of the 
wealthy given away. On hearing news so terrible 
the column halted, and in the general excitement the 
commanders — and they were Sosis and Dinomenes — 
considered what they should do. The appearance 
of well-founded alarm had been lent to the falsehood 
by the scourging and beheading of deserters, about 
two thousand men. But not one of the Leontinians 
or of the other soldiers had been injured after the 
capture of the city ; and, except what had been lost 
in the first confusion of the capture of the city, all 
their property was being restored to them. And the 
soldiers, complaining that their comrades had been 
betrayed to their death, could neither be induced to 
go to Leontini nor to wait at the same spot for more 
trustworthy news. The generals,^ seeing them 
inclined to mutiny, but that the outbreak would not 
last long if the leaders in folly should be removed, 
led the army to Megara ; * and then with a few 



A.U.C. Hcrbesum proficiscuntur spe territis omnibus per 

11 proditioneni urbis potiundae. Quod ubi frustra eis 
fuit inceptum, vi agendum rati postero die Megaris 
castra movent, ut Herbesum omnibus copiis oppug- 

12 narent. Hippocrates et Epicydes non tam tutum 
prima specie quam unum spe undique abscisa con- 
silium esse rati, ut se militibus permitterent et 
adsuetis magna ex pai-te sibi et tum fama caedis 
commilitonum accensis, obviam agmini procedunt. 

13 Prima forte signa sescentorum Cretensium erant, 
qui apud Hieronymum meruerant sub eis et Hanni- 
balis beneficium habebant, capti ad Trasumennum 

14 inter Romanorum auxilia dimissique. Quos ubi ex 
signis armorumque habitu cognovere, Hippocrates 
atque Epicydes ramos oleae ac velamenta alia 
supplicum porrigentes orare ut reciperent sese, 
receptos tutarentur, neu proderent Syracusanis, a 
quibus ipsi mox trucidandi populo Romano dede- 
rentur. XXXI. Enimvero conclamant bonum ut 
animum haberent ; omnem se cum illis fortunam 

2 subituros. Inter hoc conloquium signa constiterant 
tenebaturque agmen, neodum quae morae causa 
foret pervenerat ad duces. Postquam Hippocraten 
atque Epicyden adesse ^ pervasit rumor, fremitusque 
toto agmine erat haud dubie adprobantium adventum 

^ adesse z Madvig : esse A^x: om. P{1) : adesse ordincs 

^ They were archers. 


BOOK XXIV. XXX. lo-xxxi. 2 

horsemen they went themselves to Herbesus, in the b.c. 2U 
hope of getting possession of the city by treachery, 
owing to the general alarm. When this undertaking 
disappointed them, they thought tliey must use force, 
and moved their camp from Megara the next day, to 
attack Hei'besus with all their troops. Hippocrates 
and Epicydes, thinking that their plan to put them- 
selves at the mercy of the soldiers, who were in large 
part used to them and also at that time inflamed by 
the report of the slaughter of their comrades, was not 
so much one which at first sight promised safety, as 
it was the only possible plan in a desperate situation, 
went out to meet the column. The first unit hap- 
pened to be that of six hundred Cretans, who had 
served under them in the army of Hieronymus and 
were under obhgations to Hannibal, as they had been 
captured among the Roman auxiliaries at the Trasu- 
mennus and allowed to go free. Recognizing them 
from their standards and the character of their 
weapons,^ Hippocrates and Epicydes, holding out 
olive branches and in addition the woollen bands of 
suppUants, implored them to admit them and, having 
done so, to protect and not betray them to the 
Syracusans, to be themselves presently surrendered 
by the same to the Roman people for slaughter. 
XXXI. And in fact the Cretans shouted to them to 
take corn-age, saying they would share every lot with 
them. Durinor this conversation the standards had 
halted and the column was being held up. And word 
had not yet reached the generals as to what was the 
cause of the delay. When the report that Hippo- 
crates and Epicydes were there did reach them, and 
down the whole length of the column there was a 
shout of evident joy over their coming, at once the 




A.u.c. eorum, extemplo praetores citatis equis ad prima 

3 signa perrexerunt. Qui mos ille, quae licentia 
Cretensium esset rogitantes, conloquia serendi cum 
hoste iniussuque praetorum miscendi eos agmini 
suo, conprehendi inicique catenas iussei'unt Hippo- 

4 crati. Ad quam vocem tantus extemplo primum a 
Cretensibus clamor est ortus, deinde exceptus ab 
aliis, ut facile, si ultra tenderent, appareret eis ti- 

6 m^endum esse. Solliciti incertique rerum suarum 
Megara, unde profecti erant, referri signa iubent 
nuntiosque de statu praesenti Syracusas mittunt. 

6 Fraudem quoque Hippocrates addit inclinatis ad 
omnem suspicionem animis et Cretensium quibusdam 
ad itinera insidenda missis velut interceptas litteras 

7 quas ipse composuerat, recitat : "Praetores Syra- 
cusani consuli Marcello." Secundum salutem, ut 
adsolet, scriptum erat recte eum atque ordine fecisse, 

8 quud in Leontinis nulli pepercisset. Sed omnium 
mercennariorum militum eandem esse causam, nee 
umquam Syracusas quieturas donee quicquam ex- 
ternorum auxiliorum aut in urbe aut in exercitu suo 

9 esset. Itaque daret operam ut eos qui cum suis 
praetoribus castra ad Megara haberent in suam 
potestatem redigeret ac supplicio eorum liberaret 

10 tandem Syracusas. Haec cum recitata essent, cum 
tanto clamore ad arma discursum est ut praetores 

11 inter tumultum pavidi abequitaverint Syracusas. Et 
ne fuga quidem eorum seditio conpressa est, impetus- 
que in Syracusanos milites fiebant ; nee ab ullo 

^ Mention of one brother is meant to include the other, 
Epicydes; xxiv. 1; xxxv. 4. 

^ Only the heading is quoted verbatim, with suppression 
of the conventional greeting. 



generals made their way at a gallop to the head b.c. 214 
of the column. Asking what a practice, what a breach 
of discipline, it was on the part of the Cretans to join 
in conversation with an enemy and to admit the men 
to their own column without orders from the generals, 
they ordered them to be arrested and Hippocrates^ 
to be put in chains. Upon that command such an 
outcry was first raised by the Cretans, and then 
caught up by others, that it was easy to see that if 
they took any further steps they would have to fear 
for themselves. Troubled and uncertain as to their 
own situation, they ordered a retreat to Megara, 
from which they had set out, and sent messengers 
to Syracuse to report how matters stood. 

While men were inclined to suspect everything, 
Hippocrates also resorted to a ruse. After sending 
some of the Cretans to lie in wait by the roads, 
with the pretence that it had been intercepted, he 
publicly read a letter written by himself: " The 
magistrates of Syracuse to the Consul Marcellus." ^ 
Following the customary greeting it was stated that 
he had been entirely right in sparing no one at 
Leontini ; but that the situation of all the mercenary 
soldiers was the same, and Syracuse would never have 
peace so long as there were any foreign auxiliaries 
in either the city or its army. Therefore he should 
take measures to reduce to submission the men who 
were encamped at Megara under the command of their 
own generals, and by their punishment to set Syracuse 
free at last. After this had been read, they rushed to 
arms with such shouting that during the confusion the 
generals rode away in alarm to Syracuse. And the 
mutiny was not quelled even by their flight ; but at- 
tacks were repeatedly made on the Syracusan soldiers. 

T 2 


A.u.o. temperatum foret, iii Epicydes atque Hippocrates 

12 irae multitudinis obviam issent, non a misericordia 
aut humano consilio, sed ne spem reditus praeci- 
derent sibi et, cum ipsos simul milites fidos haberent 

13 simul obsides, tum cognatos quoque eorum atque 
amicos tanto merito primum, dein pignore sibi 

H conciliarent. Expertique quam vana aut levi aura 
mobile volgus esset, militem nancti ex eo numero qui 
in Leontinis circumsessi erant, subornant, ut Syra- 
cusas perferret nuntium convenientem eis quae ad 

15 Mylan falso nuntiata erant, auctoremque se exhi- 
bendo ac velut visa quae dubia erant narrando 
concitaret iras hominum. 

XXXII. Huic non apud volgum modo fides fuit, 
sed senatum quoque in curiam introductus movit. 
Haud vani quidam homines palam ferre perbene 
detectam in Leontinis esse avaritiam et crudelitatem 
Romanorum. Eadem, si intrassent Syracusas, aut 
foediora etiam, quo maius ibi avaritiae praemium 

2 esset, facturos fuisse. Itaque claudendas cuncti 
portas et custodiendam urbem censere. Sed non 
ab iisdem omnes timere nee eosdem odisse : ad 
militare genus omne partemque magnam plebis 

3 invisum esse nomen Romanum ; praetores optima- 
tiumque pauci, quamquam inflati vano nuntio erant, 
tamen ad propius praesentiusque malum cautiores 

4 esse. Et iam ad Hexapylum erant Hippocrates 

^ Since the soldiers would virtually be hostages, to ensure 
the support of many friends and relatives in the city. 


BOOK XXIV. XXXI. ii-\xxii. 4 

Nor would they have spared any of them, had not b.c. 2H 
Epicydes and Hippocrates opposed the enraged 
multitude, not out of pity and a humane intent, 
but in order not to cut off the hope of their own 
return, and that they might not only keep the men 
themselves as loyal soldiers and at the same time 
hostages, but also win over their relatives and 
friends, first by so great a service, and then by the 
personal security.^ And having learned how empty 
or faint a breath moves the crowd, they took a soldier 
from among those who had been besieged at Leontini 
and bribed him to carry to Syracuse a message in 
agreement with what had been falsely reported at 
the Mylas, and by showing himself to vouch for it 
and by relating the doubtful as things that he had 
seen, to inflame men's anger. 

XXXII. This man was not only believed by the 
common people, but on being admitted to the Senate 
House, he stirred the senate as well. Some men of 
consequence openly declared it was very well that 
the avarice and cruelty of the Romans had been 
revealed at Leontini; that if they had entered 
Syracuse they would have done the same things or 
even more terrible, in proportion to the greater 
prize for avarice there. Accordingly, they all 
voted that the gates should be closed and the city 
guarded. But not all were afraid of the same persons 
or hated the same men. Among the whole military 
class and a large part of the common people the 
Roman name was hated. As for the generals and a 
few of the best citizens, although they had been 
misled by the false news, they were nevertheless 
more circimispect in the face of a danger more 
immediately impending. And already Hippocrates 



A.U.C. atque Epicydes, serebanturque conloquia per propin- 
quos popularium qui in exercitu erant, ut portas 
aperirent sinerentque communem patriam defendi ab 

5 impetu Romanorum. lam unis foribus Hexapyli 
apertis coepti crant recipi, cum praetores intervene- 
runt. Et primo iinperio minisque, deinde auctoritate 
deterrendo, postremo, ut omnia vana erant, obliti 
maiestatis precibus agebant ne proderent patriam 
tjTanni ante satellitibus et tum corruptoribus 

6 exercitus. Sed surdae ad ea omnia ^ aures concitatae 
multitudinis erant, nee minore intus vi quam foris 
portae effringebantur, efFractisque omnibus toto 

7 Hexapylo agmen reeeptum est. Praetores in 
Achradinam cum iuventute popularium confugiunt. 
Mercennarii milites perfugaeque et quidquid regio- 
rum militum Sjrracusis erat agmen hostium augent. 

8 Ita Achradina quoque primo impetu capitur, prae- 
torumque nisi qui inter tumultum effugerunt omnes 

9 interficiuntur. Nox caedibus finem fecit. Postero 
die servi ad pilleum vocati et carcere vincti emissi; 
confusaque haec omnis multitudo Hippocraten atque 
Epicyden creant praetores ; Syracusaeque, cum 
breve tempus libertas adfulsisset, in antiquam 
servitutem reciderant. 

XXXIII. Haec nuntiata cum essent Romanis, ex 
Leontinis mota sunt extemplo castra ad Syracusas. 

^ ad ea omnia Bottcher : ad omnia Madvig : aditomnium P : 
adeo omnium P^?{\). 

1 Cf. xvi. 18. 


BOOK XXIV. xxxii. 4-\xxiii. i 

and Epicydes were at the Hexapylon, and there were b.c. 214 
communications through intermediaries who were 
relatives of citizens in the army : that they should 
open the gates and allow the defence of the city, 
their common home, against attack by the Romans. 
By this time one of the gates of the Hexapylon 
had been opened, and by it they had begun to 
be admitted, when the generals intervened. And at 
first by their military authority and by threats, then 
by using their personal influence to restrain them, 
finally, when all was without affect, disregarding 
dignity they prayed them not to betray their native 
city to former minions of the tyrant and present 
seducers of the army. But the ears of the excited 
crowd were deaf to all that ; and the gates were 
being forced with no less violence from within than 
from without, and when all had been forced, the 
column was admitted through the whole breadth of 
the Hexapylon. The generals with the younger 
citizens flee for refuge to Achradina. The mercenary 
soldiers and deserters and such royal troops as were 
at Syracuse swell the column of the enemy. Thus 
Achradina also is taken by assault, and all the 
magistrates, except those who escaped in the midst of 
the uproar, are slain. Night put an end to the 
slaughter. On the next day slaves were called to 
wear the cap of freedom ^ and criminals in chains 
released from prison ; and all this assorted multitude 
elected Hippocrates and Epicydes generals. And 
Syracuse, after the light of liberty had shone upon it 
for a short time, had fallen back into its old-time 

XXXni. When these facts were reported to the 
Romans, the camp was at once removed from Leontini 



A.u.o. 2 Et ab Appio legati per portum missi forte in quinque- 
remi erant, Praemissa quadriremis cum intrasset 

3 fauces portus, capitur ; legati aegre effugerunt. Et 
iam non modo pacis sed ne belli quidena iura relicta 
erant, cum Romanus exercitus ad Olympium — lovis 
id templum est — mille et quingentos passus ab urbe 

4 castra posuit. Inde quoque legates praemitti pla- 
cuit ; quibus, ne intrarent urbem, extra portam 
Hippocrates atque Epicydes obviam cum suis pro- 

5 cesserunt. Romanus orator non bellum se Syra- 
cusanis sed opem auxiliumque adferre ait, et eis qui 
ex media caede elapsi perfugerint ad se, et eis qui 
metu oppressi foediorem non exilio solum sed etiam 

6 morte servitutem patiantur ; nee caedem nefandam 
sociorum inultam Romanos passuros. Itaque, si eis 
qui ad se perfugerint tutus in patriam reditus pa- 
teat,^ caedis auctores dedantur, et libertas legesque 
Syracusanis restituantur, nihil armis opus esse ; si 
ea non fiant, quicumque in mora sit bello perse- 

7 cuturos. Ad ea Epicydes, si qua ad se mandata 
haberent, responsum eis ait se daturos fuisse ; cum 
in eorum ad quos venerint manu res Syracusana esset, 

8 turn reverterentur. Si bello lacesserent, ipsa re 
intellecturos nequaquam idem esse Syracusas ac 

^ pateat Crevier : pateat et Walters : pateret P(l). 

^ Westward of the Great Harbour, plainly visible from the 
Island and from part of Achradina. Near this great temple 
the Athenians had encamped, as also the Carthaginians, in 
other sieges. Two columns still stand. 


BOOK XXIV. xxxiiT. 2-8 

to Syracuse. And, as it happened, legates had b.c. 214 
been sent bv Appius by way of the liarbour on a 
five-banker. The foin--banker sent in advance was 
captured on entering the narrows. The legates 
barely escaped. And now there remained no longer 
any rights even of war, not to say of peace, -when the 
Roman army pitched camp at the Olympium, that is, 
the Temple of Jupiter,^ a mile and a half from the 
city. From this place also it was decided to send 
legates in advance. To prevent their entering the 
city, Hippocrates and Epicydes and their retinue 
advanced beyond the gate to meet them. The 
speaker for the Romans said he Avas not bringing 
war, but aid and comfort to the Syracusans, both to 
those who, escaping from the midst of the slaughter, 
had sought refuge with the Romans, and to those 
who, subdued by their fear, were enduring a slavery 
more shameful, not only than exile, but even than 
death ; and that the Romans would not leave the 
atrocious slaughter of their allies unavenged. Ac- 
cordingly, if a safe return to their native city should 
be open to those who had sought refuge with the 
Romans, if those responsible for the slaughter should 
be surrendered and their freedom and laws restored 
to the Syracusans, there was no need of arms. If 
those conditions should not be met, the Romans 
would wage war against every man Avho caused delay. 
In reply Epicydes said that, if their message had been 
addressed to his colleague and himself, they would 
have given them an answer, \^^len the Syracusan 
state should be under the control of the men to 
whom they came, then let them return. Should 
they make war, they would find from actual experience 
that to attack Syracuse was by no means the same as 



A.u.o. Leontinos oppugnare. Ita legatis relictis portas 

^*° clausit. 

9 Inde terra marique simul coeptae oppugnari Sy- 
racusae, terra ab Hexapylo, mari ab Achradina, cuius 
murus fluctu adluitur. Et quia, sicut Leontinos 
terrore ac primo impetu ceperant, non diffidebant 
vastam disiectamque spatio urbem parte aliqua se 
invasuroSjOnmem apparatuni oppugnandarum urbium 
muris admoverunt. XXXIV. Et habuisset tanto 
impetu coepta res fortunam, nisi unus homo Syra- 

2 cusis ea tempestate fuisset. Archimedes is erat, 
unicus spectator caeli siderumque, mirabilior tamen 
inventor ac machinator bellicorum tormentorum 
operumque quibus quicquid ^ hostes ingenti mole 

3 agerent ipse perlevi momento ludificaretur. Muros 
per inaequalis ductos - colles, pleraque alta et diffi- 
cilia aditu, submissa quaedam et quae planis vallibus 
adiri possent, ut cuique aptum visum est loco, ita 

4 genere omni tormentorum instruxit. Achradinae 
murum, qui, ut ante dictum est, mari adluitur, 
segaginta ^ quinqueremibus Marcellus oppugnabat. 

5 Ex ceteris navibus sagittarii funditoresque et velites 
etiam, quorum telum ad remittendum inhabile 
imperitis est, vix quemquam sine vulnere consistere 

6 in muro patiebantur ; hi, quia spatio missilibus opus 
est, procul muro tenebant naves : iunctae aliae binae 

^ quicquid Madvig : om. P( 1 ) : si quid Weissenhorn. 
^ muros . . . ductos Weissenhorn : murus . . . ductus 
P(l) : murum . . . ductum z Madvig. 

^ sexaginta Bnttcher : ex (/or LX or ex Lx) P{1). 

^ Livy does not mention Archimedes' celebrity as a mathe- 

2 The number sixty agrees with Polybiua VIII. 4(6). 1. 


BOOK XXIV. xxxiii. 8-xxAiv. 6 

to attack Leontini. So he left the ambassadors and b.c. 214 
closed the gates. 

Thereupon began the siege of Syracuse at the same 
time by land and by sea, by land from the side of the 
Hexapylon, by sea from that of Achradina, the wall 
of which is washed by the waves. And because, 
having taken Leontini by a panic and the first assault, 
the Romans did not doubt that at some point they 
would make their way into a city immense and widely 
scattered, they brought all their equipment for 
besieging cities up to the walls. XXXIV'. And an 
undertaking begun with so vigorous an assault 
would have met with success if one man had not been 
at Syracuse at that time. It was Archimedes, an 
unrivalled observer of the heavens and the stars, 
more remarkable, however, as inventor and contriver 
of artillery and engines of war, by which with the least 
pains he frustrated whatever the enemy undertook 
with vast efforts.^ The walls, carried along uneven 
hills, mainly high positions and difficult to approach, 
but some of them Ioav and accessible from level 
ground, were equipped by him with every kind of 
artillery, as seemed suited to each place. The wall 
of Achradina, which, as has been said already, is 
washed by the sea, was attacked by Marcellus with 
sixty five-bankers. 2 From most ^ of the ships archers 
and slingers, also light-armed troops, whose weapon 
is difficult for the inexpert to return,'* allowed hai'dly 
anyone to stand on the wall without being wounded ; 
and these men kept their ships at a distance from the 
wall, since range is needed for missile weapons. 

^ "Most," since ceterae is contrasted with aliae in § 6 (eight 
in Polybius). 

* Owing to the skill required in using the thong (amentum). 


A.V.C. quinqueremes demptis interioribus remis, ut latus 

7 lateri adplicaretur, cum exteriore ordine remoruip 
veliit una navis agerentur, turres contabulatas 
machinamentaque alia quatiendis muris portabant. 

8 Adversus hunc navalem apparatum Archimedes 
variae magnitudinis tormenta in muris disposuit. 
In eas quae procul erant navis saxa ingenti pondere 
emittebat, propiores levioribus eoque magis crebris 

9 petebat telis ; postremo, ut sui volnere intacti tela 
in hostem ingererent. murum ab imo ad summum 
crebris cubitalibus fere cavis aperuit, per quae cava 
pars sagittis, pars scorpionibus modicis ex occulto 

10 petebant hostem. Quae ^ propius ^ subibant naves, 
quo interiores ictibus tormentorum essent, in eas 
tollenone super murum eminente ferrea manus, 
firmae catenae inligata, cum iniecta prorae esset 
gravique libramento plumbi ^ recelleret ad solum, 

11 suspensa prora navem in puppim statuebat ; dein re- 
missa subito velut ex muro cadentem navem cum in- 
genti trepidatione nautarum ita undae adfligebat * 
ut, etiamsi recta reciderat,^ aliquantum aquae acci- 

12 peret. Ita maritima oppugnatio est elusa omnisque 
spes eo ^ versa ut totis viribus terra adgrederentur. 

^ quaeP(l): quia, Madvig : om. Walters. 

^ propius P(l), adding quaedam {retained by Madvig, 
Walters : o?n. x Crivier). 

^ plumbi P(10) : blumbi C : plumbum Heller, Conway. 

* adfligebat Sjjro^uws : -bantP(l) Walters. 

^ reciderat Gronovius : reccideraiit PCH : reciderant JU : 
■ e:et BA^?Madvig : -event DA. 

6 eo Bottcher : ea P- : est C : ad (versa) P(10). 

1 Livy seems to mean the width on the inside, while Polybius 
gives a palm (three inches) as the width of a loophole on the 
outside (VIII. 7. 6). 


BOOK XXIV. x.vxiv. 6-12 

Other five-bankers, paired together, with the inner b.c. 214 
oars removed, so that side was brought close to side, 
were propelled by the outer banks of oars like a 
single ship, and carried towei's of several stories and 
in addition engines for battering walls. To meet 
this naval equipment Archimedes disposed artilleiy 
of different sizes on the walls. Against ships at a 
distance he kept discharging stones of great weight ; 
nearer vessels he would attack with lighter and all 
the more numerous missile weapons. Finally, that 
his owTi men might discharge their bolts at the 
enemy without exposure to wounds, he opened the 
wall from bottom to top with numerous loopholes 
about a cubit wide,^ and through these some, without 
being seen, shot at the enemy with arrows, others 
from small scorpions. As for the ships which came 
closer, in order to be inside the range of his artillery, 
against these an iron grapnel, fastened to a stout 
chain, would be thrown on to the bow by means of a 
swing-beam projecting over the wall. When this ^ 
sprung backward to the ground owing to the shifting 
of a heavy leaden weight, it would set the ship on its 
stern, bow in air. Then, suddenly released, it would 
dash the ship, falling, as it were, from the wall, 
into the sea, to the great alarm of the sailors, and 
with the result that, even if she fell upright, she w'ould 
take considerable water. Thus the assault from the 
sea was baffled, and all hope shifted to a plan to 
attack from the land with all their forces. But that 

2 Literally the grappling hook ; but here, as if the ferrea 
manus might serve as a name for the entire crane, the reference 
is in fact to another part, viz. the beam, the after end of 
which sank to the ground inside the wall when the leaden 
weight was shifted. Polybius, VIII. 6(8). 1^, gives a more 
detailed account. 


A^u.c. 13 Sed ea quoque pars eodem omni apparatu tormen- 
torum instructa erat Hieronis inpensis curaque per 

14 multos annos, Archimedis unica arte. Natura etiam 
adiuvabat loci, quod saxum, cui inposita muri funda- 
menta sunt, magna parte ita proclive est ut non 
solum missa tormento, sed etiam quae pondere suo 
provoluta essent, graviter in hostem inciderent. 

15 Eadem causa ad subeundum arduum aditum insta- 

16 bilemque ingressum praebebat. Ita consilio habito, 
quoniam ^ omnis conatus ludibrio esset, absistere 
oppugnatione atque obsidendo tantum arcere terra 
marique commeatibus hostem placuit. 

XXXV. Interim Marcellus cum tertia fere parte 
exercitus ad recipiendas urbes px'ofectus quae in motu 
rerumadCarthaginienses defecerant, Helorum atque 

2 Herbesum dedentibus ipsis recipit, Megara vi capta 
diruit ac diripuit ad reliquorum ac maxime Syracusa- 

3 norum terrorem. Per idem fere tempus et Himilco, 
qui ad Pachyni promunturium classem diu tenuerat, 
ad Heracleani, quam vocant Minoam, quinque et vi- 
ginti milia peditum,triaequitum,duodecimelephantos 
exposuit, nequaquam cum quantis copiis ante tenue- 

4 rat ad Pachynum classem ; sed, postquam ab Hippo- 
crate occupatae Syracusae erant, profectus Cartha- 
ginem adiutusque ibi et ab legatis Hippocratis et lit- 
teris Hannibalis, qui venisse tempus aiebat Siciliae 

5 per summvun decus repetendae, et ipse haud vanus 

1 quoniam Alschefski : quo {for quom ?) P(l) : quod A^x : 
quando Lucks. 



side also had been provided with the same complete b.c. 214 
equipment of artillery, at the expense and the pains 
of Hiero dm'ing many years, by the unrivalled art of 
Archimedes. The nature of the place ' also helped, 
in that the rock on which the foundations of the wall 
were laid is generally so steep that not only missiles 
from a machine, but also whatever rolled doAVTi of 
its own Aveight fell heavily upon the enemy. The 
same circumstance made approach to the wall diffi- 
cult and footing unsteady. So, after a war council, 
since every attempt was being balked, it was decided 
to give up the assault and merely by a blockade to 
cut oif the enemy by land and sea from their supplies.-^ 

XXXV. Meanwhile Marcellus set out with about 
a third of his army to recover the cities which in the 
unsettled state of affairs had gone over to the Car- 
thaginians. Helorus and Herbesus he did recover 
by their own surrender ; Megara he took by assault, 
destroyed and plundered, to terrify the others and 
especially the Syracusans. About the same time 
also Himilco, who had long kept his fleet off the 
promontory of Pachynum, landed at Heraclea,^ 
called Minoa, 25,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry andtwelve 
elephants, a very much larger force than that with 
which he had previously kept his fleet off Pachynum. 
But after Syracuse had been seized by Hippocrates, 
Himilco went to Carthage and was aided there both 
by the legates of Hippocrates and by a letter from 
Hannibal, who said the time had come to recover 
Sicily in the most honourable manner. Himilco 

1 Evidently meaning the northern face of Epipolae, the 
great triangle at whose western apex stood the fortress of 
Euryalus ; of. XXV. xxiv. 4 ; xxv. 2 ; v. Appendix. 

- West of Agrigentum, on the south coast. 



A.U.O. praesens monitor facileperpuleratutquantacinaxime^ 
possent peditum equitumquc copiae in Sicilian! 

6 traicerentur. Adveniens Heracleam, intra paucos 
inde dies Agrigenlum rcccpit ; aliariimque civitatium, 
quae partis Cartliaginiensium erant, adco accensae 
sunt spes ad pellendos Sicilia Romanos ut postremo 
etiam qui obsidebantur Syracusis animos sustulei'int. 

7 Et parte copiaruni satis defendi urbem posse rati, ita 
inter se munera belli partiti sunt ut Epicydes prae- 
esset custodiae urbis, Hippocrates Himilconi coniun- 
ctus bellum adversus consulem Romanuni gereret. 

8 Cum decern milibus peditum, quingentis equitibus 
nocte per intermissa custodiis loca profectus castra 

9 circa Acrillas ui'bem ponebat. Munientibus super- 
venit Marcellus ab Agrigento iam occupato, cum 
frustra eo praevenire hostem festinans tetendisset, 
rediens, nihil minus ratus quam illo tempore ac loco 

10 Syracusanum sibi exercitum obvium fore ; sed tamen 
metu Himilconis Poenoi'umque, ut quibus nequaquam 
eis copiis quas habebat par esset, quam poterat 
maxime intentus atque agmine ad omnes casus com- 
posito ibat. XXX\^I. Forte ea cura quae adversus Poe- 
nos praeparata erat ^ adversus Siculos usui fuit. Cas- 
tris ponendis incompositos ac disperses nanctus eos et 
plerosque inermes quod peditum fuit circumvenit ; 
eques levi certamine inito cum Hippocrate Acras 

^ maxime PBDA : maximae CRM Madvig. 

2 erat x : om. P(\) Walters, who rejects quae {or q. P(7)). 

^ To the west of Syracuse, as was Acrae, xxxvi. 1. 

BOOK XXIV. xxx\'. 5-xxxvi. i 

himself, being an influential adviser, present in b.o. 214 
person, had easily prevailed upon them to send 
across to Sicily the largest possible forces of infantry 
and cavalry. Arrived at Heraclea, he recovered 
Agrigentum within a few days. And the hopes of 
the other city-states which were on the side of the 
Carthaginians were so fired to drive the Romans 
out of Sicily that finally even those who were besieged 
at Syracuse took courage. And thinking the city 
could be sufficiently defended by a part of the forces, 
they so divided the military duties that Epicydes 
should be in charge of the defence of the city, and 
Hippocrates, together Mith Himilco, should carry 
on the war against the Roman consul. With 10,000 
infantry and five hundred horse he set out by night 
through places unguarded and pitched camp near the 
city of Acrillae.^ As they Mere fortifying, Marcellus 
arrived, returning from Agrigentum, which was 
already occupied, since it was in vain that he had 
endeavoured to anticipate the enemy by hastening 
thither. Nothing was farther from his thoughts 
than that a Syracusan army should meet him there 
at that time. Nevertheless, from fear of Himilco 
and the Carthaginians, being no match for them 
with the forces he had, he was advancing with all 
possible alertness and with a column so formed as to 
meet any emergency. XXX\'I. The precaution 
which had been taken against Carthaginians served 
him, as it happened, against Sicilians. Coming upon 
them after they had broken ranks and were scattered 
in the act of pitching camp and mostly unarmed, he 
ovenvhelmed all the infantry. The cavalry, after 
a slight engagement, fled with Hippocrates to 



A-u.c. 2 Ea pugna deficientes ab Romanis cum coliibuisset 
Siculos, Marcellus Syracusas redit ; et post paucos dies 
Himilco adiuncto Hippocrate ad flumen Anapum, octo 

3 ferme inde milia, castra posuit. Sub idem forte ^ 
tempus et naves longae quinque et quinquaginta 
Carthaginiensium cum Bomilcare ^ in magnum por- 

4 turn Syracusas ex alto decurrere, et Romana item clas- 
sis, triginta quinqueremes, legionem primam Panor- 
mi exposuere ; versumque ab Italia bellum — adeo 
uterque populus in Sicilian! intentus fuit ^ — videri 

5 poterat. Legionem Romanam quae exposita Panor- 
mi erat venientem Syracusas praedae baud dubie sibi 

6 futuram Himilco ratus via decipitur. Mediterraneo 
namque Poenus itinei'e duxit ; legio maritimis locis 
classe prosequente ad Appium Claudium Pachynum 
cum parte copiarum obviam pi'ogressum pervenit. 

7 Nee diutius Poeni ad Syracusas morati sunt : et 
Bomilcar simul parum fidens navibus suis duplici facile 
numero classem habentibus Romanis, simul inutili 
mora cernens nihil aliud ab suis quam inopiam 
adgravari sociorum, velis in altum datis in Africam 

8 transmisit J et Himilco, secutus nequiquam Marccllum 
Syracusas, si qua priusquam maioribus copiis iun- 
geretur occasio pugnandi esset, postquam ea nulla 

^ idem forte P^(4) Madvig : itemfor P : idem fere A 

* Bomilcare P(l), adding classis {to which A'x add praefec- 
to), rejected by Kdstner. 

* fuit Bekker, Madvig : fuisse P(l), joined with videri. 

1 The small river of Syracuse, emptying into the Great 
Harbour. Near its mouth was a Roman camp ; xxxiii. 3. 

^ Now Palermo ; the chief city of Carthaginian Sicily, until 
taken by the Romans in 254 b.c. ; Polybius I. xxxviii. tin. 



Marcellus, by that battle having restrained theB.o. 214 
Sicihans inclined to revolt from the Romans, returned 
to Syracuse. And a few days later Himilco was 
joined by Hippocrates and pitched camp by the river 
Anapus,^ about eight miles away. About the same 
time it so happened that fifty-five warships of the 
Carthaginians under Bomilcar sailed from the open 
sea into the Great Harbour of Syracuse, and also a 
Roman fleet of thirty quinqueremes debarked the 
first legion at Panormus.- And the war could be 
considered as now diverted from Italy, so intent were 
both nations upon Sicily. Himilco, thinking that 
the legion which had been landed at Panormus would 
certainly fall a prey to him on its way to Syracuse, was 
baffled by its route. For the Carthaginian led his 
troops along an inland road, while the legion, escorted 
by the fleet, made its way along the coast to Appius 
Claudius, who with a part of his forces had advanced 
as far as Pachynum ^ to meet it. And so the Car- 
thaginians did not tarry^ longer near Syracuse. On 
the one hand Bomilcar, lacking confidence in his own 
ships, since the Romans had a fleet of fully double 
the number, and at the same time seeing that by 
useless delay the lack of supplies for the allies was 
only intensified by his forces, put out to sea and 
crossed over to Africa. On the other hand Himilco 
first followed Marcellus to Syracuse to no purpose, in 
the hope that there might be some opportunity for an 
engagement before he should unite with larger forces. 
Then, when no such opportunity fell to him, and he 

^ Probably an error for Pelorum, the north-eastern pro- 
montory of Sicily, since, with Agrigentum in the hands of the 
Carthaginians, the route via the western and southern coasts 
(much longer in any case) would have been impracticable. 



A.xj.c. contigerat tutiimque ad Syracusas et munimento 
''*" 9 et viribus hostem ceriiebat, ne frustra adsidendo spec- 
tandoquc obsidionem sociorum tcmpus tereret, castra 
inde movit, ut quocumque vocasset defectionis ab 
Romano spes admoveret exercitum ac pi-aesens suas 
10 resfoventibus adderet aninios. Miirtjantiam primum 
prodito ab ipsis praesidio Romano recipit, ubi frumonti 
magna vis commeatusqueomnis generis convecti erant 

XXX\'II. Ad banc defectionem erecti sunt et alia- 
rum civitatium animi, praesidiaque Romana aut pelle- 
bantur arcibus aut prodita per fraudem opprimeban- 

2 tur. Henna, excelso loco ac praerupto undique sita, 
cum loco inexpugnabilis erat, turn praesidium in area 
validum praefcct unique pracsidii haud sane oppor- 

3 tunum insidiantibus habebat. L. Pinarius erat, vir 
acer et qui plus in eo ne posset decipi quam in fide 
Siculorum reponei'et. Et turn intenderant eum ad 
cavendi omnia curam tot auditae proditiones defec- 

4 tionesque urbium et clades praesidiorum. Itaque 
nocte dieque iuxta parata instructaque omnia custo- 
diis ac vigiliis erant, nee ab armis aut loco suo miles 

5 abscedebat. Quod ubi Hennensium principes, iam 
pacti cum Himilcone de proditione praesidii, animad- 
verterunt, nulli occasioni fraudis Romanum patere, 

6 palam erat ^ agendmn. Urbem arcemque suae 
potestatis aiunt debere esse, si liberi in societatem, 

* palam erat Lipsius : patuerat P : placuerat P*{1) : 
per vim erat Salmasius. 

1 Cf. xxvii. 5. 

" The most commanding city-site in Sicily, with its citadel 
3200 ft. above the sea. Described by Cicero in Verr. JV. 107. 
Henna was the centre of the worship of Demeter and Perse- 
phone; cf. xxxix. 8. 


BOOK XXIV. xxxvi. 8-xxxvii. 6 

saw the enemy safe near Syracuse thanks to his b.c. 214 
fortifications and military strength, fearing to waste 
time in besieging him in vain and watching the 
blockade of the allies, he moved his camp away. 
His purpose was to bring up his army to any point 
to which the hope of revolting from the Romans 
might call him, and by his presence to give encourage- 
ment to those who inclined to support his cause. 
Murgantia ^ was first recovered, after the inhabitants 
had betrayed the Roman garrison. There a great 
quantity of grain and supplies of every kind had 
been accumulated for the Romans. 

XXXVII. Upon this revolt, feeling was aroused in 
other city-states, and Roman garrisons were being 
either driven out of citadels or betrayed by treachery 
and slain. Henna,^ perched on a lofty site with cliffs 
on every side, was not only impregnable from its 
position, but also had a strong garrison in its citadel 
and a garrison commander who was certainly no easy 
prey to plotters. This was Lucius Pinarius, a man of 
high spirit and one who gave more weight to pre- 
cautions against possible deception than to the honour 
of Sicilians. And at this time the news of so many 
cities betrayed and in revolt and of so many garrisons 
destroyed had made him more intent upon guarding 
against every danger. Accordingly every position 
had been prepared and provided with guards and 
sentinels night and day ; and the soldier did not leave 
his arms and his post. When this was noticed by the 
leading men of Henna, who had already made an agree- 
ment with Himilco to betray the garrison, namely, that 
the Roman left no opportunity for treachery, they were 
forced to act openly. They said that city and citadel 
ought to be under their omti control, if as free men 



A.u.c. non servi in cxistodiam traditi essent Romanis. 

640 1 T .1 • 

7 Itaque claves portarum reddi sibi aequom censent : 
bonis sociis fidem suam maximum vinculum esse, et 
ita sibi populum Romanum senatumque gratias 
habitunmi, si volentes ac non coacti mansissent in 

8 amicitia. Ad ea Romanus se in praesidio impositum 
esse dicere ab imperatore suo clavesque portarum 
et custodiam arcis ab eo accepisse, quae nee suo nee 
Hennensium arbitrio haberet, sed eius qui commisis- 

9 set. Praesidio decedere apud Romanos capital esse, 
et nece liberorum etiam suorum earn noxiam ^ pa- 
rentes sanxisse. Consulem Marcellum haud procul 
esse : ad eum mitterent legatos cuius iuris atque 

10 arbitrii res ^ esset. Se vero negare illi missuros 
testarique, si verbis nihil agerent, vindictam aliquam 

11 libertatis suae quaesituros. Tum Pinarius : at illi, 
si ad consulem gravarentur mittere, sibi saltern darent 
populi concilium, ut sciretur, utrum paucorum ea de- 
nuntiatio an universae civitatis esset. Consensa in 
posterum diem contio. 

XXX\'in. Postquam ab eo conloquio in arcem sese 
recepit, convocatis militibus^ "Credo ego vos audisse, 
milites " inquit, " quem ad modum praesidia Romana 
ab Siculis circumventa et oppressa sint per hos dies. 
2 Eam vos fraudem deum primo benignitate, dein vestra 
ipsi virtute dies noctesque perstando ac pervigilando 

^ noxiam Weissenborn : om. P{1). 
2 res Crevier, Fabri : om. P{1) Walters. 

' militibus A-x : quibus r(2)A? : aliquibus C* : sociis x : 
suis Oronovius. 


BOOK XXI\'. xxxvii. 6-\xxviii. 2 

they had entered into alliance Avith the Romans, b.c. 214 
and had not been consigned to custody as slaves. 
Consequently they said they thought it right that the 
keys of the gates should be restored to them. For 
good allies their loyalty was the strongest bond, and 
the Roman people and senate would be grateful to 
them only in case they remained in their friendship 
willingly and not under compulsion. In reply to this 
the Roman commandant said that he had been 
placed at his post by his general and had received 
from him both the keys to the gates and the guarding 
of the citadel, to keep them, not at his own discretion 
nor that of the people of Henna, but of the man who 
had confided them to him. To leave one's post was 
among the Romans a capital offence, and fathers had 
punished that crime with the death even of their own 
sons. The consul Marcellus was not far away ; 
they should send legates to him who had the right to 
decide the matter. But they said that they would 
not send them, and asserted that if they accomplished 
nothing by words, they would seek some means of 
recovering their freedom. Upon that Pinarius said 
that, if they objected to sending to the consul, very 
well, let them at least give him an assembly of the 
people, that it might be known whether their demand 
was that of a few men or of the whole city. They 
agreed to an assembly on the next day. 

XXXVIII. Returning from that conference to the 
citadel, he called his men together and said: " I 
believe you have heard, soldiers, how in these days 
Roman garrisons have been beset and overwhelmed 
by Sicilians. Such treachery you have escaped, 
thanks first to the favour of the gods, and then to 
your own courage, by standing guard day and night 



'510*^' ^^ armis vitastis. Utinam relicum tempus nee patien- 

3 do infanda nee faciendo traduci posset ! ^ Haec oc- 
culta in fraude cautio est qua usi adhuc sumus ; cui 
quoniam parum succedit, apertc ac prnpalam claves 
portarum rcposcunt ; quas simul tradidcrinius, Car- 
thaginiensium extemplo Henna erit, foediusque hie 
trucidabimur quam Murgantiae praesidium inter- 

4 fectum est. Noctem unam aegre ad consultanduni 
sumpsi, qua vos certioves periculi instantis facerem. 
Orta luce contionem habituri sunt ad criminandum 

5 me concitandumque in vos populum. Itaque crastino 
die aut vestro aut Hennensium sanguine Henna 
inundabitur. Nee praeoccupati spem ullam nee 
occupantes periculi quicquani habebitis ; qui prior 

6 strinxerit ferrum, eius victoria erit. Intenti ergo 
omnes armatique signum expectabitis. Ego in 
contione ero et tempus, quoad omnia instructa sint, 

7 loquendo altercandoque traham. Cum toga signum 
dedero, turn mihi imdique clamore sublato turbam 
invadite ac sternite omnia ferro ; et cavete quicquam ^ 

8 supersit cuius ^ aut vis aut fraus timeri possit. Vos, 
Ceres mater ac Proserpina, precor, ceteri superi 
infernique di, qui banc urbem, hos sacratos lacus 
lucosque colitis, ut ita nobis volentes propitii adsitis, 
si vitandae, non inferendae fraudis causa lioc consilii 

9 capimus. Pluribus vos, milites, hortarer, si cum 
armatis dimicatio futura esset ; inermes, incautos ad 

1 posset A^z : possit Valla : potest P(l). 

* quicquam J'{1) Conway : quis(iuam C^x Madvig. 

* cums Alschejski : quiusa y-* : a quibus P^(l). 



under arms. Would that the remaining time b.c. 2U 
could be passed without either suffering or com- 
mitting atrocities ! In covert trickery the method of 
defence is that which we have so far employed. Since 
the trick does not succeed, they demand back the 
keys of the gates openly and above board. And the 
moment we surrender them, Henna will be in the 
hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be more 
cruelly slaughtered here than was the garrison slain 
at Murgantia. With difficulty I have gained for 
deliberation one night in which to inform you of the 
impending danger. At daybreak they are to hold 
an assembly for the purpose of accusing me and 
arousing the people against you. And so tomorrow 
Henna will be deluged either with your blood or with 
that of the Hennensians. If forestalled, you will 
have no hope, nor any danger if you forestall them. 
W^ho first draws the sword will have the victory. 
Therefore, alert and armed, you will all await the 
signal. I shall be in the assembly, and I will kill 
time in speaking and disputing, until everything is 
ready. When I give the signal Avith my toga, then 
do you from all sides raise a shout, attack the crowd, 
and strike down everyone with the sword ; and see 
to it that no one survives whose violence or treachery 
can be feared. Mother Ceres and Pi-oserpina, and 
all the other gods, above and below, who inhabit this 
city, these hallowed lakes and groves, I pray that ye 
attend us with your favour and support, if so be that 
we are taking this step for the purpose of guai-ding 
against treachery, not of practising it. I should 
exhort you, soldiers, at greater length if your battle 
were to be with armed men. Unarmed and off their 
guard, you will massacre them to your hearts' content. 



A.u.o. satietatem trucidabitis ; et consulis castra in propin- 
quo sunt, ne qxiid ab Himilcone et Carthaginiensibus 
timeri possit." 

XXXIX. Ab hac adhortatione dimissi corpora 
curant. Postcro die alii aliis locis ad obsidenda 
itinera claudendosque oppositi ^ exitus ; pars 
maxima super theatrum circaque, adsueti et ante 

2 spectaculo contionum, consistunt. Produetus ad 
populum a magistratibus praefectus Romanus cum 
consulis de ea re ius ac potestatem esse, non suam, 

3 et pleraque eadem quae pridie dixisset, et primo 
sensim ac pauci, mox plures ^ reddere claves, dein iam 
una voce id omnes iuberent cunctantique et differenti 
ferociter minitarentur nee viderentur ultra vim 
ultimam dilaturi, tum praefectus toga signum, ut 

4 convenerat, dedit, militesque intenti dudum ac 
parati alii superne in aversam contionem clamore 
sublato decurrunt, alii ad exitus theatri conferti 

5 obsistunt. Caeduntur Hennenses cavea inclusi co- 
acervanturque non caede solum sed etiam fuga, 
cum super aliorum alii capita ruerent, et ^ integri* 

6 sauciis,^ vivi mortuis incidentes cumularentur. Inde 
passim discurritur et urbis captae modo fugaque et 
caedes omnia tenet nihilo remissiore militum ira quod 

^ oppositi A" Valla : opsiti A : -positis JiP : -ponitis P{2). 
^ pauci, mox plures Riemann : plus P(l) : plures A'z 
Madvig : pauci Weissenborn. 

* et Madvig : om. P(l). 

* integri P( 1 ) : -gris 3P ConuHiy. 

5 sauciis BDA : -ei P : -ii P^{A)M^ Conway. 


BOOK XXIV. xxxviii. 9-xxxix. 6 

And the consul's camp is near; I tell you this that b.o. 214 
you may have no possible fear from Himilco and 
the Carthaginians." 

XXXIX. Dismissed immediately after this ex- 
hortation, they took food and rest. On the following 
day they were posted in different places, to occupy 
the roads and close the ways of escape. The 
majority took their positions above and around the 
theatre, being already familiar with the sight of an 
assembly. The Roman commandant, being brought 
before the people by the magistrates, said that 
right and authority in the matter belonged to the 
consul, not to himself, and in general the same 
things he had said the day before. And at first 
insensibly and only a few, presently a larger number, 
then all, now with one voice kept bidding him to 
deliver the keys ; and when he delayed and post- 
poned, they repeated savage threats and appai-ently 
would not further postpone violence, their last resort. 
Thereupon the prefect gave the signal with his toga, 
as had been agreed, and the soldiers, alert and ready 
long before, dashed down, some of them from above, 
upon the rear of the assembly with a shout, while 
others, massed at the exits of the theatre, blocked 
the way. The men of Henna, shut up in the cavea, 
were slain and piled together not only owing to the 
slaughter, but also by the panic, since they rushed 
down over each others' heads, and as the unharmed 
fell upon the wounded, the living upon the dead, 
they were lying in heaps. Thence the soldiers 
scattered in every direction, and, just as in a captured 
city, flight and slaughter were in complete possession, 
while the wrath of the soldiers was not a whit less 
intense because they were slaying an unarmed 



A.u.o. turbam inermem caedebant quam si periculum par et 

7 ardor certaminis eos inritaret. Ita Henna aut malo 
aut necessario facinore retenta. 

Marcelhis nee fiictum inprobavit et praedani Hen- 
nensium militibiis eoncessit. ratus timore deterritos 

8 proditionibuspraesidiorumSiculos. Atque eaclades, 
ut urbis in media Sicilia sitae claraeque vel ob in- 
signem munimento naturali locum vel ob sacrata om- 
nia vestigiis raptae quondam Proserpinae, prope uno 

9 die omnem Sicilian! pervasit ; et quia caede infanda 
rebantur non hominum tantum sed etiam deorum 
sedem violatam esse, tum vero etiam qui^ ante dubii 

10 fuerant defecei*e ad Poenos. Hippocrates inde 
Murgantiam, Himilco Agrigentum sese i*ecepit, cum 
acciti a proditoribus nequiquam adHennam exercitum 

11 admovissent. Marcellus retro in Leontinos redit 
frumentoque et commeatibus aliis in castra convectis, 
praesidio modico ibi relicto ad Syracusas obsidendas 

12 venit. Inde Appio Claudio Romam ad consulatum 
petendum misso T. Quinctium Crispinum in eius 

13 locum classi castrisque praeficit veteribus ; ipse 
hibernacula quinque milia passuum ab Hexapylo — 
Leonta vocant locum — communiit aedificavitque. 
Haec in Sicilia usque ad principium hiemis gesta. 

XL. Eadem aestate et cum Philippo rege quod 
2 iam ante suspectumfueratmotumbellum est. Legati 

^ etiam qui Madvig : qui etiam P(l). 

1 As in Cicero in Verr. IV. 107 the very place reminds one 
how Phito carried off Proserpina from the meadows below 


BOOK XXIV. x.x.xix. 6 -XL. 2 

crowd, than if equal danger and ardour for the fray u.i;. 214 
were spurring tlieni on. So by an act, it may have 
been criminal, it may have been unavoidable. Henna 
was held. 

Marcellus, without reproving the act, allowed the 
soldiers to plunder the Hennensians, thinking the 
frightened Sicilians had been deterred from betraying 
their garrisons. And as was natural in the case of a 
city in the heart of Sicily and famous, whether for 
the remarkable natural defences of its site, or as 
hallowed everywhere by the footprints of Proserpina, 
long ago carried away,^ news of the massacre made 
its way over the whole of Sicily almost in a single day. 
And then in truth, since they thought that the abode, 
not of men only but also of gods, had been desecrated 
by an atrocious massacre, even those who till then 
had wavered went over to the Carthaginians. Hippo- 
crates thereupon went back to Murgantia, Himilco to 
Agrigentum, after bringing up their army to Henna 
to no purpose at the summons of the traitors. Mar- 
cellus returned to Leontini, had grain and other 
supplies brought into the camp, left a suitable garrison 
there and came to Syracuse to carry on the siege. 
He then relieved Appius Claudius, to sue for the 
consulship at Rome, and in his place put Titus 
Quinctius Crispinus in command of the fleet and the 
old camp. 2 As for himself, he fortified and built 
winter quarters five miles from the Hexapylon — 
Leon they call the place. Such were the events in 
Sicily up to the beginning of the winter. 

XL. The same summer the war with King Philip 
also that for some time had been foreshadowed broke 

- Cf. xxxiii. 3 ; XXV. xxvi. 4. The new winter camp was 
northwest of Syracuse. 



A.u.o. ab Orico ad M. Valerium praetorem venerunt, prae- 
sidentem classi Brundisio Calabriaeque circa litoribus, 
nuntiantes Philippiim primum Apolloniam temptasse 
lembis biremibus centum viginti flumine adverse sub- 

3 vectum ; deinde, ut ea res tardior spe fuerit, ad 
Oricum clam nocte exercitum admovisse ; eamque 
urbem, sitam in piano neque moenibus neque viris 
atque amis validam, primo impetu oppressam esse. 

4 Haec nuntiantes orabant ut opem ferret hostemque 
haud dubium Romanis mari ac terra a maritimis 
urbibus arceret, quae ob nullam aliam causam nisi 

5 quod imminerent Italiae, peterentur. M, Valerius 
duorum milium praesidio relicto praepositoque ^ eis 
P. Valerio legato cum classe instructa parataque et, 
quod longae naves militum capere non poterant in 

6 onerarias inpositis altero die Oricum pervenit ; ur- 
bemque eam levi tenente praesidio quod rex ^ 
recedens inde reliquerat haud magno certamine 

7 recepit. Legati eo ab Apollonia venerunt, nun- 
tiantes in obsidione sese, quod deficere ab Romanis 
nollent, esse neque sustinere ultra vim Macedonum 

8 posse, ni^ praesidium mittatur Romanum. Facturum 
se quae vellcnt pollicitus, duo milia delectorum mili- 

^ praepositoque Cre'iver : q. or que only P {I ). 

2 rex Fabri {before reliquerat Gronovius) : om. P(l). 

* ni Eiemann : nil P : nisi P'^?(l). 

1 In southern Illyria (Albania), at the south end of the 
bay behind the Acroceraunian Mountains, almost directly 
opposite Brundisium. 




out. Legates came from Oricimi ^ to Marcus b.c. 214 
Valerius, the praetor ,2 who with liis fleet was guarding 
Brundisium and the neighbouring coast of Calabria. 
They reported that Philip had first sailed up the river 
with a hundred and twenty small vessels having two 
banks of oars and attacked ApoUonia ; ^ and that 
then, when the undertaking proved slower than he 
anticipated, had secretly moved his army to Oricum 
by night ; also that that city, situated in a plain and 
not strong either in walls or armed men, had been 
taken by assault. Making this report, they begged 
him to lend aid and by land and sea to keep an 
undoubted enemy of the Romans away from the 
coast cities, which were being attacked for no other 
reason than that they faced Italy. Marcus Valerius, 
after leavincr a jjarrison of two thousand soldiers and 
placing Publius Valerius, his lieutenant, in command 
of them, with his fleet drawn up and in readiness, 
while such soldiers as the warships could not accom- 
modate had been placed on transports, came on the 
second day to Oricum ; and as only a small garrison 
which the king had left when he withdrew held the 
city, he recaptured it after slight resistance. To it 
came legates from Apollonia, reporting that they 
were being besieged because they refused to revolt 
from the Romans and could no longer withstand the 
attack of the Macedonians, unless a Roman force 
should be sent. Valerius promised to do as they 
desired, and sent two thousand picked soldiers in 

" Strictly propraetor; x. 4; xx. 12. 

' The city, in southern Illyria, and allied with Rome since 
229 B.C., lay near the river Aous and about seven miles inland, 
about thirty miles north of Oricum. Later it attracted young 
Romans pursuing their studies, e.g. Octavian. 


A.ii.c. turn navibus longis niittit ad ostium flumiiiis cum 
praefecto socium Q. Naevio Crista, viro inpigro et 
9 perito militiae. Is expositis in terram militibus navi- 
busquc Oricum i*etro,unde venerat, ad ceteram clas- 
sem remissis, milites procul a flumine per viam minime 
ab regiis obsessam duxit et nocte, ita ut nemo hostium 

10 sentiret, urbem est ingressus. Diem insequentem 
quievere, dum praefectus iuventutem Apolloniatium 
armaque et urbis vires inspiceret. Ubi ea visa 
inspectaque satis animorum fecere, simulque ab 
exploratoribus conperit quanta socordia ac negle- 

11 gentia apud hostes esset, silentio noctis ab urbe sine 
ullo tumultu egressus castra hostium adeo neglecta 
atque aperta intravit ut satis constaret prius mille 
hominum vallum intrasse quam quisquam sentiret, 
ac, si caede abstinuissent, pervenire ad tabernaculum 

12 regium potuisse. Caedes proximorum portae excita- 
vit hostes. Inde tantus terror pavorque omnis 
occupavit ut non modo alius quisquam arma caperet 

13 aut castris pellere hostem conaretur, sed etiam ipse 
rex, sicut somno excitus erat, prope seminudus 
fugiens militi quoque, nedum regi, vix decoro habitu, 
ad flumen navisque perfugerit. Eodem et alia turba 

14 efFusa est. Paulo ininus tria milia militum in castris 
aut capta aut occisa ; plus tamen hominum aliquanto 

15 captum quam caesum est. Castris direptis Apol- 
loniatae catapultas, ballistas tormentaque alia quae 

^ I.e. the Aoiis. 


BOOK XXIV. XL. 8-15 

warships to the mouth of the river ^ under the b.c. 214 
command of a prefect of the allies, Quintus Naevius 
Crista, a man of action and an experienced soldier. 
He landed his men, sent the ships back to the rest of 
the fleet at Oricum, his starting-point, led his soldiers 
at a distance from the river along the road least 
beset by the king's troops and entered the city by 
night, so that no one of the enemy was aware of it. 
The following day they rested, that the prefect 
might inspect the young men of Apollonia and the 
arms and resources of the city. The result of that in- 
spection gave him sufficient encouragement, and he 
learned also from scouts what carelessness and indif- 
ference there was among the enemy. Thereupon in 
the silence of the night and without making any noise 
he went out of the city and entered the enemy's camp, 
so neglected and open that a thousand men had 
entered the wall before anyone was aware of it, so 
it was generally asserted ; also, that if they had 
refrained from slaughter, they could have reached 
the king's tent. The slaughter of the men nearest 
to the gate aroused the enemy. Then such alarm 
and panic took possession of them all that not only 
did no one else seize his arms and attempt to drive 
the enemy out of the camp, but even the king 
himself, fleeing almost half-naked, just as he was 
when awakened, fled to the river and his ships in a 
garb scarcely seemly even for a common soldier, much 
less a king. Thither the rest of the disorderly crowd 
also poured out. Little fewer than three thousand 
soldiers were either captured or slain in the camp ; 
a considerably larger number of men were captured 
than slain. After plundering the camp the Apol- 
lonians carried away the catapults, ballistae and other 




^siif' oppugnandac urbi conparata eraiit ad tuenda moenia, 
si quando similis fortuna venisset, Apolloniam 
devexere ; cetera omnis praeda castrorum Romanis 

16 concessa est. Haeccum Oricum essent nuntiata,M. 
^ alerius classem extemplo ad ostium fluminis duxit, 

17 ne navibus capessere fugani rex posset. Itaque 
Philippus,neque terrestri neque navali certamini satis 
fore parem se fidens, subductis navibus atque incensis 
terra Macedoniam petiit magna ex parte inermi exer- 
citu spoliatoque. Romana elassis cum M. \'alerio 
Orici hibernavit. 

XLI. Eodem amio in Hispania varie res gestae. 
Nam priusquam Romani amnem Hiberum transirent, 
ingentes copias Hispanorum Mago et Hasdrubal fude- 

2 runt; defecissetque ab Romanis ulterior Hispania, ni 
P. Cornelius raptim traducto exercitu Hiberum dubiis 

3 sociorum animis in tempore advenisset. Primo ad 
Castrum Album — locus est insignis caede magni 

4 Hamilcaris — castra Romani habuere. Arx erat muni- 
ta et convexerant ante frumentum ; tamen, quia 
omnia circa hostium plena erant, agmenque Roma- 
num inpune incursatum ab equitibus hostium fu erat et 
ad duo milia aut moratorum aut palantium per agros 
interfecta, cessere inde Romani propius pacata loca et 

5 ad montem ^'ictoriae castra communivere. Eo Cn. 
Scipio cum omnibus copiiset Hasdrubal Gisgonisfilius, 
tertius Carthaginiensium dux, cum exercitu iusto 

^ Probably modern Alicante, on the coast and northeast 
of Carthago Nova; built by Hamilcar Barca, who fell in 
battle there 229-8 B.C. 

2 Situation unknown. 


BOOK XXIV. XL. 15-XU. 5 

engines vliich had been provided for a siege of the b.c. 214 
city to Apollonia, in order to defend their walls, if 
ever a similar situation should ai'ise. All the 
remaining booty of the camp was left to the Romans. 
When this news reached Oricum, Marcus Valerius 
at once led his fleet to the mouth of the river, to 
prevent the king from escaping by ship. And so 
Philip, believing he would not be quite equal to a 
battle either on land or sea, stranded his ships, set 
fire to them, and started for Macedonia with an 
army in large part disarmed and despoiled. The 
Roman fleet wintered at Oricum under the command 
of Marcus Valerius. 

XLI. In the same year operations in Spain were 
chequered. For Mago and Hasdrubal, before the 
Romans should cross the Ebro, routed immense 
forces of Spaniards. And Farther Spain would have 
revolted from the Romans if Publius Cornelius had 
not hastily led his army across the Ebro and arrived 
in the nick of time, while the allies were still wavering. 
At first the Romans had their camp at Castrum 
Alburn,^ noted as the place where the great Hamilcar 
fell. The citadel had been fortified and they had pre- 
viously brought in grain. Yet the country all around 
was filled with the enemy, and the Roman column 
had been attacked with impunity by the enemy's 
cavalry and about two thousand men, either straggling 
or scattered over the farms, had been slain. The 
Romans therefore retired from the place to a position 
nearer peaceful regions and fortified a camp at 
Victory Mountain.^ Thither came Gnaeus Scipio 
with all his troops, and Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo, 
making three Carthaginian generals and a complete 
army; and all three established themselves across 


A.u.c. advenit, contraque castra Romana trans fluvium 

6 omnes consedere. P. Scipio cum expcditis clam 
profcctus ad loca circa visenda hand fefcllit hostes, 
oppressissentque cum in patcntibus campis, ni 
tumulum in propinquo cepisset. Ibi quoque cir- 

7 cumsessus adventu fratris obsidione eximitur. Cas- 
tillo, urbs Hispaniac valida ac nobilis et adeo con- 
iuncta societate Pocnis ut uxor inde Hannibali esset, 

8 ad Romanos defecit. Carthaginienses Iliturgim 
oppugnare adorti, quia praesidium ibi Romanum 
erat, videbanturque inopia maxime e\im locum 

9 expugnaturi. Cn. Scipio, ut sociis praesidioque ferret 
opem, cum legione expedita profectus inter bina cas- 
tra cum magna caede hostium urbem est ingressus et 

10 postero die eruptione aeque felici pugnavit. Supra 
duodecim milia hominum caesa duobus proeliis, plus 
mille hominum captum cum sex et triginta militari- 

11 bussignis. Ita ab Iliturgirecessum est. Bigerrainde 
urbs — socii ^ et hi ^ Romanorum erant ^ — a Cartha- 
giniensibus oppugnari coepta est. Earn obsidionem 
sine certamine adveniens Cn. Scipio solvit. 

XLII. Ad Mundam exinde castra Punica mota et 

2 Romani eo confestim secuti sunt. Ibi signis conlatis 

pugnatum per quattuor ferme horas ; egregieque 

vincentibus Romanis signum receptui est datum, 

quod Cn. Scipionis femur tragula confixum erat 

^ socii Hertz : socie P : socia P^(\) Walters. 
2 hi P Hertz : hec or haec P^l) Walters. 
» erant PCR^M : erat C2{13). 

1 In the upper valley of the Baetis (Guadalquivir), on the 
main road from the Pyrenees to Gades. 

^ Imilce, if Silius Italicus (III. 97 and 106) is correct. 

' On the left bank of the Baetis, southwest of Castulo ; of. 
XXIll. xlix. o, where the form was Ihturgi. 


BOOK XXIV. xLi. 5-.\Lii. 2 

the river, opposite the Roman camp. PubUus b.o, 214 
Scipio, who set out secretly to reconnoitre with unen- 
cumbered troops, did not escape the notice of the 
enemy, and they would have ovei'whelmed him in the 
open meadows if he had not captured a hill near by. 
Even there he was beset, but by the arrival of his 
brother he escaped a siege. Castulo ^ revolted to 
the Romans, a strong and famous city of Spain, so 
closely joined to the Carthaginians by alliance that 
Hannibal's wife " was from that place. The Cartha- 
ginians attempted to capture Iliturgis,^ because 
there was a Roman garrison there, and it seemed 
that they would take the town mainly by starvation. 
Gnaeus Scipio, to lend aid to the allies and the 
garrison, set out with an unencumbered legion, 
passing between their two camps, and after slaying 
many of the enemy entered the city, and on the 
folloA\ing day engaged them in an equally successful 
sally. Over twelve thousand men were slain in the two 
battles, more than a thousand men captured, with 
thirty-six military standards. So they withdrew 
from' Iliturgis. Then began the siege of Bigerra * 
— these also were alUes of the Romans — by the 
Carthaginians. Gnaeus Scipio on his arrival raised 
the siege without an engagement. 

XLII. Thereupon the Carthaginian camp was 
removed to Munda,^ and the Romans promptly 
followed them thither. There they fought in pitched 
battle for about four hours, and though the Romans 
were winning a brilliant victory, the signal for recall 
was given, because Gnaeus Scipio's thigh had been 

* Site unknown. 

s Near Corduba. This is the first mention of Caesar's 
Munda; probably Montilla. 


A.u.c. pavorque circa eum ceperat milites, ne mortifenim 

3 esset vulnus. Ceterum baud dubium fuit quin, 
nisi ea mora intervenisset, castra eo die Punica capi 
potuerint. lam ^ non mibtes sobim sed elepbanti 
etiam usque ad vallum acti erant, superque ipsas 
fossas 2 novem et triginta elepbanti pills confixi. 

4 Hoc quoque proelio ad duodecim milia bominum 
dicuntur caesa, prope tria capta cum signis militari- 

5 bus septem et quinquaginta. Ad Auringem inde 
urbem Poeni recessere et, ut territis instaret, secutus 
Romanus. Ibi iterum Scipio lecticula in aciem in- 
latus conflixit, nee dubia victoria fuit ; minus tamen 
dimidio bostium quam antea, quia pauciores super- 

6 fuerant qui pugnarent, occisum. Sed gens nata 
instaui'andis reparandisque bellis, Magone ad con- 
quisitionem militum a fx'atre misso, brevi replevit 
exercitum animosque ad temptandum de integro 

7 certamen fecit; Galli^ plerique milites, iique * 
pro parte totiens intra paucos dies victa, iisdem 
animis quibus priores ^ eodemque eventu pugnavere. 

8 Plus octo milia bominum caesa, et baud ^ multo minus 
quam mille captum et signa militaria quinquaginta 
octo. Et spolia plurima Gallica fuere, aurei torques 
armillaeque, magnus numerus. Duo etiam insignes 
reguli Gallorum — Moeniacoepto et Vismaro nomina 

* iara P(l): nam Madvig. 

2 ipsas fofesas Riemann : ipsas P(2) : ipsos Ax : ipsum x : 
fossas Madvig. 

3 GalU A" Valla : alii P(l) Madvig. 

'^ iiqwe Av V alia : sique P(l) : quippe l/acZf/jr. 
6 priores Valla : pr. orta F{\\)A? : prius x. 

* et haud jP{2) Conway : et non A : baud z Madvig. 


BOOK XXIV. xLii. 2-8 

pierced by a light javelin, and fear that the wound b.c. 214 
might prove fatal had seized the soldiers around him. 
But there was no doubt that, if this delay had not 
occurred, the Carthaginian camp could have been 
captured that day. Already not only soldiers but 
the elephants also had been driven even up to the 
wall, and just as they crossed the trenches thirty-nine 
elephants were struck down by heavy javelins. In 
this battle also about twelve thousand men are said to 
have been slain, about three thousand captured, with 
fifty-seven military standards. The Carthaginians 
then retired to the city of Aurinx,^ and the Roman 
followed, to threaten them while terrified. There 
Scipio again engaged, being carried into battle-line in 
a Utter, and the victory was not to be questioned. 
Less than half as many of the enemy as before, 
however, were slain, because fewer men had survived 
to fight. But, as Mago was sent by his brother to 
recruit soldiers, a race adapted by nature to renew 
wars and to make fresh preparations for them soon 
refilled the army and gave them the spirit to essay an- 
other conflict. The soldiers were mostly Gauls,^ and 
they fought with the same spirit as their predecessors 
for the side which had been beaten so many times 
within a few days, and with the same result. More 
than eight thousand men were slain, and not much 
less than a thousand captured, also fifty-eight military 
standards. And the spoils were largely Gallic, 
golden collars and armbands — a great number of 
them. Also two conspicuous princes of the Gauls 
— Moeniacoeptus and Vismarus were their names 

1 Perhaps the same as Orongis, XXVIII. iii. 2. 

2 From Celtic tribes already established in Spain, even in 
the southwest- 


A.u.c. erant — eo proelio ccciderunt. Octo elephant! capti, 

tres occisi. 

9 Cum tarn prosperae res in Hispania assent, vere- 

cundia Romanos tandem cepit, Saguntum oppi- 

dum, quae causa belli esset, octavum iam annum sub 

10 hostium potestate esse. Itaque id oppidum vi pulso 
praesidio Punico receperunt cultoribusque antiquis, 

11 quos ex iis vis reliquerat belli, restituerunt ; et Tur- 
detanos, qui contraxerant eis cum Carthaginiensibus 
bellum,in potestatemredactossub corona vendiderunt 
urbemque eorum delerunt, 

XLIII. Haec in Hispania Q. Fabio M. Claudio 

2 consulibusgesta. Romaecumtribuniplebisnovimagi- 
stratum inissent, extemplo censoribus P. Furio et M. 
Atilio a M. Metello tribuno plebis dies dicta ad popu- 

3 lum est — quaestorem eum proximo anno adempto 
equo tribu moverant atque aerarium fecerant propter 
coniurationem deserendae Italiae ad Cannas factam 
— sed novem tribunorum auxilio vetiti causam in 

4 magistratu dicere dimissique fuerunt.^ Ne lustrum 
perficei-ent, mors prohibuit P. Furi ; M. Atilius 
magistratu se abdicavit. 

5 Comitia consularia habita ab Q. Fabio Maximo 
consule. Creati consules ambo absentes Q. Fabius 
Maximus, consulis filius, et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus 

1 fueTunt Crdvier : fuerantP(l): ovi. Ussing, Walters. 

1 Livy's own chronology would make it four complete years; 
XXI. vii. ff.; XV. 5; XXIV. ix. 7. 

" Cf. XXI. vi. 1. Better known is the tribe of the same 
name in southern Baetica. 

3 Cf. xviii. 3 and 6; XXVII. xi. 12. The scene was Canu- 
slum, after Cannae. 


BOOK XXI\'. xui. S-.\Liii. 5 

— fell in that battle. Eight elephants were captured, b.c. 214 
three slain. 

The situation in Spain being so favourable, the 
Romans came at last to be ashamed that the town of 
Saguntum, which was the cause of the Avar, had been 
by that time seven years ^ in the power of the enemy. 
Accordingly the Carthaginian garrison was driven 
out by force, and recovering the town the Romans 
restored it to its former inhabitants — such of them as 
the violence of war had spared. And as for the 
Turdetani,- who had brought on the war between 
Saguntum and the Carthaginians, they reduced 
them to subjection, sold them under the garland 
and destroyed their city. 

XLIII. Such were the events in Spain in the 
consulship of Quintus Fabius and Marcus Claudius. At 
Rome, immediately after the newly elected tribunes 
of the plebs had entered upon office, a day was set 
by Marcus Metellus, a tribune of the plebs, for the 
censors PubHus Furius and Marcus Atilius to appear 
at the bar of the people. In his quaestorship the 
year before they had taken away his horse, removed 
him from his tribe and made him an aerarian on 
account of the conspiracy formed at Cannae to 
desert Italy.^ But by the aid of nine tribunes they 
were forbidden to plead their cause while in office 
and were released. From completing the ceremony 
of purification they were prevented by the death of 
Publius Furius. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. 

For the consulship the election was conducted by 
Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul. Elected 
consuls, both in absence, were Quintus Fabius 
Maximus, the consul's son, and Tiberius Sempronius 
Gracchus, the latter for the second time. Two men 




A.u.c. 6 iterum. Praetores fiunt duo qui turn aediles curules 
erant, P. Sempronius Tuditanus et Cn. Fulvius 
Centumalus, et cum illis^ M. Atilius et ^ M. Aemilius 

7 Lepidus. Ludos scenicos per quadriduum eo anno 
primum factos ab curulibus aedilibus memoriae 

8 proditur. Aedilis Tuditanus hie erat ^ qui ad Cannas 
pavore aliis in tanta clade torpentibus per medios 
hostes duxit. 

A.u.c. 9 His * comitiis perfectis auctore Q. Fabio consule 
designati consules Romam aecersiti magistratum 
inierunt, senatumque de bello ac provinciis suis 
praetorumque et de exercitibus quibus quique 
praeessent consuluerunt ; (XLIV^) itaque provinciae 
atque exercitus divisi : bellum cum Hannibale con- 
sulibus mandatum et exercituum unus quern ipse 
Sempronius habuerat, alter quem Fabius consul ; 

2 eae binae ei-ant legiones. M. Aemilius praetor, 
cuius peregrina sors erat, iuris dictione M. Atilio 
collegae, praetori urbano, mandata, Luceriam pro- 
vinciam haberet legionesque duas quibus Q. Fabius, 

3 qui turn consul erat, praetor praefuerat. P. Sem- 
pronio provincia Ariminum, Cn. Fulvio Suessula cum 
binis item legionibus evenerunt, ut Fulvius urbanas 
legiones duceret, Tuditanus a M. Pomponio acciperet. 

4 Prorogata imperia provinciaeque, M. Claudio Sicilia 

1 cum illis Walters : cum lis M. Muller : om. P{\). 
- M. Atilius et Madvig : om. P(l). 
3 eratC'2JR42: eritP(l) Walters. 

* duxit. His Madvig^ (lis Weissenborn) : auxiliis P(l). 

1 Cf. XXII. 1. 6 ff. 

^ Gallia was the more recent name of this " province," 
ager Gallicus in x. 3. 

* With the important Roman camp near it, the caslra 
Claudiana; xvii. 2; xlvii. 12; XXIII. xxxi. 3. 

BOOK XXIV. xLiir. 6-xliv. 4 

who were at the time curule aediles, Publius Sem- b.c. 214 
proiiius Tuditanus and Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, 
were made praetors, and with them M. Atilius and 
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. Tradition has it that at 
the festival given that year by the cm'ule aediles 
four days had dramatic performances for the first 
time. The aedile Tuditanus was the man mIio at 
Cannae, mIicu others were paralyzed by fear in 
such a disaster, led his men through the midst of 
the enemy .1 

These elections being completed, the consuls b.c. 213 
designate were summoned to Rome, as proposed by 
Quintus Fabius, the consul, entered upon office and 
consulted the senate in rescard to the war and the 
provinces, their own and those of the praetors, and 
as to the armies which they should respectively 
command; (XLI\^ and the provinces and armies 
were divided as follows : the war with Hannibal was 
assigned to the consuls, and two armies, one which 
Sempronius himself, and the other which Fabius 
had commanded as consul. These were of two 
legions each. Mai'cus Aemilius, the praetor to whom 
fell jurisdiction in cases involving foreigners, was to 
assign his judicial function to his colleague Marcus 
Atilius, the city praetor, and have Luceria as his 
province, and two legions which Quintus Fabius, 
who was now consul, had commanded as praetor. 
To Publius Sempronius Ariminum fell as his 
assignment,'- to Gnaeus Fulvius, Suessula,^ likewise 
with two legions in each case, so assigned that 
Fulvius should take wdth him the legions at the city, 
and Tuditanus take over from Marcus Pomponius his 
legions. Commands and assignments were continued 
as follows: for Marcus Claudius Sicily, with the 



A.u.c. finibus eis quibus regnum Hieronis fuisset, P. Lentulo 
propraetori provincia vetus, T. Otacilio classis — 

5 exercitus nulli additi novi — , M. Valerio Graecia 
Macedoniaque cum legione et classe quam haberet, 
Q. Mucio curn vetere exercitu — duae autem legiones 
erant — Sardinia, C. Terentio legio una ^ cui lam 

G praeerat ac ^ Piceniun. Scribi praeterea duae 
urbanae legiones iussae et viginti milia sociorum. 
His ducibus, his copiis adversus multa simul aut mota 
aut suspecta bella miinivcrunt Romanum imperium. 

7 Consules duabus urbanis legionibus scriptis supple- 
mentoque in alias lecto, priusquam ab urbe moverent, 

8 prodigia procurarunt quae nuntiata erant. Murus ac 
portae . . .j-^ et Ariciae etiam lovis aedes de caelo 
tacta fuerat. Et alia ludibria oculorum auriumque 
credita pro veris : navium longarum species in flumine 
Tarracinae quae nuUae erant visas, et in lovis Vici- 
lini templo, quod in Compsano agro est, arma con- 
crepuisse, et flumen Amiterni ci-uentum fluxisse. 

9 His procuratis ex decreto pontificiim profecti consules, 
Sempronius in Lucanos, in Apuliam Fabius. Pater 

10 fllio legatus ad Suessulam in castra venit. Cum 
obviam filius pi-ogrederetur lictoresque verecundia 
maiestatis eius taciti anteirent, praeter undecim fasces 
equo praevectus senex, ut consul animadvertere 
proximum lictorem iussit et is ut descenderet ex 

^ legio una P(l) : cum legione una Aldus. 

^ a,c W eissenborn : ci x Gronovius : om. P{\). 

' portae (or -te) P(\), followed by tactae [or -te), irdo which a 
town name has been corrupted : porta Caietae Lulerbacher, 

^ Cf. XXIII. i. 1. In that southern part of Samnium 
Jupiter had the rare epithet Vicillnus. 


BOOK XXIV. xLiv. 4-10 

boundaries which Hiero's kingdom had had; forB.c. 213 
Pubhus Lentulus, as propraetor, the old province ; for 
Titus Otacihus the fleet ; and for them new armies 
were not added. So also for Marcus Valerius Greece 
and Macedonia, with the legion and the fleet which he 
had ; for Quintus Mucins Sardinia, with its old army — 
there were two legions ; for Gaius Terentius one legion 
which he already commanded, and Picenum. It was 
fm-ther ordered that two city legions should be 
enrolled, also twenty thousand allies. With these 
generals, these forces, they defended the Roman 
empire at the same time against many wars, either 
already begun or foreshadowed. 

The consuls, after em-oUing two legions for the 
city and enhsting recruits to reinforce the others, 
before setting out from the city made expiation for 
the prodigies which had been reported. The wall 
and gates at . . . and at Aricia even the temple of 
Jupiter had been struck by lightning. And for eyes 
and ears there were other illusions, accepted as 
real : that in the river at Tarracina forms of warships 
which had no existence had been seen ; and that in 
the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory of 
Compsa,^ there was a sound of clashing arms ; and 
that the river at Amiternum ran with blood. These 
portents being expiated according to a decree of the 
pontiffs, the consuls set out, Sempronius for Lucania, 
Fabius for Apulia. The father came as his son's 
lieutenant to the camp at Suessula. While the son 
was advancing to meet him and the lictors out of 
respect for the father's dignity were silent as they 
preceded the consul, the old man rode past eleven 
fasces. And not until the consul had ordered the 
last lictor to take notice and the latter had called 



A.u.c. equo inclamavit, turn demum desiliens " Experiri " 
inquit " volui, fili, satin' scires consulem te esse." 

XLV. In ea castra Dasius Altinius Arpinus clam 
nocte cum tribus sei'vis venit promittens, si sibi prae- 

2 mio foret, se Arpos proditurum esse. Eam rem ad 
consilium cum rettulisset Fabius, aliis pro transfuga 
verberandus necandusque videri ancipitis animi com- 
munis hostis, qui post Cannensem cladem, tamquam 
cum fortuna fidem stare oporteret, ad Hannibalem de- 

3 scisset traxissetque ad defectionem Arpos ; tum, quon- 
iam ^ res Romana contra spem votaque eius velut 
resurgere ab stirpibus videatur, novam referre pro- 
ditionem proditis polliceatur, aliunde stet ^ semper, 
aliunde sentiat, infidus socius, vanus hostis ; id "^ ad 
Faleriorum Pyrrhique proditorem tertium transfugis 

4 documentum esset. Contra ea consulis pater Fabius 
temporum oblitos homines in medio ardore belli, 
tamquam in pace, libera de quoque arbitria agere 

5 aiebat, ut,^ cum illud potius agendum atque cogitan- 
dum sit, si quo modo fieri possit, ne qui socii a populo 
Romano desciscant, id non cogitent,^ documentum 
autem dicant ^ statui oportere, si quis resipiscat et 

1 quoniam C^x : quia if M^ : qiiamP(ll). 
^ aliunde etet Gronovius : aliunde ipse stet Conway : 
aliiudicioestet P{\0)C?. 
^ id Madvig : om. P{\). 

* ut Weissenborn : et P( 1 ) : qui Gronovius. 

* id non cogitent Gronovkcs : et non vocitent P(l) : 
et ut novos concilient Madvig. 

* dicant FaZZa : dicaturP(l). 

^ A famous story. Gellius (II. ii. 13) gives the brief version 
of Claudius Quadrigarius. 

BOOK XXIV. xuv. lo-xLv. 5 

out the order to dismount, did the father leap to the b.c. 213 
ground and say : " I wished to find out, son, whether 
3'ou were quite aware that you arc consul." ^ 

XLV. To that camp came Dasius Altinius of Arpi 
secretly by night with three slaves, promising that if 
rewarded he would betray Arpi.^ When Fabius 
brought the matter before the council, the others 
thought that as a deserter he r-hcnikl be scourged 
and put to death, a waverer and an enemy to both 
sides, who after the disaster at Cannae, as if loyalty 
should side with success, had gone over to Hannibal 
and dragged Arpi into revolt, and then, because, 
contrary to his expectation and his wishes, the 
Roman state seemed to be springing up again, as it 
were from the roots, he was promising to present the 
betrayed with a new betrayal, and always taking part 
with one side, but with the other in heart, faithless 
as an ally, inconstant as an enemy. To the betrayers 
of Falerii ^ and of Pyrrhus "* he should be added as a 
third example to deserters. On the contrary the 
consul's father Fabius said that men were forgetting 
the situation, when they exercised free judgment in 
each individual case in the midst of the heat of war, 
as though in peace, with the result that, although the 
thins: to be done and to be borne in mind was rather 
to prevent any allies — if this was somehow possible — 
from abandoning the Roman people, they were not 
bearing that in mind and, further, they were saying 
that, if a man came to his senses and turned his eyes 
to the previous alliance, he ought to be made a warn- 

2 In northern Apulia, east of Luceria and not far from 
the Adriatic; of. ill. 16; xii. 3, 5 ; XXIII. xlvi. 8. 

3 Cf. V. xxvii. 2 ff. 

■• This story was told in the lost Xlllth book (cf. EpiL). 


^.I'c. 6 antiquam societatem respiciat. Quod si abire ab 
Romanis liceat, redire ad eos non liceat, ciii dubium 
esse quin brevi desperata ^ ab sociis Romana res 
foederibus Punicis omnia in Italia iuncta visura 

7 sit ? 2 Se tamen non eum esse qui Altinio fidei quic- 
quam censeat liabendum, sed mediam secuturum 

8 consilii viara. Neque enim ^ pro hoste neque pro 
socio in praesentia habitum libera custodia baud 
procul a castris placere in aliqua fida civitate 
eum * servari per belli tempus ; perpetrato bello 
tum consultandum utrum prior defectio plus merita 

9 sit poenae, an hie reditus veniae. Fabio adsensum 
est, Calenisque legatis traditus et ipse et comites ; 
et auri satis magnum pondus, quod secum tum 

10 attulerat, ei servari iussum. Calibus eum interdiu 
solutum custodes sequebantur, nocte clausum ad- 

11 servabant. Arpis domi primum desiderari quae- 
rique est coeptus ; dein fama per totam urbem volgata 
tumultum, ut principe amisso, fecit, metuque rerum 

12 novarum extemplo nuntii missi. Quibus nequaquam 
offensus Poenus, quia et ipsum ut ambiguae fidei 
virum suspectum iam pridem habebat et causam 
nactus erat tam ditis hominis bona possidendi 

13 vendendique ; ceterum, ut irae magis quam 
avaritiae datum crederent homines, crudeUtatem 

14 quoque aviditati ^ addidit, coniugemque eius ac 
liberos in castra accitos, quaestione prius habita 

^ despersitsL 3Iadvig : desiderata P(l) : deserta r. 

- res . . . visura sit P(l) : re . . . viauri sint 31 advig. 

^ enim Weissenborn : eum P(l) Madvig. 

•* eum P(l) : oxa. Aldus, Madvig. 

* aviditati Stroth : gravitatem P(l). 

^ I.e. to Hannibal. 

BOOK XXIV. xLv. 6-14 

ing example. If then it was permissible to leave the n.r. 213 
Romans, but not to return to them, who could doubt 
that soon the Roman state, despaired of by the allies, 
would see the Avhole of Italy joined together by 
Carthaginian treaties '? For himself, however, he 
was not the man to think that any trust should be 
placed in Altinius, but would follow a middle course. 
He thought it best, namely, that Altinius should not 
be treated as cither enemy or ally for the present, 
that under qualified arrest he should be guarded for 
the duration of the war in some loyal city-state not 
far from the camp. When the war was over they 
should then deliberate whether his previous defection 
desei'ved punishment more than his present return 
merited pardon. They agreed with Fabius, and the 
man was turned over to representatives of Cales, him- 
self and his companions. And it was ordered that the 
gold — and the weight of it was considerable — which he 
had then brought with him should be kept for him. 
At Cales he was free to go about by day followed by 
guards, at night confined and watched by them. 
At Arpi it was in his house that he was first missed 
and search for him began. Then the report spreading 
through the city caused the usual commotion when 
a leading man is missing, and for fear of a rebellion 
they at once sent messengers.^ The Carthaginian 
was by no means displeased at this news, since he . 
had long regarded the man himself with suspicion, 
as unsettled in his loyalty, and also he now had an 
excuse for taking possession of the property of a 
man of such wealth and selling it. But that men 
might believe he was yielding to anger rather than 
greed, he added cruelty also to avarice, that is, he 
summoned the wife and children to the camp, and, 




A.u.c. primum de fuga Altini, dein quantum auri argentique 
domi relictum esset, satis cognitis omnibus vivos 

XL\'I. Fabius ab Suessula profectus Arpos primum 
institit oppugnare. Ubi cum a quingcntis ^ fere passi- 
bus castra posuisset, contemplatus ex propinquo situm 
urbis moeniaque, quae pars tutissima moenibus erat, 
quia maxime neglectam custodia vidit, ea potissimum 

2 adgredi statuit. Comparatis omnibus quae ad urbes 
oppugnandas usui sunt centurionum robora ex toto 
exercitu delegit tribunosque viros fortes eis praefecit, 
et milites seseentos, quantum satis visum est, attribuit 
eosque, ubi quartae vigiliae signum cecinisset, ad eum 

3 locum scalas iussit ferre. Porta ibi humilis et angusta 
erat infrequenti via per desertam partem urbis. Earn 
portam scalis prius transgressos murum aperire ^ ex 
interiore parte aut claustra refringere iubet et tenen- 
tes partem urbis cornu signum dare ut ceterae 
copiae admoverentur : parata omnia atque instructa 

4 sese ^ habiturum. Ea inpigre facta, et quod impedi- 
mentum agentibus fore videbatur, id maxime ad 
fallendum adiuvit. Imber ab nocte media coortus 
custodes vigilesque dilapsos e stationibus subfugere 

5 in tecta coegit, sonitasque * primo largioris procellae 
' strepitum molientium portam exaudiri prohibuit, 

lentior deinde aequaliorque accidens auribus magnam 

^ a quingentis Gronovius : ad (= a d) P(4). 
^ murum aperire Crevier : aperire Madrig : amurumperire 
P (-pergere P^(-i)) : ad murum pergere C^BDA. 

* &ese A''- Aldus : esseP(l): om. Conway. 

* sonitusque ^^/'ari/odi;*?: sonituque P(2)^? Walters. 



after investigating first the flight of Altinius, then b.c. 21.1 
how much gold and siher had been left in his house, 
now ftilly informed, he burned them alive. 

XLM. Fabius setting out from Suessula first 
pressed the siege of Arpi. There he pitched his 
camp at a distance of about five hundred paces, and 
after observing the situation of the city and the 
walls at close range, he decided to attack just at that 
part of the city which was best defended by walls, 
because he saw that that was the most carelessly 
guarded. He assembled everything useful for siege 
operations, selected from the entire army the pick 
of the centurions, and placed tribunes who were 
brave men in command of them. And he assigned 
them six hundred soldiers — all that seemed necessary 
— and ordered them to carry ladders to that place, 
when the trumpet should sound for the fourth watch. 
There was a low, narrow gate there, as the street, 
leading through a deserted part of the city, was not 
much frequented. He ordered them first to climb 
over the wall by means of their ladders, and then to 
open that gate from the inside, or else break down 
the bars, and then, holding a part of the city, to give 
the signal on a trumpet for the rest of the troops to 
move up. He would have everything ready and in 
order. These commands were carried out with 
spirit, and a circumstance which seemed likely to 
hamper action proved of the greatest help to secrecy. 
Heavy rain beginning at midnight forced the guards 
and sentries to slip away from their posts and run to 
cover. And the sound, at first of a heavier shower, 
prevented the noise they made in forcing the gate 
from being heard clearly, and then, gentler and more 
monotonous as they listened, it lulled a great many 



A.tT.c. 6 partem hominum sopivit. Postquam portam tene- 

bant, cornicines, in via paribus intervallis dispositos, 

7 canere iubent, ut consulem excirent. Id ubi factum 

ex composito est, signa efferri consul iubet ac paulo 

ante lucem per effractam portam urbem ingreditur. 

XLVII. Tum demum hostes excitati sunt iam et 

2 imbre conquiescente et propinqua luce. Praesidium 
in urbe erat Hannibalis, quinque milia ferme arma- 
torum, et ipsi Arpini tria milia hominum armarant. 
Eos primes Poeni, ne quid ab tergo fraudis esset, 

3 hosti opposuerunt. Pugnatum primo in tenebris 
angustisque viis est. Cum Romani non vias tantum 
sed tecta etiam proxima portam ^ occupassent, ne peti 

4 siiperne ac volnerari possent, cogniti inter se quidam 
Arpinique et Romani atque inde conloquia coepta 
fieri, percunctantibus Romanis quid sibi vellent 

5 Arpini, quam ob noxam Romanorum aut quod meri- 
tum Poenorum pro alienigenis ac barbaris Italici 
adversus veteres socios Romanos bellum gererent et 
vectigalem ac stipendiariam Italiam Africae facerent, 

6 Arpinis purgantibus ignaros omnium se venum a 
principibus datos Poeno, captos oppressosque a 

7 paucis esse. Initio orto plures cirni pluribus conloqui ; 
postremo praetor Arpinus ab suis ad consulem deduc- 
tus, fideque data inter signa aciesque Arpini repente 

1 ^OTt&m Drakeyiborch : portae C^J./';.-!^ : ^orta, P{2)A?. 

BOOK XXIV. xLvi. 5-.\Lvii. 7 

of the men to sleep. Once in possession of the j?ate, n.o. 213 
they oi'dered the trumpeters, posted at e(|ual inter- 
vals along the road, to sound, in order to summon 
the consul. This done according to agreement, the 
consul orders the standards to be carried out of the 
camp, and a little before daylight enters the city 
through the gate they had forced. 

XLVII. Not until then were the enemy aroused, 
as the noise of the rain was now lessening and daylight 
approaching. In the city there was a garrison of 
Hannibal's, about five thousand armed men, and the 
citizens of Arpi also had armed three thousand men. 
These were the first troops with which the Cartha- 
ginians, to prevent any treachery in the rear, con- 
fronted the enemy. They fought at first in darkness 
and in narrow streets. The Romans gained possession 
not only of the streets but also of the houses nearest 
to the gate, that they might not be attacked and 
wounded from above. Thereupon some Arpini and 
Romans recognized each other and then began 
conversations. The Romans asked what the Arpini 
meant, for what offence on the part of the Romans, 
or for what service on the part of the Carthaginians 
they, although Italians, were waging war for 
foreigners and barbarians against their old allies the 
Romans, and making Italy a tributary and a tax- 
payer to Africa. The Arpini pleaded as excuse that 
in complete ignorance they had been sold by their 
leading citizens to the Carthaginian and captured 
and overpowered by a few men. With that begin- 
ning larger groups conversed with larger. Finally 
the magistrate of Arpi was escorted by fellow- 
citizens to the consul, and after promises had been 
given in the midst of standards and battle-lines, the 



A.u.c. pro Romanis adversus Carthagiiiiensem arma verte- 

8 runt. Hispani quoque, paulo minus mille homines, 
nihil praeterea cum consule pacti quam ut sine 
fraude Punicum emitteretur praesidium, ad consulem 

9 transtulerunt signa. Carthaginiensibus portae pate- 
factae cmissique cum fide incolumes ad Ilannibalem 

10 Salapiam venerunt. Arpi sine clade ullius praeter- 
quam unius veteris proditoris, novi perfugae, resti- 

11 tuti ad Romanos. Hispanis duplicia cibaria dari 
iussa ; operaque eorum forti ac fideli persaepe res 
publica usa est. 

12 Cum consul alter in Apulia, alter in Lucanis esset, 
equites centum duodecim nobiles Campani per 
speciem praedandi ex hostiimi agro permissu magi- 
stratuum ab Capua profecti ad castra Romana, quae 
super Suessulam erant, venerunt ; station! militum 
qui essent dixerunt : conloqui sese cum praetore velle. 

13 Cn. Fulvius castris praeerat ; cui ubi nuntiatum est, 
decem ex eo numero iussis inermibus deduci ad se, 
ubi quae postularent audivit — nihil autem aliud 
petebant quam ut Capua recepta bona sibi restitue- 

14 rentur — , in fidem omnes accepti. Et ab altero prae- 
tore Sempronio Tuditano oppidum Atrinum expug- 
natum. Amplius septem milia ^ hominum capta et 

15 aeris argentique signati aliquantum. Romae foedum 
incendium per duas noctes ac diem unum tenuit. 
Solo acquata omnia inter Salinas ac portam Carmen- 

^ sei>temmili& P{4)innumeraJs(\20 ODOO) : lxx .4. 

^ I.e. Gracchus ; xliv. 9. 
^ Situation unknowTi. 


BOOK XXIV. xLvii. 7-15 

Arpini suddenly fought for the Romans, turning their b.c. 213 
weapons against the Carthaginians. The Spanish 
troops also, hardly fewer than a thousand men, after 
making no other terms with the consul than that the 
Punic garrison be allowed to go without injury, 
brouEcht their standards over to the consul. The 
gates were opened for the Carthaginians, they were 
allowed to leave, as promised, and came unharmed 
to Hannibal at Salapia. Arpi, with the loss of no 
man but a single veteran traitor and recent deserter, 
was restored to the Romans. To the Spaniards 
double rations were ordered to be issued, and the 
state repeatedly availed itself of their brave and 
faithful service. 

While one consul was in Apulia, the other ^ in 
Lucania, a hundred and twelve noble Campanian 
horsemen, setting out from Capua, with permission 
of the magistrates, under pretext of plundering the 
enemy's country, came to the Roman camp above 
Suessula. They told the guards outside who they 
were ; that they wished to speak with the praetor. 
Gnaeus Fulvius was in command of the camp, and 
on being informed, he ordered that ten of their 
number be disarmed and brought to him. After he 
had heard their demands — ^and they made no other 
request than that upon the recovery of Capua their 
property should be restored to them, they were all 
taken under his protection. And the other praetor, 
Sempronius Tuditanus, took the town of Atrinum ^ 
by storm. More than seven thousand men were 
captured and a considerable amount of coined copper 
and silver. At Rome a terrible fire lasted two nights 
and a day. Everything between the Salinae and 
Porta Carmentalis was levelled to the ground, 



talem cum Aequimaelio lugarioque vico et ^ templis 
16 Fortunae ac niatris Matutae. Kt extra portam late 
vagatus ignis sacra profanaque multa absumpsit. 

XLVIII. Eodem anno P. et Cn. Cornclii, cum in 
Hispania res prosperae essent multosqiie et veteres 
reciperent socios et novos adicerent, in Africam quo- 

2 que spem extenderunt. Syphax erat rex Numidarum 

3 subito Carthaginiensibus hostis factus ; ad eum centu- 
riones tres legates miserunt qui cum eo amicitiam 
societatemque facerent et poUicerentur, si perse- 
veraret urguere bello Carthaginienses, gratam eam 
rem fore senatui populoque Romano et adnisuros ut in 
tempore et bene cumulatam gratiam referant. 

4 Grata ea legatio barbaro fuit ; conlocutusque cum 
legatis de ratione belli gerundi, ut veterimi militum 
verba audivit, quam multarum rerum ipse ignarus 
esset, ex conparatione tam ordinatae disciplinae 

5 animum advertit. Tum id ^ primum ut pro bonis 
ac fidelibus sociis facerent oravit, ut duo legationem 
referrent ad imperatores suos,unus apud sese magister 
rei militaris remaneret ^ : rudem ad pedestria bella 
Numidarum gentem esse, equis tantum habilem; 

6 ita iam inde a principiis gentis maiores suos bella 

1 et Madvig : in P(l). 

2 turn id Crivier : id tum Riemanii : tuniP(l). 

^ remaneret A^ Riemann: retieret P : rediret C*(10) : 
restaret Walters. 

1 The devjistated area was that along the river from the 
Avcntine to the Capitoline, including part of the southeast 
slope (Aequimaelium) of the latter, and the street (Vieus 
lugarius) leading to the Forum. The temples mentioned were 
near the Tiber and close together; cf. XXXIII. xxvii. 4. 


BOOK XXn'. xLvii. 15-XLV111. 6 

including the Aequimaelium and Vicus Iugarius,i d.c. 213 
also the Temples of Fortune and Mater Matuta. 
Outside the gate also the fire spread to a distance 
and destroyed many buildings sacred ' and profane. 
XLVm. The same year Publius and Gnaeus 
Cornelius, in consequence of their success in Spain 
and their recovery of many old allies and the addition 
of new allies, enlarged their hopes in the direction of 
Africa as well. There ^vas Syphax, king of the 
Numidians,^ who had suddenly become an enemy of 
the Carthaginians. To him they sent three cen- 
turions as legates, to establish friendship and alliance 
with him, and to promise that if he should continue 
to embarrass the Carthaginians by war, it would be 
acceptable to the senate and the Roman people, and 
they Avould endeavour to return the favour at the 
right moment and with generous interest. This 
embassy pleased the barbarian, and he conferred with 
the ambassadors on the conduct of the war ; and 
hearing what was said by experienced soldiers, he 
noted, from comparison with so well-ordered a 
system, how many things he did not know himself. 
Then, as the first act befitting good and faithful 
allies, be begged that two of the legates might 
report to their generals, and one remain with him as 
instructor in tactics. He said the Numidian nation 
was inexpert in infantry warfare, of service only as 
horsemen. This was the way their ancestors from 
their earliest history had waged war, thus they had 

^ Among these was the Temple of Spes, one of three in the 
Forum Holitorium, outside the wall ; XXI. Ixii. 4 ; XXV, 
vii. 6. 

^ I.e. of the western Numidians, the Masaesulians, in Algeria 
and Oran; XXVIII. xvii. 5. 



A.u.c. gessisse, ita se a pueris insuetos. Sod habere 
hostem pedestri fidentem Marte, cui si aequari robore 

7 virium velit, et sibi pedites comparandos esse. Et ad 
id multitudine hominum regnum abundare, sed ar- 
mandi ornandique et instruendi eos artem ignorare. 
Omnia, velut forte congregata turba, vasta ^ ac 

8 tenieraria esse. Facturos se in praesentia quod vellet 
legati respondent, fide accepta ut remitteret extem- 
plo eum, si imperatores sui non comprobassent 

9 factum. Q. Statorio nomen fuit, qui ad regem 
remansit. Cum duobus Romanis rex tres a^ Numidis^ 
legatos in Hispaniam misit ad accipiendam fidem ab 

10 imperatoribus Romanis. Isdem mandavit ut protinus 
Numidas qui intra praesidia Cai-thaginiensium auxili- 

11 ares essent ^ ad ti'ansitionem perlicerent. Et Sta- 
torius ex multa iuventute regi pedites conscripsit 
ordinatosque proxime morem Romanum instruendo 
et decurrendo signa sequi et servare ordines docuit, 

12 et operi aliisque iustis militaribus ita adsuefecit 
ut brevi rex non equiti magis fideret quam pediti con- 
latisque aequo campo signis iusto proelio Carthagi- 

13 niensem hostem superaret. Romanis quoque in 
Hispania legatorum regis adventus magno emolu- 
mento fuit ; namque ad famam eorum transitiones 
crebrae ab Numidis coeptae fieri. 

Ita cum Syphace Romanis coepta amicitia est. 
Quod ubi Carthaginienses acceperunt, extemplo 

1 vasta Rubens : suasca PR^ : suaisca P^?{\.2). 
" rex trcs a Conway: relata P(l) : rex tres Alschefski: 
rex Weissenborn. 

3 Numidis P(4) : -d&s BA-. 

* essent ; : erant A^x : om. P(l). 


BOOK XXIV. xLviii. 6-13 

themselves been trained from boyhood, liut he u.c. si.-! 
had an enemy who rehed upon infantry battks, and 
if he wished to be a match for him in mihtary strength 
he too must acquire infantry. And for that purpose 
his kingdom was supplied with men in great numbers, 
but they did not understand the art of arming and 
equipping them and placing them in battle-line. 
Everything was formless and unmethodical, as if a 
mob had been gathered by chance. The legates 
replied that for the present they would do as he 
desired, after receiving his pledge to send back the 
man at once, if their generals should not approve of 
their action. Quintus Statorius was the name of 
the one who remained with the kins;. With the 
two Romans the king sent three legates from the 
Numidians to Spain, to receive confirmation from the 
Roman generals. He further instructed them at once 
to persuade Numidians who were auxiliaries in the 
forces of the Carthaginians to desert them. And 
Statorius out of the mass of young men enrolled 
infantry for the king, organized them almost in the 
Roman manner, ' taught them in formation and 
evolution to follow standards and keep their ranks, 
and to such an extent accustomed them to fortifying 
and other regular duties of the soldier that in a short 
time the king had as much confidence in his infantry 
as in his cavalry, and in a regular engagement in 
formal array on level ground he defeated the Cartha- 
ginian enemy. The Romans also in Spain profited 
greatly by the coming of the king's representatives. 
For upon the news of their arrival desertions by the 
Numidians began to be frequent. 

Thus began the friendship of the Romans with 
Syphax. When the Carthaginians learned of the 



A.u.c. ad Galam in parte altera Numidiae — Maesuli ea gens 
vocatur — regnantem legates mittunt. XLIX. Filium 
Gala Masinissam habebat septem decern annos natum, 
ceterum iiivenem ea indole ut iam turn appareret 
maius regnum opulentiusque quam quod accepisset 

2 facturuni. Legati, quoniani Syphax se Rornanis 
iunxisset, ut potentior societate eorum adversus 

3 reges populosque Africae esset, docent melius fore 
Galae quoque Carthaginiensibus iungi quam primum, 
antequam Syphax in Hispaniam aut Romani in 
African! transeant ; opprimi Syphacem nihildum 
praeter nomen ex foedere Romano habentem posse. 

4 Facile persuasum Galae, filio deposcente id bellum, 
ut mitteret exercitum ; qui Carthaginiensibus legioni- 
bus coniunctus^ magno proelio Syphacem devicit. 
Triginta milia eo proelio hominimi caesa dicuntur. 

5 Syphax cum paucis equitibus in Maurusios ex acie 
Numidas — extremi prope Oceanum adversus Gadis 
colunt — refugit, adfluentibusque ad famam eius undi- 

6 que barbaris ingentis brevi copias armavit cmn quibus 
in Hispaniam angusto diremptam freto traiceret. 
Sed 2 Masinissa cum \-ictore exercitu advenit ; isque 
ibi cum Syphace ingcnti gloria per se sine ullis 
Carthaginiensium opibus gessit bellum. 

1 coniunetua Madvig : -iisP: -i P^? : -is(l). 

2 Sed H. J. Midler : om. P{\) : eo or et Madvig : ceterum 
Luchs : interim Weissenbom. 

' The eastern part, adjoining Carthafrinian territory. Cirta 
(Constantine) was Sj^phax's capital, until it fell to Masinissa 
in 203 B.C. ; XXX. xii. 

BOOK XXIV. xLviii. 13-XL1X. 6 

matter they at once sent legates to Gala, who reigned b.c. 213 
in the other part of Nuniidia,! his people being called 
the Maesulians. XLIX. Gala had a son Masinissa,^ 
seventeen years old, but a young man of such promise 
that even then it was evident that he would make the 
kingdom larger and richer than what he had received. 
The legates stated that, inasmuch as Syphax had 
attached himself to the Romans, in order, through 
alliance with them, to be more powerful against the 
kings and peoples of Africa, it would be well for Gala 
too to attach himself as soon as possible to the 
Carthaginians, before Syphax should cross into 
Spain or the Romans into Africa. Syphax could be 
surprised, they said, while he had as yet no advantage 
from his treaty with the Romans except the name. 
They easily persuaded Gala to send an army, as his 
son was begging for the command ; and reinforced 
by the Carthaginian legions, Masinissa defeated 
Syphax in a great battle. Thirty thousand men are 
said to have been slain in that battle. Syphax with 
a few horsemen fled from the field to the Maurusian 
Numidians, who live far away, near the Ocean 
opposite Gades. And as the barbarians on hearing 
of him flocked together from all sides, he soon armed 
immense forces with which to cross into Spain, 
separated only by a narrow strait. But Masinissa 
came with his victorious army, and there by himself, 
without any help from the Carthaginians, he carried 
on war against Syphax with great distinction. 

* Who fought against the Romans in Spain down to the time 
of Gala's death in 206 B.C., and then became an ally of Rome, 
and a friend of Scipio. At present he must have been nearer 
twenty-seven, since he died in 149 h.c at 92 (Epit. 48 fin.; 
cf. 50). 



A.r.r. 7 In Hispania nihil memorabile gestum praeterquam 
'^ quod Celtibcrum iuventutem eadeni mercede qua 

pacta cum Carthaginiensibus erat imperatores 
8 Romani ad se perduxerunt, et nobilissimos Hispanos 
supra trecentos in Italians ad sollicitandos populares 
qui inter auxilia Hannibalis erant miserunt. Id ^ 
modo eius anni in Hispania ^ ad memoriam insigne 
est, quod mercennarium militem in castris neminem 
ante quam turn Celtiberos Romani habuerunt. 

' Id modo . . . habuenint P(l) : spurious Geyer. 

- eius (or eris) anni in Hispania /'(I) : spurious Conioay. 


BOOK XXIV. Mjx. 7-8 

In Spain nothing notable occurred except that the b.c. 213 
Roman commanders attracted to their side the young 
men of the Celtiberians at the same pay at which 
these had made an agreement with the Cartha- 
ginians, and more than three hundred Spaniards of 
the highest rank were sent to Italy to win over their 
fellow-countrymen who were among Hannibal's 
auxiliaries. This is the only occurrence of that year 
in Spain that is worthy of record, since the Romans 
had no mercenary soldiers in their camps previous to 
the Celtiberians whom they had at that time. 



HiERONYMUS Syracusanorum rex, cuius pater Hiero 
amicus populi Romani fuerat, ad Carthafrinienses defecit et 
propter crudelitatem superbiamque a suis interfectus est. 
Tib. Sempronius Gracchus proconsul prospere ad versus 
Poenos et Hannonem ducem ad Beneventum pugnavit 
servoruni maxime opera, quos liberos esse iussit. Claudius 
Marcellus consul in Sicilia, quae prope tota ad Poenos 
defecerat, Syracusas obsedit. Philippo Macedonum regi 
bellum indictum est, qui ad Apollonian! nocturno proelio 
oppressus fugatusque in Macedoniam cum prope inermi 
exercitu profugit. Ad id bellum gerendum M. Valerius 
praetor missus. Res praeterea in Hispania a P. et Cn. 
Scipionibus adversus Carthaginienses gestas continet;^ 
a quibus Syphax rex Xumidiae in amicitiam adscitus, qui 
a Masinissa Massyliorum rege pro Carthaginiensibus 
pugnante victus in Hispaniam ad Scipionem cum magna 
nianu transiit contra Gades, ubi angusto freto Africa et 
Hispania dirimuntur. Celtiberi quoque in amicitiam 
recepti sunt, quorum auxiliis adscitis tunc primum 
mercennarium militem Romana castra habuerunt. 

1 The following lines (to the end) appear to be a later 
addition, Zangemeister, Wolfflin. 



HiEEONYMus, king of the Syracusans, whose father ^ 
Hiero had been a friend of the Roman people, revolted to the 
Carthaginians and on account of his cruelty and haughti- 
ness was slain by his own men. Tiberius Sempronius 
Gracchus as proconsul fought with success against the 
Carthaginians and Hanno their general near Beneventum, 
chiefly by the help of the slaves, whom he ordered to be 
free men. Claudius Marcellus, the consul, in Sicily, which 
had almost entirely revolted to the Carthaginians, be- 
sieged Syracuse. War was declared against Philip, king 
of the Macedonians, and he, surprised at Apollonia in a 
battle at night and put to flight, fled with an army almost 
disarmed into Macedonia. Marcus Valerius, a praetor, 
was sent to conduct that war. Furthermore the book 
contains what was accomplished against the Carthaginians 
in Spain by Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, by whom Syphax, 
king of Numidia, was won over to friendship. Syphax, 
defeated by Masinissa, king of the Massylians,^ who was 
fighting for the Carthaginians, crossed over with a large 
force to Scipio in Spain, from a point opposite Gades, where 
Africa and Spain are parted by a narrow strait.^ The 
Celtiberians also were admitted to friendship, and by their 
enrollment as auxiliaries Roman camps then for the first 
time had mercenary soldiers. 

^ An error for grandfather. 
^ I.e. the Maesulians. 

^ The statement that Syphax actually crossed over to Spain 
conflicts with the text (xlix. G). 




















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A.u.c. I. DuM haec in Africa atque in Hispania geruntur, 

Hannibal in agro Sallentino aestatem consumpsit 
spe per proditionem urbis Tarentinorum potiundae. 
Ipsorum interim Sallentinoruni ignobiles urbes ad 

2 cum defecerunt. Eodem tempore in Bruttiis ex 
diiodecim populis qui anno priore ad Poenos descive- 
rant Consentini et Tauriani in fidem populi Romani 

3 redierunt ; et plures redissent, ni T, Pomponius 
Veientanus, praefectus socium, prospei'is aliquot 
populationibus in agro Bruttio iusti ducis speciem 
nactus tumultuario exercitu coacto cum Hannone 

4 conflixisset. Magna ibi vis hominum, sed inconditae 
turbae agrestium servorumque, caesa aut capta est. 
Minimum iacturae fuit quod praefectus inter ceteros 
est captus, et turn temerariae pugnae auctor et ante 
publicanus omnibus malis artibus et rei publicae et 

5 societatibus infidus damnosusque. Sempronius 
consul in Lucanis multa proelia parva, haud ullum 
dignum memoratu fecit et ignobilia oppida Luca- 
norum aliquot expugnavit. 

^ Hannibal is now in the southern part of Calabria, three 
days' march from Tarentum; cf. viii. 12. He had previously 
been near Arpi, in Apulia; XXIV. xlv. 11 ff. 



I. While these things wei'e being done in Africa b.c. 213 
and Spain, Hannibal spent the summei- in the 
Sallentine region,^ in the hope of getting possession 
of the city of Tarentum through treachery. Mean- 
time, however, Sallentine cities of no importance 
went over to his side. At the same time among the 
Bruttians, out of twelve states which in the previous 
year had revolted to the Carthaginians, Consentia 
and Taurianum returned to their allegiance to the 
Roman people ; and more would have returned if a 
prefect of the allies, Titus Pomponius Veientanus, 
who by successfully ravaging Bruttian territory a 
number of times gained the appeai-ance of a regularly 
appointed general, had not gathered a hastily mus- 
tered army and engaged Hanno. A great many 
men were slain or captured there, an ill-organized 
mass, however, of rustics and slaves. It was the 
smallest part of the loss that, along with the rest, the 
prefect was captured, who was responsible at that time 
for a reckless battle, and had previously been a tax- 
farmer possessed of all the dishonest devices, faithless 
and ruinous both to the state and to the companies. 
Sempronius, the consul, fought many small engage- 
ments in Lucania, not one worthy of record, and 
took by storm a number of unimportant Lucanian 




A.v.c. 6 Quo diutius trahcbatur bcllum et variabant secun- 
dae adversacque res non fortunam magis quam 
animos hominiim. tanta religio, et ea majjna ex parte 
externa, eivitaleni iiiccssit ut aut homines aut dei 

7 repente alii viderentur f{icti. Nee iam in secreto 
modo atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus, 
sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque niulierurn 
turba erat nee saerificantium nee precantiuni deos 

8 patrio more. Sacrificuli ac vates ceperant hominum 
mentes, (piorum numerum auxit rustica plebs, ex 
incultis diutino bello infestis(]ue agris egestate et 
metu in urbem conpulsa, et quaestus ex alieno errore 
facilis, quern velut concessae artis usu exercebant. 

9 Primo secretae bonorum indignationes exaudie- 
bantur ; deinde ad patres et iam ad ^ publicam 

10 querimoniam excessit res. Incusati graviter ab 
senatu aediles triumvirique capitales quod non pro- 
liiberent, cum emovere earn multitudinem e foro ac 
disicere adparatus sacrorum conati essent, baud 

11 procul afuit quin violarentur. Ubi potentius iam 
esse id malum apparuit quam ut minores per magi- 
stratus sedaretur, M. Aemilio praetori urbano ^ 
negotium ab senatu datum est ut eis religionibus 

12 populum liberaret. Is et in contione senatus con- 
sultum recitavit et edixit ut quicumque libros vati- 
cinos precationesve aut artem sacrificandi con- 

^ et iam ad Alschefski : etiamad P(l) : etiam ac Weissen- 

^ urbano {i.e. urb.) P(l) : om. as gloss Walters. 

^ Forsaken, as they felt, by their own gods, the populace 
were turning to foreign divinities and strange cults. 

^ An error of Livy for Marcus Atilius ; XXIV^. xliv. 2, where 
Aemilius, praetor peregrinus, assigns his duties to Atilius, 


BOOK XXV. I. 6-12 

The longer the war dratjged on and success and b.c. 213 
failure altered the situation, and quite as mucli so 
the attitude of men, superstitious fears, in large 
part foreign at that, invaded the state to such a 
degree that either men or else gods suddenly seemed 
changed. And now not only in secret and within 
the walls of houses were Roman rites abandoned, 
but in public places also and in the Forum and on 
the Capitol there was a crowd of women who were 
following the custom of the fathers neither in their 
sacrifices nor in prayers to the gods.^ Petty priests 
and also prophets had taken hold on men's minds. 
And the number of these was increased by the mass 
of rustics forced by want and fear into the city from 
their farms neglected and endangered because of the 
long war, and by easy profit from the delusion of 
others — a trade which they plied as though it were 
sanctioned. At first good men's indignation was 
voiced in private ; then the matter reached the senate 
and now even official complaints. The aediles and the 
three police magistrates were roundly censured by the 
senate because they did not stop it ; and after they had 
attempted to drive that crowd out of the Forum and 
to scatter the properties required for the rites, they 
narrowly escaped violence. Now that the disorder 
appeared to be too strong to be quelled by the lower 
magistrates, the senate assigned to Marcus Aemilius,^ 
the city praetor, the task of freeing the people from 
such superstitions. He read the decree of the senate 
in an assembly, and also issued an edict that whoever 
had books of prophecies or prayers or a ritual of 
sacrifice set do^vn in writing should bring all such 

praetor tirbanus, and takes a command in Apulia. The error 
is repeated in iii. 12 and xii. 3. 



A.u.c. scriptam liabcret, cos libros omnis litterasque ad se 
ante kal. Aprilos deferret, neu quis in publico 
sacrove loco novo ant cxterno ritu sacrificaret. 

II. Aliquot publici sacerdotes niortui co anno sunt, 
L. Cornelius Lentulus pontifex niaximus et C. 
Papirius C. f. Masso pontifex et P. Furius Philus 
augur et C. Papirius L, f. Masso decemvir sacrorum. 

2 In Lentuli locum M. Coi*nelius Cethcgus, in Papiri 
Cn. Servilius Caepio pontifices sufFecti sunt, aiigur 
creatus L. Quinctius Flamininus, decemvir sacrorum 
L. Cornelius Lentulus. 

3 Comitiorum consularium iam adpetebat tempus ; 
sed quia consules bello ^ intentos avocare non place- 
bat, Ti. Sempronius consul comitiorum causa dicta- 
torem dixit C. Claudium Centonem. Ab eo magister 

4 equitum est dictus Q. Fulvius Flaccus. Dictator 
primo comitiali die creavit consules Q. Fulviuni Flac- 
cum magistrum equitum et Ap. Claudium Pulchrum, 

5 cui Sicilia provincia in praetura fuerat. Turn prae- 
tores creati Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, C. Claudius Nero, 
M. lunius Silanus, P. Cornelius Sulla. Comitiis 

6 perfectis dictator magistratu abiit. Aedilis curulis 
fuit eo anno cum M. Cornelio Cethego P. Cornelius 
Scipio, cui post Africano fuit cognomen. Huic 
petenti aedilitatem cum obsisterent tribuni plebis, 
negantes rationem eius habendam esse, quod 

1 bello Pi.?x: abcUoP(lO). 

1 Exact compliance with written directions being essential, 
as in the Roman religion, to seize the texts was in effect to 
suppress the cults. 

■^ Cf. xii. 10 f. 

' Scipio was probably only 22, but the famous law fixing 
statutoF}^ ages for the different offices (Lex \'illia annalis) was 
not passed until 180 n.c; XL. xliv. 1. 


BOOK XXV. I. I2-II. 6 

books and writings ^ to him before the first of April, n.c. 213 
and that no one should sacrifice in a public or 
consecrated place according to a strange or foreign 

II. A number of priests of the state died that ^ 
year : Lucius Cornelius Lent ul us, pontifex maximiis, 
and Gains Papirius Masso, son of Gaius, a pontifex, 
and Publius Furius Philus, an augur, and Gaius Pa- 
pirius Masso, son of Lucius, a decemvir in charge of 
rites. ^ In place of Lentulus they made Marcus 
Cornelius Cethegus a pontiff and Gnaeus Servilius 
Caepio in that of Papirius ; Lucius Quinctius 
Flamininus was named augur, Lucius Cornelius 
I>entulus, decemvir in charge of rites. 

For the consular elections the time was now 
approaching, but because the consuls were occupied 
with the wac and it was not thought advisable to call 
them away /Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, named 
Gaius Claudius Cento dictator to hold the elections. 
He in turn named Quintus Fulvius Flaccus master of 
the horse. > On the first day available for elections 
the dictator announced the choice as consuls of 
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, master of the horse, and 
Appius Claudius Pulcher»/ who as praetor had had 
Sicily as his province. Then the following were 
elected praetors : Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Gaius 
Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, Publius 
Cornelius Sulla. Having finished the elections, the 
dictator laid down his office. Curule aedile that year, 
together with Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, was Pub- 
lius Cornelius Scipio,^ who was later called Africanus. 
Wlien he was a candidate for the aedileship, and the 
tribunes of the plebs tried to oppose him, saying 
that he ought not to be considered because he did 




A.u.o. 7 nonduin ad petendum legitinia aetas esset, " Si 

■'^ me " inquit " omnes Quirites aedilem facere volunt, 

satis annonini habeo." Tanto inde favore ad suffra- 

giuni ferenduin in tribvis discursiim est ut tribuni 

8 repente incepto destilerint. Aedilicia largitio haec 

fuit : ludi llomani pro temporis illius copiis magnifice 

facti et diem unum instaiirati. et congii olei in vicos 

'J singulos dati . . . .^ L. Villius Tappulus et M. 

Fundanius Fundulus aediles plebei aliquot matronas 

apud populum probri accusarunt ; quasdam ex eis 

10 damnatasin exilium egerunt. Ludi plebei per biduum 

instaurati et lovis epulum fuit ludorum causa. 

A.U.C. III. Q. Fulvius Flaccus tertium Appius Claudius 

2 consulatimi ineunt. Et praetores provincias sortiti 
sunt, P. Cornelius Sulla urbanam et peregrinam, 
quae duorum ante sors fuerat, Cn. Fulvius Flaccus 
Apuliam, C. Claudius Nero Suessulam, M. Junius 

3 Silanus Tuscos. Consulibus belluni cum Hannibale 
et binae legiones decretae ; alter a Q. Fabio superioris 
anni eonsule, alter a Fulvio Centumalo acciperet ; 

4 praetorum Fulvi Flacci quae Lucei-iae sub Aemilio 
praetore, Neronis Claudi quae in Piceno sub C. 
Terentio fuissent legiones essent ; supplementum 
in eas ipsi scriberent sibi. M. lunio in Tuscos 

^ Numeral missing, perhaps L preceding L. {Engelmann) 
at end of line in P. 

1 The huli Romani or maximi occurred in mid -September 
and lasted four days. For repetition cf. XXIII. xxx. 16. 

2 A congius held about three quarts. 
^ As in wartime cases to be heard by the praetor peregrinus 

would be much reduced in number, he could be spared for 
service at the front; XXIV. xliv. 2. 

* A military base in Campania, southeast of Capua, half-way 
to Nola. Its Castra Claudiana lay near the entrance to the 
Caudine Pass. Cf. XXIII. xxxi. 3; XXIV. xvii. 2; xliv. 3. 



not have the legal age for candidacy, he said, " If all u.c. 213 
the citizens want to make me aedile I have years 
enough." Thereupon with such enthusiasm they 
separated to form by tribes in order to cast their 
votes, that the tribunes suddenly gave up their 
attempt. The genei-osity of the aediles consisted in 
celebrating the Roman Games ^ splendidly, for the 
resources of that time, and in repeating them for 
one day ; also in giving . . . measures ^ of oil for each 
precinct. Lucius Mllius Tappulus and Marcus 
Fundanius Fundulus as plebeian aediles brought 
before the people charges of immorality against a 
number of mati-ons. Some of these being convicted, 
they drove them into exile. The Plebeian Games 
were repeated for two days, and on account of the 
festival a banquet for Jupiter was held. 

III. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Appius Claudius b.c. 212 
entered upon their consulship, the former for the third 
time. And the praetors received by lot the following 
assignments: Publius Cornelius Sulla, the duties of 
praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus,-^ previously 
two separate offices : Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, 
Gains Claudius Nero, Suessula,^ Marcus Junius 
Silanus, Etruria. To the consuls were assigned by 
decree the war Avith Hannibal and two legions each. 
The one was to take over his troops from Quintus 
Fabius, consul in the previous year, the other from 
Fulvius Centumalus. Of the praetors, Fulvius 
Flaccus was to have the legions which had been at 
Luceria under the praetor Aemilius, Nero Claudius 
the one ^ which had been in the Picene district under 
Gaius Terentius. They were themselves to enlist 
more recruits for the same. To Marcus Junius the 

* Terentius Varro had had only one legion; XXIV. xliv. 5. 




A.iT.c. 5 legiones urbanae prioris anni datae. Ti. Sempronio 
Graccho et P. Sempronio Tuditano imperium pro- 
vinciaeque Lueani et Gallia cum suis exercitibus 

6 prorogatae ; item P. Lentulo qua vetus provincia in 
Sicilia esset, M. Marcello Syracusae et qua Hieronis 
regnum fuisset ; T. Otacilio classis, Graccia M. 
^'alerio, Sardinia Q. Mucio Scaevolae, Hispaniae P. 

7 et Cn. Corneliis. Ad veteres exercitus duae urbanae 
legiones a consulibus scriptae, summaque trium et 
viginti legionum eo anno efFecta est. 

8 Dilectum consulum M. Postumii Pyrgensis cum 

9 magno prope motu rerum factum impediit. Publi- 
canus erat Postumius, qui multis annis parem fraude 
avaritiaque neminem in civitate habuerat praeter 
T. Pomponium Veientanum, quem populantem 
temere agros in Lucanis ductu Hannonis priore anno 

10 ceperant Carthaginienses. Hi, quia publicum peri- 
culum erat a vi tempestatis in iis quae portarentur 
ad exercitus et ementiti erant falsa naufragia et ea 
ipsa quae vera renuntiaverant fraude ipsorum facta 

11 erant, non casu. In veteres quassasque naves 
paucis et parvi pretii rebus impositis, cum mersissent 
eas in alto exceptis in praeparatas scaphas nautis, 

12 multiplices fuisse merces ementiebantur. Ea fraus 
indicata M. Aemilio praetori priore anno fuerat ac 
per eum ad senatum delata nee tamen ullo senatus 

1 Cf. XXIV. xliv. 4: vii. 9. 

2 Cf. i. 3 f. 


BOOK XXV. III. 4-12 

city legions of the previous year were given for b.c. 212 
Etruria. For Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and 
Publius Sempronius Tuditanus their commands and 
provinces, Lucania and Gaul, with their armies, were 
continued. And the same was done for Publius 
Lentulus, within the limits of the old pi'ovince in 
Sicily, and for Marcellus, whose province was 
Syracuse and up to the former boundaries of Hiero's 
kingdom.^ The fleet was assigned to Titus Otacilius, 
Greece to Marcus Valerius, Sardinia to Quintus 
Mucins Scaevola, the Spanish provinces to Publius 
and Gnaeus Cornelius. In addition to the old armies 
two city legions were enrolled by the consuls, and 
the total that year amounted to twenty-three legions. 
The consular levy was hampered by the conduct of 
Marcus Postuinius of Pyrgi, which almost occasioned a 
serious insurrection. Postumius was a tax-farmer, who 
in many years had had no equal in dishonesty and 
avarice in the state, except Titus Pomponius Veien- 
tanus, whom the Carthaginians under Hanno's com- 
mand had captured in the preceding year, while he was 
rashly ravaging the country in Lucania. ^ These men, 
since the state assumed the risk from violent storms 
in the case of shipments to the armies, had falsely 
reported imaginary shipwrecks, and even those which 
they had correctly reported had been brought about 
by their own trickery, not by accident. They would 
put small cargoes of little value on old, battered 
vessels, sink them at sea, after taking off the crews 
in small boats that were in readiness, and then falsely 
declare that the shipments were far more valuable. 
This dishonesty had been reported in the previous 
year to Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, and by him 
brought before the senate, but it was not branded by 



A.u.c. consulto notata, quia patres ordineni puhlicanorum 

13 in tali tempore offensum nolebant. Populus severior 
viiidex fraudis erat, excitatique tandem duo tribuni 
plebis, Spurius et L. Carvilii, cunx rem invisam 
infamemque cernerent, ducentum milium aeris 

14 multam M. Postumio dixerunt. Cui certandae cum 
dies advenisset, conciliumque tam frequens plebis 
adesset ut multitudineni area Capitolii vix caperet, 

15 perorata causa una spes videbatur esse si C. Servilius 
Casca tribunus plebis, qui propinquus cognatusque 
Postumio erat, priusquam ad suffragium tribus 

16 vocarentur, intercessisset. Testibus datis tribuni 
populum summoverunt, sitellaque lata est, ut sorti- 

17 rentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent. Interim 
publicani Cascae instare ut concilio diem eximeret ; 
populus reclamare ; et forte in cornu primus sedebat 
Casca, cui simid metus pudorque animum versabat. 

18 Cum in eo parum praesidii esset, turbandae rei causa 
pubiicani per vacuum summoto locum cuneo inrupe- 

19 runt iurgantes simul cum populo tribunisque. Nee 
procul dimicatione res erat cum Fulvius consul 
tribunis " Nonne videtis " inquit " vos in ordinem 
coactos esse et rem ad seditionem spectare, ni 
propere dimittitis plebis concilium? " 

IV^ Plebe dimissa senatus vocatur et consules 

1 It was left for the people to confirm or remit such a fine ; 
cf. XXXVII. 11. 4f.; Iviii. 1; Cicero, Phil. XI. 18; de Leg. 
III. 6. 

2 The witnesses were to watch the balloting. 
' I.e. such Latins as were present at Rome. In which of 

the tribes they should vote was determined by the tribunes, 
who cast lots. 

* Any action interfering with a tribune's duties or privileges 
was held equivalent to degrading him from office ; cf. XLIII. 
16. 9 f. 



any decree of the senate, because the senators were is.c. 212 
unwillinff to offend the tax-farmers as a class at such 
a crisis. The people proved a more unsparing 
avenger of dishonesty ; namely, two tribunes of the 
plebs, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, were at length 
aroused, and seeing that the affair was unpopular and 
notorious, imposed a fine of two hundred thousand 
asses upon Marcus Postumius. When the day for 
his protest against this fine arrived, the assembly of 
the commons ^ was so large that the open space on the 
Capitol could scarcely contain the crowd. After the 
arguments were concluded, there seemed to be but 
one hope, namely, if Gaius Servilius Casca, a tribune 
of the plebs who was a blood-relative of Postumius, 
should interpose his veto before the tribes should be 
called to vote. The tribunes provided witnesses,^ 
cleared the people away, and the urn was brought, 
that they might determine by lot in which tribe the 
Latins ^ should vote. Meantime the tax-farmers 
pressed Casca to adjourn that day's liearing before the 
assembly. The people protested; and it so happened 
that the first seat at the end of the platform was 
occupied by Casca, whose mind was swayed at once 
by fear and shame. Finding in him no sufficient 
protection, the publicans, in order to prevent action, 
rushed in a wedge through the space cleared by 
removal of the crowd, while at the same time they 
reviled the people and the tribunes. And it had 
almost come to a battle when Fabius, the consul, said 
to the tribunes, " Do you not see that you are reduced 
to the ranks,* and that this means an insurrection 
if you do not promptly dismiss the popular assembly ? " 
IV. The assembly being dismissed, the senate was 
summoned and the consuls brought up the matter 



A.U.O. referunt de concilio plebis turbato vi atque audacia 

2 publicanorum : M. Furium Camillum, cuius exilium 
ruina urbis secutura ^ fuerit, damnari se ab iratis 

3 civibus passum esse ; decemviros ante eum, quorum 
legibus ad earn diem viverent, multos postea principes 

4 civitatis indicium de se populi passes : Postumium 
Pyrgensem suflTragium populo Romano extorsisse, 
concilium plebis sustulisse, tribunos in ordinem 
coegisse, contra populum Romanum aciem instruxisse, 
locum occupasse, ut tribunos a plebe intercluderet, 

5 tribus in sufFragium vocari prohiberet. Nihil aliud a 
caede ac diraicatione continuisse homines nisi patien- 
tiam magistratuum, quod cesserint inpraesentiafurori 
atque audaciae paucorum vincique se ac populum 

6 Romanum passi sint et comitia, quae reus vi atque 
armis prohibiturus erat, ne causa quaerentibus 
dimicationem daretur, voluntate ipsi sua sustulerint. 

7 Haec cum ab optimo quoque pro atrocitate rei 
accepta ^ essent, vimque cam contra rem publicam 
et pernicioso exemplo factam senatus decresset, 

8 confestim Carvilii tribuni plebis omissa multae 
certatione rei capitalis diem Postumio dixerunt ac, 
ni vades daret, prendi a viatore atque in carcerem 

9 duci iusserunt. Postumius vadibus datis non adfuit. 

^ secutura Alschefski : secura P(l). 
^ accepta Madvig : acta P(l). 

^ Cf. V. xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 1. 

BOOK XXV. IV. 1-9 

of the disturbance in the popular assembly owing to b.c. 212 
the violence and audacity of the publicans. Marcus 
Furius Camillus,^ it was said, a man whose exile 
would have been followed by the ruin of the city, 
had allowed himself to be condemned by the angry 
citizens ; that before his time the decemvirs, under 
whose laws they were then still living, and later 
many leading men in the state, had submitted to the 
judgment of the people in their cases ; that Postumius 
of Pvrsri had wrested the vote from the Roman 
people, had brought to naught an assembly of the 
plebs, reduced the tribunes to the ranks, drawn 
up a battle-line against the Roman people, had 
taken his position, to separate the tribunes from 
the people and to prevent the tribes from being 
summoned to vote. Nothing had restrained men 
from slaughter and battle but the forbearance of the 
magistrates in yielding for the moment to the mad 
audacity of a few men, and in allowing themselves 
and the Roman people to be worsted, also in that, as 
regards the voting, Avhich the defendant would have 
prevented by force of arms, they had of their own 
accord suspended it, to avoid giving excuse to those 
eager for the fray. These words were interpreted 
by all the best citizens as deserved by an outrageous 
occurrence, and the senate declared that this violence 
had been employed against the state, setting a 
dangerous precedent. Thereupon the Carvilii, tri- 
bunes of the people, in place of the procedure to fix 
the amount of the fine, at once named a day for 
Postumius' appearance on a capital charge, and 
ordered that if he did not furnish sureties he should 
be seized by an attendant and taken to prison. 
Postumius furnished sureties, but did not appear. 




A-u.c. Tribuni plebem rogaverunt plebesqiie ita scivit, si 
M. Postumius ante kal. Mai as non prodisset cita- 
tusque eo die non respondisset neque excusatus 
esset, videri eum in exilio esse bonaque eius venire, 

10 ipsi aqua et igni placere interdici. Singub's deinde 
eorum qui turbae ac tumultus concitatores fuerant, 
rei capitalis diem dicere ac vades poscere coeperunt. 

11 Primo non dantis, deinde etiam eos qui dare possent 
in carcerem coiciebant ; cuius rei periculum vitantes 
plerique in exilium abierunt. 

V. Hunc fraus publicanorum, deinde fraudem 

2 audacia protegens exitum habuit. Comitia inde 
pontifici maximo creando sunt habita ; ea comitia 

3 novus pontifex M. Cornelius Cethegus habuit. Tres 
ingenti certamine petierunt, Q. Fulvius Flaccus 
consul, qui et ante bis consul et censor fuerat, et 
T. Manlius Torquatus, et ipse duobus consulatibus 
et censura insignis, et P. Licinius Crassus, qui aedili- 

4 tatem curulem petiturus erat. Hie senes honora- 
tosque iuvenis in eo certamine vicit. Ante hunc 
intra centum annos et viginti nemo praeter P. 
Cornelium Calussam pontifex maximus creatus 
fuerat qui sella curuli non sedisset. 

5 Consules dilectum cum aegre conficercnt, quod 
inopia iuniorum non facile in iitrumque, ut et noVae 
urbanae legiones et supplement um veteribus scri- 

6 beretur, sufficiebat, senatus absistere eos incepto 


BOOK XXV. IV. 9-v. 6 

The tribunes put the question to the plebs and the b.o. 212 
plebs ordained that, if Marcus Postumius should not 
appear before the first of May, and on being sum- 
moned on that day should not reply nor be excused, 
it should be understood that he was in exile, and be 
decided that his property should be sold and himself 
refused water and fire. The tribunes then began to 
name a day for the appearance on a capital charge 
of each of those who had been instigators of riot and 
sedition, and to demand sureties from them. At 
first they threw into prison those who did not give 
security, and then even those who were able to do 
so. Avoiding this danger many went into exile. 

V. Such was the outcome of dishonesty on the 
part of the publicans and of audacity seeking to 
cover dishonesty. Next was held an election for the 
choice of a pontifex maximus. This election was 
conducted by a new pontiff, Marcus Cornelius 
Cethegus. Three men canvassed with great rivalry : 
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, Avho had been 
consul tAvace before and also censor, and Titus 
Manlius Torquatus, likewise distinguished by two 
consulships and a censorship, and Publius Licinius 
Crassus, who was only about to be a candidate for a 
curule aedileship. This young man defeated in that 
contest old men who had held high offices. Before 
him for a hundred and twenty years no one who had 
not occupied a curule chair had been elected pontifex 
maximus, except Publius Cornelius Calussa. 

The consuls were finding it difficult to complete 
the levy, since the scant supply of young men was 
hardly sufficient for the two purposes, enrollment of 
new legions for the city and replacements for the old 
ones. The senate accordingly forbade them to give 



A.u.c. vetuit et triumviros binos creari iussit, alteros qui 
citra, alteros qui ultra quinquagensimum lapidem in 
pagis forisque et conciliabulis omnem copiam inge- 

7 nuorum inspicerent et, si qui roboris satis ad ferenda 
arma habere viderentur, etiamsi nondum niilitari 

8 aetate essent, milites facerent ; tribuni plebis, si iis 
videretur, adpopulum ferrent ut, qui minores septem 
decern annis sacramento dixissent, iis perinde 
stipendia procederent ac si septem decern annorum 

9 aut maiores milites facti essent. Ex hoc senatus 
consulto creati triumviri bini conquisitionem ingenu- 
orum per agros habuerunt. 

10 Eodem tempore ex Sicilia litterae Marci Marcelli 
de postulatis militum qui cum P. Lentulo militabant 
in senatu recitatae sunt. Cannensis reliquiae cladis 
hie exercitus erat, relegatus in Siciliam, sicut ante 
dictum est, ne ante Punici belli finem in Italiam 
reportarentur. VI. Hi permissu Lentuli primores 
equitum centurionumque et robora ex legionibus 
peditum legatos in hiberna ad M. Marcellum mise- 
2 runt, e quibus unus potestate dicendi facta : " Consu- 
lem te, M. Marcelle, in Italia ^ adissemus, cum 
primum de nobis, etsi non iniquum, cex'te triste 
senatus consultum factum est, nisi hoc sperassemus, 

^ Italia X : italiam P(l). 

^ For fora and conciliabula, cf. xxii. 4 ; XXXIX. xiv. 7 ; 
xviii. 2 ; XL. xxxvii. 3 f. ; XLIII. xiv. 10. A forum was a 
Roman settlement, usually on an important road (e.g. Forum 
Api^ii), but lacking the status of a colonia. A conciliabuhim 
was a petty administrative centre for rural districts (pagi). 

2 Cf. XXIII. XXV. 7; XXIV. xviii. 9. 

BOOK XXV. V. 6 VI. 2 

up the attempt and ordered the appointment of two b.c. 212 
commissions of three officials each, to inspect in rm-al 
districts, market-towns and local centres ^ all possible 
freeborn men within fifty miles, the other beyond that 
distance, and any that seemed to them strong enough 
to bear arms, even if not yet of military age, they 
were to recruit. The tril)uncs of the plebs, if they 
should see fit, were to bring before the people a bill 
that, in the case of those who had taken the military 
oath at less than seventeen years, their campaigns 
should run just as if they had been recruited at seven- 
teen years or older. In accordance with this decree 
of the senate two commissions of three members 
each were appointed and they conducted the search 
for freeborn men in the country. 

At the same time a letter from Marcus Marcellus 
in Sicily was read in the senate concerning demands 
of the soldiers serving under Publius Lentulus. 
This army was the remnant of the disaster at Cannae, 
and, as has been said above, was relegated to Sicily, 
not to be brought back to Italy before the end of the 
Punic War.2 \T, These men with Lentulus' pei-mis- 
sion sent their leading knights and centurions and 
picked men from the infantry of the legions to Marcus 
Marcellus at his winter quarters as their representa- 
tives, and one of them, receiving permission to speak, 
said: " In your consulship,^ Marcus Marcellus, and 
in Italy we should have come to you already, directly 
after the senate made in our case a decree that, if 
not unjust, was surely severe, had it not been our 
hope that we were being sent into a province thro^^'n 

' But at the time of the senalus consultum Marcellus was not 
consul, but praetor, and the men in question were in his own 
army; of. XXIII. xxiv. 1 ; xxv. 7. 



A.u.o. in provinciam nos morte reguin turbatam ad grave 

3 bellum adversus Siculos simul Poenosque mitti, et 
sanguine nostro vulneribusque nos senatui ^ satis- 
facturos esse, siciit patrum memoria qui capti a 
Pyrrho ad Ileracleam erant adversus Pyrrhum ipsum 

4 pugnantes satisfecerunt. Quamquam quod ob nieri- 
tum nostrum suscensuistis, patres conscripti, nobis 

6 aut suscensetis ? Ambo mihi consules et universum 
senatum intueri videor, cum te, M. Marcelle, intueor, 
quern si ad Cannas consulem habuissemus, melior et 

6 rei publicae et nostra fortuna esset. Sine, quaeso, 
prjusquam de condicione nostra queror, noxam 
cuius arguimur nos purgare. Si non deum ira nee 
fato, cuius lege immobilis rerum humanarum ordo 
seritur, sed culpa periimus ad Cannas, cuius tandem 

7 ea culpa fuit ? Militum an imperatorum ? Equidem 
miles nihil umquam dicam de imperatore meo, cui 
praesertim gratias sciam ab senatu actas quod non 
desperaverit de re publica, cui post fugam ab Cannis ^ 

8 per omnes annos prorogatum imperium. Ceteros 
item ex reliquiis cladis eius, quos tribunos militum 
habuimus, honores petere et gerere et provincias 

9 obtinere audivimus. An vobis vestrisque liberis 
ignoscitis facile, patres conscripti, in haec vilia capita 
saevitis ? ^ Et consuli primoribusque aliis civitatis 
fugere, cum spes alia nulla esset, turpe non fuit, 

10 milites utique morituros in aciem misistis ? Ad 

1 nos senatui Bentley : nostris senatui Crivier : nostratui 

* ab Cannis Oronovius : actamnis P : actamnisi P^?{ 1 ) : 
Cannensem A^. 

^ saevitis A'^ : saeviret PA?(ll) : saevireP'Cil/^ : saevire 
libet Hertz. 

1 Cf. V. xxxviii. 

BOOK XXV. VI. 2-1 o 

into confusion by the death of its kings, to carry on b.c. 212 
a serious war against Sicilians and Carthaginians 
combined, and that by our blood and wounds we 
were to give satisfaction to the senate, just as in the 
time of our fathers the men who had been captured 
by Pyrrhus at Heraclea had done by fighting against 
Pyrrhus himself. And yet for what desert of ours 
have you been angry at us, conscript fathers, or are 
now angry ? It seems that I am looking at both 
consuls and the entire senate when I look at you, 
Marcus Marcellus. If we had had you as consul 
at Cannae the lot of the state, and of ourselves as 
well, would be a better one. Before I complain of 
our plight, permit us, I pray, to clear ourselves of 
the offence of which we are charged. If it was not 
by anger of the gods nor by Fate, according to whose 
law the chain of human events is unalterably linked, 
but by a fault that we were undone at Cannae, whose 
fault, pray, was it ? Of the soldiers or of the generals ? 
For my part I, a soldier, will never say anything 
about mv general, especially since I know that he 
was thanked by the senate because he did not lose 
hope for the state, and that after the flight from 
Cannae his command was continued year after year. 
The others too who survived that disaster, the men 
whom we had as our tribunes of the soldiers, canvass 
for offices, we have heard, and hold them, and govern 
provinces. Can it be, conscript fathei-s, that you 
readily pardon yourselves and your sons, but are 
cruel to these creatures of no account ? And while 
it was no disgrace to the consul and other leading 
men in the state to flee, since there was no other 
hope, did you send your common soldiers into battle 
to die inevitably ? At the Allia ^ almost the entire 


A.u.c. AUiam propc omnis excrcitus fugit ; ad Furculas 
Caudinas ne exprrtus quidem certamen arma 
tradidit hosti, ut alias pudendas clades excrcituum 

11 taccam ; tamen tantum afiiit ab eo ut ulla ignominia 
iis exei-citibiis quaereretur ut et urbs Roma per eum 
excrcitxim qui ab Allia \'eio.s transfugei^at recipera- 

12 retur, et Caudinae legioncs, quae sine armis redierant 
Romam, armatae remissae in Samnium eundem 
ilium hostem sub iugum miserint qui hac sua igno- 

13 minia laetatus fuerat. Cannenseni vero quisquam 
exercitum fugae aut pa-voris insimulare potest, ubi 
plus quinquaginta milia hominum ceciderunt, unde 
consul cum equitibus septuaginta fugit, unde nemo 
superest nisi quem hostis caedendo fessus reliquit ? 

14 Cum captivis redemptio negabatur, nos vulgo 
homines laudabant quod rei publicae nos reservasse- 
mus, quod ad consulem \enusiam redissemus et 

15 speciem iusti exercitus fecissemus ; nunc deteriore 
condicione sumus quam apud patres nostros fuerunt ^ 
captivi. Quippe illis arma tantum atque ordo mili- 
tandi locusque in quo tenderent in castris est mutatus, 
quae tamen semel navata rei publicae opera et uno 

16 felici proelio recuperarunt ; nemo eorum relegatus 
in exilium est, nemini spes emerendi stipendia 
adempta, hostis denique est datus, cum quo dimi- 
cantes aut vitam semel aut ignominiam finirent ; 

17 nos, quibus, nisi quod commisimus ut quisquam ex 
Cannensi acie miles Romanus superesset, nihil obici 
potest, non solum a patria procul Italiaque sed ab 

1 fuerunt J. H. Voss : fuerant P(l). 

^ Cf. IX. iv. The following phrase is exaggerated. 

BOOK XXV. VI. 10-17 

army fled ; at the Caudine Forks,^ witliout even 11.0. 212 
attempting a battle, the army surrendered its 
weapons to the enemy, not to mention other shame- 
ful defeats of armies. But so far were men from 
devising any disgrace for those armies that the city 
of Rome was recovered by the army which had fled 
from the Allia over to Veii, and the Caudine legions, 
which had returned to Rome without their arms, 
w^ere sent back armed into Samnium and sent under 
the yoke that same enemy who had exulted in a 
disgrace now their oAvn. But at Cannae can any one 
accuse the army of panic and fright, where more 
than fifty thousand men fell, whence the consul fled 
with seventy horsemen, and of which no one survives 
except the man whom the enemy, tired of slaying, 
spared ? At the time when ransom was refused to 
captives, men were everywhere praising us because 
we had saved ourselves for the state, had returned 
to the consul at Venusia and had formed the semblance 
of a regular army. But now we are in a worse 
situation than in our fathers' time were captives. 
For in their case only their arms and their 
rank and the position of their tents when in camp 
were changed. These, however, they recovered by 
a single service rendered to the state and one victory. 
Not one of them was sent into exile, not one of them 
was deprived of the hope of serving out his term ; 
in fine they were given an enemy, so that in battle 
with him they might once for all end either life or 
disgrace. But we, against whom no charge can be 
brought except that Ave are to blame for the survival 
of any Roman soldier from the battle-line at Cannae, 
have been sent far away, not only from our native 
city and Italy, but also from the enemy, that there 


A.u.c. 18 hoste etiam relcffati sumus, ubi senescamus in exilio, 

ul2 O -111- • • 

ne (|ua spes, ne qua occasio abolenclae ignnnuniae, 
ne qua placandac civium irae, ne qua denique bene 
If moriendi sit. Neque ignominiae finem nee virtutis 
praeraium petimus ; modo experiri aninium et virtu- 
tem exercere liceat. Laborem et pericxilum petimus, 

20 ut virorum, lit militum officio fungamur. JJellum in 
Sicilia iam alterum annum ingcnti dimicatione geri- 
tur; urbes alias Poenus, alias llomanus expugnat; 
peditum, cquitum acies concurrunt ; ad Syracusas 

21 terra marique geritur res ; clamorem pugnantium 
crepitumque armorum exaudimus resides ipsi ac 
segnes, tamquam nee manus nee arma habeamus. 
Servorum legionibus Ti. Serapronius consul totiens 
iam cum hoste signis conlatis pugnavit ; operae 

22 pretium habent libertatem civitatemque. Pro servis 
saltern ad hoc bellum emptis vobis simus ; congredi 
cum hoste liceat et pugnando quaerere libertatem. 
Vis tu mari, vis terra, vis acie, vis urbibus oppugnandis 

23 experiri virtutem ? Asperrima quaeque ad laborem 
periculumque deposcimus, ut quod ad Cannas faci- 
undum fuit quam primum fiat, quoniam, quidquid 
postea viximus,^ id omne destinatum ignominiae est." 

\ll. Sub haec dicta ad genua Marcelli procu- 
buerunt. Marcellus id nee iuris nee potestatis suae 
esse dixit ; senatui scripturum se omniaque de 
2 sententia patrum facturum esse. Eae litterae ad 
novos consules allatae ac per eos in senatu recitatae 
sunt, consultusque de iis litteris ita decrevit senatus : 

^ viximus P(l) : \iviiXLua Luchs : vixerimus fl^araTt^. 

1 XXIV. xvi. 9. 

BOOK XXV. VI. 17-V11. 2 

we may grow old in exile, that we may have no hope, m.c. 212 
no opportunity of wiping out disgrace, none of 
appeasing the anger of our citizens, none even of 
dying bravely. It is neither an end of our disgrace 
nor a reward for our courage that we ask. Only let 
us prove our spirit and put our courage into practice. 
It is for hardship and danger we are asking, that we 
may do the duty of men and soldiers. The war in 
Sicily has now been carried on with intensity for two 
years. Some cities are being stormed by the 
Carthaginian, some by the Roman. Infantry and 
cavalry clash in battle-line. At Syracuse the war 
goes on by land and by sea. The cries of men in 
battle and the din of arms can be heard by us, who 
are ourselves unemployed and listless, as if we had 
neither hands nor weapons. With legions of slaves 
Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, has engaged the 
enemy again and again in battle formation. As a 
reward for their service they have freedom ^ and 
citizenship. Reckon us at least slaves purchased for 
this war ; let us engage the enemy and by fighting 
earn freedom. Do you wish, sir, to test our courage 
on sea, on land, in battle-line, in besieging cities? 
We demand all the worst in hardship and danger, in 
order that what should have been done at Cannae 
be done as soon as possible, since every day that we 
have since lived has been marked for disgrace." 

Yll. At the close of this speech they fell at Mar- 
cellus' knees. Marcellus said the matter was neither 
within his competence nor his authority ; he would 
write to the senate and do everything according to 
the opinion of the fathers. The letter was delivered 
to the new consuls and by them read in the senate. 
And after discussion of the letter the senate decreed 

363 X 

A.u.o 3 militibus, qui ad Cannas commilitones suos pugnantis 
deseruissent, senatiim nihil videre cur res publica 

4 committenda esset. Si M. Claudio proconsuli aliter 
videretur, faceret quod e re publica fideque sua 
duceret, dum ne quis eorum niunere vacaret neu 
dono militari virtuLis ergo doiiarelur neu in Italiam 
reportaretur donee hostis in terra Italia esset. 

5 Comitia deinde a praetore urbano de senatus sen- 
tentia plebique scitu sunt habita, quibus creati sunt 
quinqueviri muris turribus ^ reficiendis, et triumviri 
bini, uni sacris conquirendis donisque persignandis, 

6 alteri reficiendis aedibus Fortunae et matris Matutae ^ 
intra portam Carmentalem et Spei extra portam, 
quae priore anno incendio consumptae fuerant. 

7 Tempestates foedae fuere ; in Albano monte biduum 
continenter lapidibus pluvit. Tacta de caelo multa, 
duae in Capitolio aedes, vallum in castris multis locis 

8 supra Suessulam, et duo vigiles exanimati ; murus 
turresque quaedam Cumis non ictae modo fulminibus 
sed etiam decussae. Reate saxum ingens visum 
volitare, sol rubere solito magis sanguineoque similis. 

9 Horum prodigiorum causa diem unum supplicatio 
fuit, et per aliquot dies consules rebus divinis operam 
dederunt, et per eosdem dies sacrum novemdiale fuit. 

10 Cum Tarentinorum defectio iam diu et in spe 

1 turribus P(l) : et tmrihus Weissenborn: turribusque ^''. 

2 Matutae z : om. P(l). 

1 Cf. XXIV. xlvii. 15 f. 

BOOK XXV. VII. 3-1 o 

as follows : that to soldiers who had deserted their b.c. 212 
comrades in battle at Cannae the senate saw no 
reason why the welfare ,of the state should be 
entrusted. If Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, should 
take a different view, he should do what he thought 
to accord with the interest of the state and his own 
conscience, provided that no one of them should be 
exempt from duties, or be decorated for valour, or 
be brought back to Italy, so long as the enemy should 
be in the land of Italy. 

Klections were then held by the praetor urbanus 
in accordance Avith a decision of the senate and 
a plebiscite, and at these thei*e were elected five 
commissioners for the restoration of the walls and 
towers, and two boards of three, one to recover 
sacred vessels and register temple gifts, the other 
to rebuild the Temple of Fortune and that of Mater 
Matuta inside Porta Carmentalis, and that of Hope 
outside the gate — temples that had been destroyed 
by fire the preceding year.^ 

There were terrible storms ; on the Alban Mount 
it rained stones steadily for two days. Many things 
were struck by lightning : two temples on the 
Capitol, the embankment of the camp above Sues- 
sula in many places, and two sentries were killed. 
At Cumae the w-all and certain towers were not 
merely struck by the bolts but even thrown down. 
At Reate a huge stone seemed to fly, the sun to be 
redder than usual and of a bloody colour. On 
account of these prodigies there was a single day 
of prayer, and for several days the consuls devoted 
themselves to religious rites ; and about the same 
time there was a nine days' observance. 

While a revolt of the Tarentines had long been 




AjU.o. Hannibali et in suspicione Romanis esset, causa forte 

11 extrinsecus maturandae eius intervenit. Phileas 
Tarentimis diu iam per speciem legationis Romae 
cum esset, vir inquieti animi ct minime otium, quo 
turn diutino senescere videbatur, patientis, aditum 
sibi ad obsides Tarentinos et Thurinos ^ invenit. 

12 Custodiebantur in atrio Libertatis minore cura, quia 
nee ipsis nee civitatibus eorum fallere Romanos 

13 expediebat. Hos crebris conloquiis sollicitatos cor- 
ruptis aedituis duobus cum primis tenebris custodia 
eduxisset, ipse comes occulti itineris factus profugit. 
Luce prima volgata per urbem fuga est, missique 
qui sequerentur ab Tarracina comprensos omnis 
retraxerunt. Deducti in comitium virgisque ad- 
probante populo caesi de saxo deiciuntur. 

VIII. Huius atrocitas poenae duarum nobilissi- 
marum in Italia Graecarum civitatium animos 

2 inritavit cum publice, turn etiam singulos privatim, 
ut quisque tam foede interemptos aut propinquitate 

3 aut amicitia contingebat. Ex iis tredecim fere 
nobiles iuvenes Tarentini coniuraverunt, quorum 

4 principes Nico et Philemenus erant. Hi priusquam 
aliquid moverent, conloquendum cum Hannibale 
rati, nocte per speciem venandi urbe egressi ad eum 

5 proficiscuntur. Et cum baud procul castris abessent, 
ceteri silva prope viam sese occuluerunt, Nico et 

1 Tarentinos et Thurinos Heusinger : Thurinos P {cf. viii. 
1): Tarentinos P'/'(l). 

1 As in XXIV. XX. 6. 

BOOK XXV. vii. lo-viii. 5 

hoped for by Hannibal and suspected by the Romans, b.o. 212 
a reason for expediting the same happened to come 
from without. Phileas of Tarentum, a man of 
restless spirit and quite unable to endure the long 
inactivity in which he seemed to be losing his powers, 
had been at Rome for a long time, nominally as an 
ambassador. Thus he found means of access to the 
hostages from Tarentum and Thurii. They were 
kept under guard in the Atrium Libertatis, with less 
watchfulness because it was to the interest neither 
of the hostages themselves nor of their states to 
outwit the Romans. Phileas worked upon them ])y 
frequent conferences, and after bribing two temple- 
wardens brought them out of confinement at night- 
fall. Then he himself fled, sharing their secret 
journey. At daybreak their flight was reported 
everywhere in the city, and the men sent to pursue 
them arrested and brought them all back from Tar- 
racina. They were led into the Comitium, scourged 
with rods with the approval of the people, and thrown 
down from the Rock.^ 

VIII. The relentlessness of this punishment out- 
raged two of the most important Greek cities in 
Italy, both as states and personally as well, whenever 
individuals were connected either by relationship or 
friendship with those M'ho were so cruelly executed. 
Of those so connected some thirteen noble youths 
of Tarentum formed a conspix'acy, and Nico and 
Philemenus were the leaders. Thinking that they 
ought to confer with Hannibal before taking any 
step, these men left the city by night under pretext 
of hunting and set out to go to him. And when they 
were not far from his camp, the rest concealed 
themselves in the woods near the road; but Nico 



^blf' Philemenus progressi ad stationes comprehensique, 
ultro id petentes, ad Hannibalem deduct! sunt. 

6 Qui cum et causas consilii sui et quid pararent 
exposuissent, conlaudati oneratique promissis iuben- 
tur, ut fidem popularibus facerent praedandi causa 
se urbe egresses, pecora Carthaginiensium, quae 
pastum propulsa essent, ad urbem agere ; tuto ac 

7 sine certamine id facturos promissum est. Con- 
specta ea praeda iuvenum est, minusque iterum ac 

8 saepius id eos audere mii-aculo fuit. Congressi cum 
Hannibale rursus fide sanxerunt liberos Taventinos 
leges suas ^ suaque omnia habituros neque ullura 
vectigal Poeno pensuros praesidiumve invitos re- 
cepturos ; prodita hospitia Romanorum cum ^ prae- 

9 sidio Carthaginiensium fore. Haec ubi convenerunt, 
tunc vero Philemenus consuetudinem nocte egre- 
diundi redeundique in urbem frequentiorem facere. 
Et erat venandi studio insignis, canesque et alius 

10 apparatus sequebatur ; captumque ferme aliquid aut 
ab hoste ex praeparato adlatum reportans donabat 
aut praefecto aut custodibus portarum. Nocte 
maxime commeare propter metum hostium crede- 

11 Ubi iam eo consuetudinis adducta res est ut, 
quocumque noctis tempore sibilo dedisset signum, 
porta aperiretur, tempus agendae rei Hannibali 

12 visum est. Tridui viam aberat ; ubi, quo minus 

^ suas Wesenberg : om. P(l). 

* hospitia Romanorum cum Weissenborn, Conway : om. 
P(l), a lost line : varioiis emendations. 


BOOK XXV. vni. 5-12 

and Philemenus advanced to the outposts, were b.c. 212 
seized and at their own request brought before 
Hannibal. After explaining the reasons for their 
plan and what they were plotting, they were warmly 
commended and loaded with promises. In order 
to make their fellow-citizens believe they had left 
the city to forage, they were bidden to drive to the 
city cattle belonging to the Carthaginians which had 
been turned out to gi-aze. Pi-omise was given that 
they would do so in safety and without a conflict. 
The young men's booty attracted attention, and less 
astonishment was caused by their making the same 
venture again and again. On meeting Hannibal 
again they had his formal assurance that the Taren- 
tines as free men should have their own laws and all 
their possessions, and pay no tribute to the Cartha- 
ginians nor admit a garrison against their own wish ; 
that houses occupied by Romans should be handed 
over, together with the garrison, and be assigned to 
the Carthaginians. So much agreed upon, Phile- 
menus thereafter made it his more constant habit to 
leave the city and return to it by night. In fact he 
was noted for his devotion to the chase, and his 
hounds and other equipment would follow him. 
Usually he carried back something he had taken or 
that the enemy had brought him by agreement, and 
he would give it either to the commandant or to the 
gate-guards. They believed that he came and went 
preferably by night for fear of the enemy. 

When the thing had become so habitual that the 
gate was opened at whatever hour of the night he gave 
the signal by a whistle, it seemed to Hannibal to be 
the time for action. He was at a distance of three 
days' march, and there he played the invalid, that his 




^'^^.?' mirum esset uno eodemque loco stativa eum tarn diu 
13 habere, aegrum simulabat. Romanis quoque qui in 
praesidio Tarenti erant suspecta esse tam ^ segnis 
mora eius desierat. IX. Ceterum postquam Taren- 
tum ire constituit, decern milibus peditum atque 
equitum, quos in expeditionem velocitate corporum 
ae levitate armorum aptissimos esse ratus est, 

2 electis, cjuarta vigilia noctis signa movit, prae- 
missisque octoginta fere Numidis equitibus praecepit 
ut discurrerent circa vias perlustrarentque omnia 
oculis, ne quis agrestium procul spectator agminis 

3 falleret ; praegressos retraherent, obvios occiderent, 
ut praedonum magis quam exercitus accolis species 
esset. Ipse raptim agmine acto quindecim ferme 

4 milium spatio castra ab Tarento posuit, et ne ibi 
quidem denuntiato ^ quo pex'gerent, tantum convo- 
catos milites monuit via omnes irent nee deverti 
quemquam aut excedere ordine agminis paterentur, 
et in primis intenti ad imperia accipienda essent neu 
quid nisi ducum iussu facerent ; se in tempore editu- 

5 rum quae vellet agi. Eadem ferme hora Tarentum 
fama praevenerat Numidas equites paucos populari 

G agros terroremque late agrestibus iniecisse. Ad 
quena nuntium nihil ultra motus praefectus Romanus 
quam ut partem equitum postero die luce prima 
iuberet exire ad arcendum populationibus hostem ; 

7 in cetera adeo nihil ab eo intenta cui'a est ut contra 

^ tam Madvig : iam P(2) : orn. Ax. 
* denuntiato Madvig : nuntiato P(l). 


BOOK XXV. viir. 12-ix. 7 

keeping a fixed camp so long in one and the same b.c. 212 
place might cause less wondei*. The Romans also 
on garrison duty at Tai'entum had ceased to find 
such prolonged inaction suspicious. IX. Once he 
had detei'mined, however, to go to Tarentum, he 
picked ten thousand infantry and cavalry — the men 
whom he thought best suited to the enterprise on 
account of swiftness of foot and lightness of arms 
— and at the fourth watch of the night got in motion. 
And he ordered some eighty Numidian horsemen, 
who were sent in advance, to scour the country near 
the roads and keep an eye in every direction, that 
no farmer in the distance might observe the colimin 
without being noticed. They were to hold up those 
ahead of them and slay those they met, so that 
people living near by might have the impression of 
foragers rather than of an army. He himself, after 
a forced mai*ch, pitched camp at a distance of about 
fifteen miles from Tarentum. And not even there 
did he announce whither they were going. He 
merely summoned the soldiers and bade them all to 
keep to the road and not allow anyone to turn aside 
or leave his place in the column ; and to be especially 
alert to hear commands and not to do anything 
without orders from their officers. He would in due 
time inform them what he wished to have done. 
About the same hour a rumour had preceded him to 
Tarentum that a few Numidian horsemen were 
ravaging the ftirms and had inspired widespread 
alarm among the rustics. On receiving this news 
the Roman commandant was only so far aroused as to 
command part of the cavalry to go out the next day at 
dawn, in order to prevent depredations of the enemy. 
For the rest his attention was so Uttle aroused that 

B B 2 


A.u.c. pro argiimento fuerit ilia procursatio Numidarum 
"^ " Hannibalem exercitumque e castris non movisse. 

8 Hannil)al concubia noctc niovit. Dux Philemenus 
erat cum solito captae venationis onere ; ceteri 
proditores ea quae composita erant expectabant. 

9 Convenerat autem ut Philemenus portula adsueta 
venationem inferens armatos induceret, pai'te alia 

10 portam Temenitida adiret Hannibal. Ea niedi- 
terranea regio est orientem spectans ; busta ^ ali- 
quantum intra nioenia includunt. Cum portae 
adpropinquaret, editus ex composito ignis ab Hanni- 
bale est refulsitque idem redditum ab Nieone signum ; 

11 extinctae deinde utrimque flammae sunt. Hannibal 
silentio ducebat ad portam. Nico ex improvise 
adortus sopitos vigiles in eubilibus suis obtruncat 

12 portamque aperit. Hannibal cum peditum agmine 
ingreditur, equites subsistere iubet, ut quo res 

13 postulet occurrere libero campo possent. Et Phile- 
menus portulae parte alia, qua commeare adsuerat, 
adpropinquabat. Nota vox eius et familiar e iam 
signum cum excitasset vigilem, dicenti ^ vix sustineri 

14 grandis bestiae onus portula aperitur. Inferentes 
aprimi duos invenes secutus ipse cum expedito 
venatore vigilem, incautius miraculo magnitudinis in 

15 eos qui ferebant versiun venabulo traicit. Ingressi 
deinde triginta fere armati ceteros vigiles obtruncant 

^ spectans ; busta Vssing : spectabest P (-bast P'?) : 
spectabat (1). 

^ dicenti a; : clicenteP(l). 

1 I.e. at the time of the first sound sleep, not yet intempesta 
node (toward midnight) ; Cicero de Div. I. 57 ; Macrobius 
I. iii. 15. 

BOOK XXV. IX. 7-15 

on the contrary the raid of the Numidians was to b.c. 1:12 
him a proof that Hannibal and the army had not 
stirred from their camp. 

Hannibal broke camp early in the night. ^ His 
guide was Philemenus with his usual load of game. 
The rest of the traitors were Avaiting for acts pre- 
viously arranged. It had been agreed, namely, that 
Philemenus, as he brought in his game by the usual 
postern, should lead in armed men, while on another 
side Hannibal should approach the Temenitis Gate. 
That quarter is toward the inland, facing east; 
tombs occupy a considerable space inside the walls. 
As he appi-oached the gate the fire signal was given 
by Hannibal according to agreement, and in reply 
from Nico the same signal blazed ; then on both 
sides the flames were extinguished. Hannibal was 
leading his men silently to the gate. Nico unex- 
pectedly attacks the sleeping sentries in their beds, 
slays them and opens the gate. Hannibal with his 
infantry column enters, orders the cavalry to halt, so 
that they can meet the enemy in the open, in what- 
ever direction the situation may require. And Phile- 
menus on another side of the city was approaching 
the postern by which he was accustomed to come 
and go. His well-known voice and the now familiar 
signal having aroused a sentry, the little gate was 
opened for Philemenus, just as he was saying they 
could scarcely carry the weight of a huge beast. 
While two young men were carrying in the boar, 
he himself followed them with a huntsman who was 
unencumbered, and as the sentry, thrown off his 
guard by its marvellous size, faced the men who 
were carrying it, Philemenus ran him through with 
a hunting spear. Then about thirty armed men 



A-u-c. refringuntque portam proximam, et agmen sub 
signis confestim inrupit. Inde cum silentio in forum 

16 ducti Hannibali sese coniunxerunt. Tum duo milia 
Gallorum Poenus in tres divisa partis per urbem 
dimittit ; Tarentinos iis addit duces binos ^ ; itinera 

17 quam maxume frequentia occupari iubet, tumultu 
orto llomanos passim caedi, oppidanis parci. Sed 
ut fieri id posset, praecipit iuvenibus Tarentinis ut, 
ubi quem suorum procul vidissent, quiescere ac silere 
ac bono animo esse iuberent. 

X. lam tumultus erat clamorque qualis esse in 
capta urbe solet; sed quid rei esset nemo satis pro 

2 certo scire. Tarentini Romanos ad diripiendam 
urbem credere coortos ; Romanis seditio aliqua cum 

3 fraud e vidcri ab oppidanis mota. Praefectus primo 
excitatus tumultu in portum effugit ; inde acceptus 

4 scapha in arcem circumvehitur./ Errorem et tuba 
audita ex theatro faciebat ; nam et Romana erat, a 
proditoribus ad hoc ipsum praeparata, et inscienter a 
Graeco inflata quis aut quibus signum daret incertum 

5 efficiebat. Ubi inluxit, et Romanis Punica et Gallica 
arma cognita dubitationem exemerunt, et Graeci 
Romanos passim caede stratos cernentes, ab Hanni- 

6 bale captam urbem senserunt. /Postquam lux certior 
erat et Romani qui caedibus superfuerant in arcem 

1 iis addit duces binos Botkher : om. P{1), a lost line re' 
stored from Polybius VIII. xxx (xxxii). 1. 


BOOK XXV. I.X. 15-X. 6 

entered, cut down the rest of the sentries and broke b.c. 212 
open the neighbouring gate ; and the column Avith its 
standards at once rushed in. Thence they were 
marched in silence to the market-place and joined 
Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent two thousand 
Gauls, divided into three units, through the city, and 
to each he attached two Tarentines as guides. He 
ordered them to occupy the most frequented streets, 
and when the uproar had begun, to slay the Romans 
everywhere, to spare the townspeople. But to 
make this possible he instructed the young Tarentines, 
whenever they saw one of their own people in the 
distance, to bid him be quiet and say nothing and 
be of good cheer. 

X. Already there was such uproar and shouting as 
is usual in a captured city, but what it was about no 
one quite knew for certain. The Tarentines believed 
the Romans had sui-prised them, in order to plunder 
the city ; the Romans thought it was some kind of 
uprising treacherously started by the townspeople. 
The commandant, aroused by the first uproar, escaped 
to the harbour ; picked up by a skiff, he Avas rowed 
__around from there to the citadel. Confusion 
was caused also by the sound of a trumpet from the 
theatre. For it was a Roman trumpet, furnished by 
the traitors for this very purpose; and in addition, 
being unskillfully sounded by a Greek, it left it 
uncertain who was giving the signal and to whom. 
When day broke the Punic and Gallic arms, now 
recognized, relieved the Romans of their uncertainty, 
and at the same time the Greeks, seeing slain 
Romans everywhere, were aware that the city had 
been captui*ed by Hannibal. When it was no longer 
tAnlight and the Romans who survived the slaughter 



A.u.c. confugcrant conticiscebatque paulatim tumultus, 
turn Hannibal Tarentinos sine armis convocare iubet. 

7 Convencre omncs, praeterquam qui cedentis in 
arccm Romanes ad omnem adeundam simul fortu- 

8 nam persecuti fuerant. Ibi Hannibal benigne 
adlocutus Tarentinos testatusque quae praestitisset 
civibus eorum quos ad Trasumennum aut ad Cannas 

y cepisset, simul in dominationem superbam Romano- 
rum invectus, recipere se in domos suas quemque 
iussit et foribus nomen suum inscribere ; se domos 
eas quae inscriptae non essent signo extemplo dato 
diripi iussurum ; si quis in hospitio civis Romani — 
vacuas autem tenebant domos — nomen inscripsisset, 

10 eum se pro hoste habiturimi. Contione dimissa cum 
titulis notatae fores discrimen pacatae ab hostili 
domo fecisscnt, signo dato ad diripienda hospitia 
Romana passim discursum est; et fuit praedae 
aliquantum. / 

XL Poslero die ad oppugnandam arcem ducit; 
quam cum et a mari, quo in paene insulae modum 
pars maior circumluitur, praealtis rupibus et ab ipsa 
lu'be muro et fossa ingenti saeptam videret eoque 
2 nee vi nee operibus expugnabilem esse, ne aut se 
ipsum cura tuendi Tarentinos a maioribus rebus 
moraretur, aut in relictos sine valido praesidio 
Tarentinos impetum ex arce, cum vellent, Romani 
facerent, vallo urbem ab arce intersaepire statuit, 

1 According to Polybius the legend was to be simply 
TapavTiVou; VIII. xxxi. 4. 

BOOK XXV. x. 6-xi. 2 

had fled to the citadel, and the uproax- was gradually B.c.212 
being stilled, Hannibal then gave orders to summon 
the Tarentines without arms. They all assembled, 
except those who had followed the Romans in their 
retreat to the citadel, to share with them any out- 
come. Thereupon Hannibal had kind words for the 
Tarentines and called to mind what he had done for 
their fellow-citizens whom he had captured at the 
Trasumennus or at Cannae. At the same time he 
inveighed against the haughty rule of the Romans 
and ordered them to go each to his own house and 
to write his name on the door.i He would order that 
at a given signal such houses as were not marked 
should at once be plundered. If any one should 
write his name on the quarters of a Roman citizen 
— now they w' ere occupying vacant houses — he would 
regard such a man as an enemy. After the assembly 
had been dismissed and the marking of doors had 
distinguished the house of a citizen from that of an 
enemy, the signal was given and they scattered in 
all directions to plunder the Roman dwellings ; and 
the booty was considerable. 

XL On the next day he led his men to an attack 
upon the citadel. He saw that not only was this 
defended by very high cliffs on the side towards the 
sea, which surrounds the larger part of it as a penin- 
sula, but on the side toward the city itself by a wall 
and a great fosse, and hence could not be taken by 
assault nor by siege-works. Accordingly, to avoid 
either keeping himself from larger operations in his 
effort to protect the Tarentines, or else letting the 
Romans, whenever they pleased, make an attack 
from the citadel upon the Tarentines if he left them 
without a strong garrison, he decided to wall off 




3 non sine ilia etiam spe, cum prohibentibus opus 
Romanis manum posse conseri et, si ferocius procu- 
currissent, magna caede ita attenuari praesidii vires, 
ut facile per se ipsi Tarentini urbem ab iis tueri 

4 possent. Ubi coeptum opus est, patefacta repente 
porta impetum in munientis fecerunt Romani pellique 
se static passa est quae pro opere erat, ut successu 
cresceret audacia pluresque et longius pulsos perse- 

5 querentur. Turn signo dato coorti undique Poeni 
sunt, quos instructos ad hoc Hannibal tenuerat. 
Nee sustinuere impetum Romani, sed ab effusa fuga 
loci angustiae eos impeditaque alia opere iam coepto, 

6 alia apparatu operis morabantur. Plm-imi in fossam 
praecipitavere, occisique sunt plures in fuga quam in 

7 pugna. Inde et ^ opus nullo prohibente fieri coep- 
tum : fossa ingens ducta, et vallum intra earn erigi- 
tur, modicoque post intervallo murum etiam eadem 
regione addere parat, ut vel sine praesidio tueri se 

8 adversus Romanos possent. Reliquit tamen modi- 
cum praesidium, simul ut in perficiendo muro adiu- 
varet. Ipse profectus cum ceteris copiis ad Galae- 
sum flumen — quinque milia ab urbe abest — ^posuit 

9 Ex his stativis regressus ad inspiciendum, quod 
opus aliquantum opinione eius celerius creverat, 

1 IndeetP(l): indo Madvig. 

BOOK XXV. XI. 3-9 

the city from the citadel by an earthwork. He was b.c. 212 
not without the hope also that he could engage the 
Romans if they tried to prevent the work, and that, 
if they should make a furious sally, the strength of 
the garrison would be so reduced by serious losses 
that the Tarentines by themselves could easily defend 
the city against them. After fortification began, a 
gate was suddenly opened and the Romans made 
an attack upon the men at work. And the outpost 
stationed in advance of the work allowed itself to 
be di'iven back, that boldness might grow with 
success and a larger number might pursue the 
repulsed and to a greater distance. Then at a given 
signal the Carthaginians, whom Hannibal had kept 
draAvn up for this purpose, rose up on all sides. And 
the Romans did not withstand the attack, but limited 
space and ground obstructed partly by the work 
already begun, partly by preparations for the work, 
kept them from a disorderly flight. Very many 
leaped into the fosse, and more were slain in flight 
than in battle. Then even fortification began to 
proceed, Mith no one attempting to prevent. A 
great fosse was carried along, and inside of it an 
earthwork was raised; and at a short distance he 
prepared to add a stone wall likewise in the same 
direction, so that even without a garrison they could 
protect themselves against the Romans. He did, 
however, leave a garrison of moderate size, to aid as 
well in the completion of the wall. He himself set 
out with the rest of his forces and pitched camp at 
the river Galaesus, which is five miles from the city. 
On returning from this permanent camp to inspect, 
inasmuch as the work had progressed with con- 
siderably more speed than he had anticipated, he 



A^u.c. spem cepit etiam arcem expugnari posse. Et est 
non altitudine, ut ceterae,^ tuta, sed loco piano posita 

10 et ab urbe muro tantiim ac fossa divisa. Cum iam 
machinationum omni genere et operibus oppugna- 
retur, missum a Metaponto praesidiiun Romanis 
fecit animum ut nocte ex inproviso opera hostium 
invaderent. Alia disiecerunt, alia igni corruperunt, 
isque finis Hannibali fuit ea parte arcem oppugnandi. 

11 Reliqua erat in obsidione spes, nee ea satis efficax, 
quia arcem tenentes, quae in paene insula posita im- 
minet faucibus portus, mare liberum habebant, urbs 
contra exclusa maritimis commeatibus propiusque in- 

12 opiam erant obsidentes quam obsessi. Hannibal 
convocatis principibus Tarentinis omnes praesentis 
difficultates exposuit : neque arcis tarn munitae 
expugnandae cernere viam neque in obsidione 
quicquam habere spei, donee mari hostes potiantur ; 

13 quod si naves sint, quibus commeatus invehi pro- 
hibeat, extemplo aut arce cessui'os - aut dedituros se 

14 hostis. Adsentiebantur Tarentini ; ceterum ei qui 
consilium adferret opem quoque in cam rem adferen- 

15 dam censebant esse. Punicas enim naves ex Sicilia 
accitas id posse facere ; suas, quae sinu exiguo intus 
inclusae essent, cum claustra portus hostis haberet, 
quem ad modum inde in apertum mare evasuras ? 

16 " Evadent " inquit Hannibal; " multa quae inpedita 
natui*a sunt consilio expediuntur. Urbem in campo 

^ ceterae Crevier : cetera P(l). 

* arce ccssuTOs Gronoviiis : arcessuros P(l) : absccssuros ^4*. 

^ According to Strabo VI. ill. 1 the only elevation of any 
consequence Avas the citadel. 

- The mouth of the harbour was closed, as Strabo (I.e.) says, 
by a large bridge. 


BOOK XXV. XI. 9-16 

hoped that the citack-l also could be taken by storm. B.c.212 
And it is not defended by height/ as other citadels 
are, but is on level ground and separated from the 
city merely by a wall and a fosse. While the attack 
was now in progress with engines of every kind and 
with siege-works, a garrison sent from Metapontum 
encouraged the Romans to make a surprise attack 
by night upon the works of the enemy. Some of 
these they pulled apart, others they ruined by fire; 
and this was the end of Hannibal's attack upon the 
citadel from that side. His remaining hope was in 
a blockade, and that was not very effectual, because 
the occupants of the citadel, which is situated on a 
peninsula and commands the harbour mouth, had the 
sea at their disposal, while the city on the other 
hand was shut off from supplies by sea and the 
besiegers were nearer to starvation than the besieged. 
Hannibal summoned the leading men of Tarentum 
and laid before them all the difficulties of the 
situation, saying that he neither saw a way to take 
so well fortified a citadel by storm, nor had any hope 
in a blockade, so long as the enemy had command of 
the sea. But if he should have ships with which to 
prevent the bringing in of supplies, the enemy 
would at once either withdraw from the citadel or 
surrender. The Tarentines assented, but thought 
that the giver of advice must give aid also to carry 
it out. For Carthaginian ships, summoned from. 
Sicily, they said, could do it. As for their own ships, 
which were shut up inside a very small bay, while the 
enemy held the key to the harbour ,2 how were they 
to get out into the open sea ? " They will get out ", 
said Hannibal; " many things Avhich are naturally 
difficult are solved by ingenuity. You have a city 


51 -J 


sitam habetis ; planae et satis latae viae patent in 

17 omnis partis. Via quae e portu per mediam urbem 
ad mare transmissa est plaustris transveham naves 
baud magna mole, et mare nostrum erit, quo nunc 
hostes potiuntur, et illinc mari, hinc terra circumsede- 
bimus arcem ; immo brevi aut relictam ab hostibus 

18 aut cum ipsis hostibus capiemus." Haec oratio non 
spem modo effectus sed ingentem etiam ducis 
admirationem fecit. Contracta extemplo undique 
plaustra iunctaque inter se, et machinae ad subdu- 
cendas naves admotae, munitumque iter, quo faci- 
liora plaustra minorque moles in transitu esset. 

19 lumenta inde et homines contracti et opus inpigre 
coeptum ; paucosque post dies classis instructa ac 
parata circumvehitur arcem et ante os ipsum portus 

20 ancoras iacit. Hunc statum rerum Hannibal Tarenti 
relinquit regressus ipse in hiberna. Ceterum defectio 
Tarentinorum utrum priore anno an hoc facta sit, in 
diversum auctores trahunt ; plures propioresque 
aetate memoriae rerum hoc anno factam tradunt. 

XII. Romae consules praetoresque usque ad ante 

2 diem quintum kal. Maias Latinae tenuerunt. Eo die 
perpetrato sacro in monte in suas quisque provincias 
proficiscuntur. Religio deinde nova obiecta est ex 

3 carminibus Marcianis. Vates hie Marcius inlustris 
fuerat, et cum conquisitio priore anno ex senatus con- 

1 That 213 B.C. was the correct date for their defection is 
shown by XX VII. xxv. 4. 

2 Mons Albanus (Monte Cavo), where a sacrifice on the 
fourth day brought the festival to an end. 


BOOK XXV. XI. 16-X11. 3 

situated in a plain. Level streets of ample breadth b.o. 212 
lead in all directions. Along the street that is 
carried across from the harbour through the centre 
of the city to the sea I shall transport ships on wagons 
with no great difficulty, and the sea, which the enemy 
now possess, will be ours, and we shall besiege the 
citadel on that side by sea, on this side by land ; or 
rather we shall soon either take it, abandoned by the 
enemy, or take it enemy and all." This speech 
produced not merely the hope of success, but great 
admiration for the general as well. At once wagons 
were assembled fi-om everywhere and joined together, 
and the tackle brought to draw up the ships, and the 
roadway paved, that the wagons might be easier to 
move, and the difficulty of transport lessened. Then 
mules and men were brought together and the work 
was begun ^vith energy. And so a few days later a 
fleet furnished and equipped sailed around the citadel 
and cast anchor at the very mouth of the harbour. 
Such was the state of things which Hannibal left at 
Tarentum when he himself returned to his winter 
quarters. But whether the rebellion of the Taren- 
tines took place in the previous year or in this year, 
authorities differ.^ More of them and those nearer 
in time to men who remembered the events relate 
that it occurred in this year. 

XII. At Rome the consuls and praetors were 
detained by the Latin festival until the 26th of April. 
After performing the rites on that day on the 
Mount,2 each set out for his assignment. Then fresh 
religious scruples were aroused by the verses of 
Marcius. A noted seer had been this Marcius, and 
when in the preceding year search was being made by 
decree of the senate for such books, they had come 



A.u.c. sulto talium librorum fieret, in M. Aemili praetoris 

4 urban!,' qui earn rem agebat, manus venerant. Is 
protinus novo praetori Sullae tradiderat. Ex huius 
Marcii duobus carminibus alterius post rem actam ^ 
editi comprobata ^ auctoritas eventu alteri quoque, 
cuius nondum tenipus venerat, adferebat fidem. 

5 Priore carmine Cannensis praedicta clades in haec 
fere verba erat : " Amnem, Troiugena,* fuge Can- 
nam, ne te alienigenae cogant in campo Diomedis 

6 conserere manus. Sed neque credes tu mihi, donee 
compleris sanguine campum, multaque milia occisa 
tua deferet amnis in pontum magnum ex terra 
frugifei'a; piscibus atque avibus ferisque quae 
incolunt terras iis fuat esca caro tua. Nam mihi ita 

7 luppiter fatus est." Et Diomedis Argivi campos et 
Cannam flumen ii qui militaverant in iis locis iuxta 

8 atque ipsam cladem agnoscebant. Tum alterum 
carmen recitatum, non eo tantum obscurius quia 
incei'tiora futura praeteritis sunt, sed perplexius 

9 etiam scripturae genere. " Hostis, Romani, si 
expellere ^ vnltis, vomicam ^ quae gentium venit 
longe, Apollini vovendos censeo ludos, qui quot- 
annis comiter Apollini fiant; cum populus dederit 
ex publico partem, privati uti conferant pro se atque 

10 suis ; iis ludis faciendis praeerit ' pi*aetor is qui ius 

^ urbani Sigonius : urbem P(4) : urb' (or -bis) C*M^?BDA : 
rejected by Walters. 

2 actam C.-l*' : actaP(lO): factam i/cwiwjr. 

* comprobata Ussing : cumrato P(4) : curato BDA : 
comperto Walters. 

* Troiugena G. Hermann : -nam P(l), adding romanae, 
probably a gloss. 

* expellere P{\) : ex agro expellere Macrobiiis 1. xvii. 28. 
^ vomicam .4 Macrobius : vomica P(2). 

' praeerit CM'^B'^A' : praeterit P(10) : praesit Macrobius. 


BOOK XXV. xii. 3-1 o 

into the hands of Marcus Aemilius,^ the praetor b.c. 212 
urbanus, who was in charge of the matter. He had 
immediately turned them over to the new praetor, 
Sulla. Of the two prophecies 2 of this Marcius the 
authority of one, made known after the event, was 
confirmed by the outcome and lent credibiUty to the 
other also, whose time had not yet come. In the 
earlier prophecy the disaster at Cannae had been 
predicted in such terms as these : " Flee the river 
Canna, thou descendant of Troy, that foreigners may 
not compel thee to do battle in the Plain of Diomcd. 
But thou wilt not believe me until thou hast filled 
the plain with blood, and many thousands of thy 
slain will the river bear from the fruitful land down 
to the great sea. To fishes and birds and beasts that 
dwell on the land thy flesh shall be meat. For 
thus hath Jupiter declared to me." And those who 
had fought in that region recognized the plains of 
the Argive Diomed and the river Canna no less than 
the disaster itself. Then the second prophecy was 
read, being not only more obscure because the 
future is more uncertain than the past, but more 
difficult also in the way it was ^\Titten. " If you wish, 
Romans, to drive out enemies, the sore which has 
come from afar, I propose that a festival be vowed 
to Apollo, to be observed with good cheer in honour of 
Apollo every year. Wlien the people shall have given 
a part out of the treasury, private citizens shall con- 
tribute on their own behalf and that of their families. 
In charge of the conduct of that festival shall be the 
praetor who is then chief judge for the people and 

^ For the error cf. note on i. 11. 

- The rough hexameters (probably translated from the 
Greek) had been reduced to prose. 



A.u.c. populo plebeique dabit summum ; decemviri Graeco 
ritu hostiis sacra faciant. Hoc si rccte facietis, 
gaudebitis semper fictque res vesti'a melior; nam is 
deum ^ extinguet perduellis vestros qui vestros 

1 1 campos pascit placide." Ad id carmen explanandum ^ 
diem imum sumpserunt ; postero die senatus con- 
sultum factum est lit decemviri "^ de ludis ApoUini 

12 reque di\-ina facienda inspicerent. F-a cum inspecta 
relataque ad senatum essent, censuerunt patres 
Apollini ludos vovendos faciendosque et, qiiando 
ludi facti essent, duodecim milia aeris praetori ad 

13 rem divinam et duas hostias maiores dandas. Alte- 
rum senatus consultum factum est ut decemWri 
sacrum Graeco ritu facerent hisque hostiis, Apollini 
bove aurato et capris duabus albis auratis, Latonae 

14 bove femina aurata. Ludos praetor in circo maximo 
cum facturus esset, edixit ut populus per eos ludos 
stipem Apollini, quantam commodum esset, con- 

15 ferret. Haec est origo ludorum Apollinarium, 
victoriae, non valetudinis ergo, ut plerique rentur, 
votorum factorumque. Populus coronatus spectavit, 
matronae supplicavere ; vulgo apertis ianuis in 
propatulo ■* epulati sunt, celeberque dies omni 
caerimoniarum genere fuit. 

XIII. Cum Hannibal circa Tarentum, consules 

^ deum Bi&mann {or divum) : dium P(l) : divus x Macro- 

- explanaiKhnn P-(l) Madvlg : cxpiandiim P Walters. 
^ decemviri F(l) : decemvii'i libros z Macrobius. 

* propatulo A : -lis P(2). 

^ ' I.e. the decemviri sacris faciundis, charged with the over- 
sight of sacrifices. 

* The lihri Sibyllini, of which the decemvirs were the 
custodians and authorized interpreters, but could not refer 
to them unless emjiowered by a decree of the senate. 


BOOK XXV. XII. lo-xiii. I 

the commons. The decemvirs ^ shall offer the victims b.c. 212 
according to Greek rite. If ye will do this rightly 
ye shall forever rejoice, and your state will change 
for the better. For that god who graciously nurtures 
your meadows will destroy your enemies." For the 
interpretation of the prophecy they took one day. 
On the next day the senate made a decree that in 
regard to the festival to be held and the sacrifices in 
lionour of Apollo the decemvirs should consult the 
books. 2 Those passages having been consulted and 
reported to the senate, the fathers voted that a 
festival should be vowed and held in honour of Apollo, 
and after the festival had been held the sum of twelve 
thousand asses should be given to the praetor for 
the ceremonies, and two full-grown victims. A second 
decree of the senate was made, that the decemvirs 
should offer sacrifice according to Greek rite and 
with these victims : to Apollo an ox with gilded 
horns and two white she-goats ^ with gilded horns, 
to Latona a cow with gilded horns. When the 
praetor was about to open the festival in the Circus 
Maximus, he ordered by edict that during that feast 
the people should make their contribution to Apollo 
according to their means. Such is the origin of the 
festival of Apollo, vowed and kept to secure victory, 
not health, as most think. The people wore garlands 
at the spectacles, the matrons offered prayers, 
everybody feasted in the atrium with open doors, 
and the day was kept with every kind of ceremony. 
XIII. While Hannibal was near Tarentum, and 

^ As she-goats would surely be offered to Diana, not to 
Apollo, there is good reason to believe that her name has been 
lost from the text, and before Macrobius' time, since lie has 
the same statement; Saturnalia I. xvii. 29. 

cc 2 

A.u.a ambo in Samnio essent, sed circumsessuri Capuam 

642 ^ 

viderentur, quod malum diuturnae obsidionis esse 

solet, iam famem Campani sentiebant, quia sementem 

2 facere prohibuerant eos Romani exercitus. Itaque 
legates ad Hannibalem miserunt orantes ut, prius- 
quam consules iii agros suos educerent legiones 
viacque omnes hostium praesidiis insiderentur, 
frumentum ex propinquis locis convehi iuberet 

3 Capuam. Hannibal Hannonem ex Bruttiis cum 
exercitu in Campaniam transire et dare operam ut 

4 frumenti copia fieret Campanis iussit. Hanno ex 
Bruttiis profectus cum exercitu, vitabundus castra 
hostium consulesque, qui in Samnio erant, cum 
Benevento iam adpropinquaret, tria milia passuum 

5 ab ipsa urbe loco edito castra posuit ; inde ex sociis 
circa populis, quo aestate comportatum erat, devehi 
frumentum in castra iussit praesidiis datis quae 

6 commeatus eos prosequerentur. Capuam inde nun- 
tium misit qua die in castris ad accipiendum frumen- 
tum praesto essent omni undique genere vehiculorum 

7 iumentorumque ex agris contracto. Id pro cetera 
socordia neglegentiaque a Campanis actum : paulo 
plus quadringenta vehicula missa et pauca praeterea 
iumenta. Ob id castigatis ab Hannone quod ne 
fames quidem, quae mutas accenderet bestias, curam 
eorum stimulare posset, alia prodicta dies ad frumen- 

8 tum maiorc apparatu petendum. Ea omnia, sicut 
acta erant, cum enuntiata Beneventanis essent, 


BOOK XXV. xiii. 1-8 

both consuls were in Samniuni but seemed about to b.c 212 
invest Capua, already the Campanians were suffering 
hunger (the xisual hardsliip of a long investment), 
because the Roman armies had prevented them 
from sowing. And so they sent legates to Hannibal, 
praying that, before the consuls should lead the 
legions into their lands and all the roads should be 
blocked by forces of the enemy, he should order 
grain to be brought from neighbouring ])laces to 
Capua. Hannibal ordered Hanno to march with his 
army from the land of the Bruttii over into Cam- 
pania, and to see to it that the Campanians should 
have a supply of grain. Hanno set out from the land 
of the Bruttii with his army, avoided camps of the 
enemy and the consuls, who were in Samnium, and 
when he was now nearing Benevcntum, pitched 
camp on high ground three miles from the city itself. 
Then he ordered grain to be brought into camp from 
allied peoples of the neighbourhood, among whom it 
had been garnered in the summer ; and he furnished 
troops to escort the supplies. Then he sent word to 
Capua, naming a day on Avhich they should appear 
at the camp to get their grain, after bringing together 
from the farms on all sides every kind of vehicle 
and beast of burden. This order Avas carried out by 
the Campanians with their usual carelessness and 
indifference. Little more than four hundred vehicles 
were sent, and a few beasts of burden besides. For 
this they were censured by Hanno, that not even 
hunger, which, as he said, inflames even dumb 
brutes, could spur their diligence ; and another day 
was assigned for getting their grain with ampler 
means of transport. When all this was reported, 
just as it happened, to the Beneventans, they at once 



A.u.c. legates decern extemplo ad consules — circa Bovianuni 

castra Ronianoi-uni crant — miserunt. Qui cum au- 

ditis quae ad Capuam agerentur inter se comparassent 

lit alter in Campaniam exercitum duceret, Fulvius, 

cui ea provincia obvenerat, profectus nocte Bene- 

10 venti moenia est ingressus. Ex propinquo cognoscit 
Hannonem cum exercitus parte profectum frumen- 
tatum ; per quaestorem Campanis datum frumen- 
tiuTi ; duo milia plaustrorum, inconditam inermem- 
que aliam turbam advenisse ; per tumultum ac 
trcpidationem omnia agi, castrorumque formam et 
militarem ordinem inmixtis agrestibus et ^ iis ex- 
ternis sublatum. 

11 His satis compertis, consul militibus edicit, signa 
tantum armaque in proximam noctem expedirent ; 

12 castra Punica oppugnanda esse. Quarta vigilia 
profecti sarcinis omnibus impedimentisque Beneventi 
relictis, paulo ante lucem cum ad castra pervenissent, 
tantum pavoris iniecerunt ut, si in piano castra posita 
essent, baud dubie primo impetu capi potuerint. 

13 Altitudo loci et munimenta defendere,- quae nulla 
ex parte adiri nisi arduo ac difficili ascensu poterant. 

14 Luce prima proelium ingens accensum est. Nee val- 
lum modo tutantur Poeni, sed, ut quibus locus aequior 
esset, deturbant nitentis per ardua hostes. XI\\ 
Vincit tamen omnia pertinax virtus, et aliquot simul 
partibus ad vallum ac fossas perventum est, sed cum 

2 multis vulneribus ac militum pernicie. Itaque 

^ et Madvig : om. P(\). 

2 defendere Alschefski : -erent PCRMB=' : -erunt DA : 
-erant C*B. 

^ I.e. not Campanians. 

BOOK XXV. xiii. 8-.\iv. 2 

sent ten legates to the consuls, the camp of the "-0.2)2 
Romans being near IJovianum. The consuls, on 
hearing what was going on near Capua, mutually 
arranged that one of them should lead his army into 
Campania, and Fulvius, to whom that assignment had 
fallen, set out and entered the walls of Beneventum 
at night. Being near now, he learned that Hanno 
had gone with a part of his army to procure grain ; 
that through his quaestor grain had been furnished 
to the Campanians ; that two thousand wagons and 
in addition a mixed and unarmed multitude had 
arrived ; that everything was being done in con- 
fusion and excitement, and that the arrangement of 
the camp and military routine had been broken down 
by the influx of rustics, foreigners ^ at that. 

These facts being sufficiently established, the consul 
ordered the soldiers to make ready their standards and 
arms, and nothing else, for the following night ; they 
must attack the Carthaginian camp. Setting out at 
the fourth watch, leaving all their packs and baggage 
at Beneventum, they reached the camp shortly 
before daylight and inspired such panic that, if the 
camp had been placed on level ground, it could 
undoubtedly have been taken by the first assault. 
The lofty situation protected it, also the fortifications, 
which could not be apijroached from any side except 
by a steep and difficult slope. At daybreak a great 
battle blazed up. And the Carthaginians not only 
defended the earthwork but, as they had the more 
favourable situation, pushed down the enemy strug- 
gling up the steep slope. XIV. Nevertheless obstinate 
courage surmounted everything, and so the earth- 
work and the trenches were reached in several places 
at once, but with many wounds and heavy loss of 



A.u.o. convocatis legatis ^ tribunisque militum consul absis- 
tendum tcmerario incepto ait ; tutius sibi videri 
reduci eo die exercitum Beneventum, dein postero 
casti-a 2 castris hostium iungi, ne exire inde Campani 

3 neve Hanno regredi posset ; id quo facilius obtineatur, 
coUegam quoque ct exercitum eius se acciturum 
totumque eo versuros bellum. Haec consilia ducis, 
cum iam receptui caneret, clamor militum aspernan- 

4 tium tam segne imperium disiecit. Proxima forte 
hosti^ erat cohors Paeligna, cuius praefectus Vibius 
Accaus arreptum vexillum trans vallum hostium 

5 traiecit. Execratus inde seque et cohortem, si eius 
vexilli hostes potiti essent, princeps ipse per fossam 

6 vallumque in castra inrupit. lamque intra vallum 
Paeligni pugnabant, cum altera parte, Valerio Flacco 
tribuno-militum tertiae legionis exprobrante Romanis 
ignaviam, qui sociis captorum castrorum concederent 

7 decus, T. Pedanius princeps primus centurio, cum 
signifero signum ademisset, " lam hoc signum et hie 
centurio" inquit "intra vallvmi hostium erit: 
sequantur qui capi signum ab hoste prohibituri sunt." 
Manipulares sui primum transcendentem fossam, 

8 dein legio tota secuta est. Iam et consul, ad con- 
spectum transgredientium vallum mutato consilio, 
ab revocando ad incitandos hortandosque versus 

1 legatis Alschefski : om. P(l). 

^ castra Cramer : om. P{\). 

* forte hosti Madvig, Emend. : portae (-e) hostium P{1). 



men. Accordingly the consul called together his d.c. 212 
lieutenants and tribunes of the soldiers and told 
them he must give up his rash undertaking ; that it 
seemed to him safer to lead the army back that day 
to Beneventum, and then on the following day to 
pitch camp close to that of the enemy, so that the 
Campanians might not be able to leave it nor Hanno 
to return. To accomplish that more readily, he 
would summon his colleague also and his army, and 
they would focus the entire war upon that point. 
These plans of the general were disrupted, when he 
was already sounding the recall, by the shouts of 
the soldiers rejecting an order so lacking in spirit. 
Nearest to the enemy happened to be a Paelignian 
cohort, whose prefect Vibius Accaus seized the 
banner and threw it over the enemy's earthwork. 
Then, with a curse upon himself and the cohort if 
the enemy should get possession of that banner, he 
was himself the first to dash over the trench and wall 
into the camp. And already the Paelignians were 
fighting inside the wall, when from the other side of 
the camp, while ^'alerius Flaccus, tribune of the 
soldiers of the third legion, was reproaching the 
Romans for their cowardice in yielding to allies the 
honour of capturing the camp, Titus Pedanius, fii'st 
centurion of the piincipes, took a standard away from 
the standard-bearer and said " This standard and 
this centurion will in a moment be inside the enemy's 
wall. Let those follow who are to prevent the stan- 
dard from being captured by the enemy." First the 
men of his own maniple followed him as he crossed 
the trench, then the whole legion. And now the 
consul at the sight of men crossing the wall changed 
his plan, turned from recalling his soldiers to arousing 



A.U.C. milites, ostenderc in quanto discrimine ac pcriculo 
fortissinia cohors sociorum et civium legio essct. 
9 Itaque pro se quisque omnes per aequa atque 
iniqua loca, cum undique tela conicerentur arma- 
que et corpora hostes obicerent, pervadunt inrum- 
puntque ; niulti volnerati ctiam quos vires et sanguis 
desereret, ut intra vallum hostium caderent nite- 

10 bantur. Capta itaque momento tcmporis velut 
in piano sita ncc permunita castra. Caedes inde, 
non iam pugna erat omnibus intra vallum permixtis. 

11 Supra sex^ milia hostium occisa, supra septem 
milia capitimi cum frumentatoribus Campanis 
omnique plaustrorum et iumentorum apparatu 
capta; et alia ingcns pi-aeda fuit quam Hanno, 
populabundus passim cum isset, ex sociorum populi 

12 Romani agris traxerat. Inde deletis hostium castris 
Beneventum reditum, praedamque ibi ambo con- 
sules — nam et Ap. Claudius eo post paucos dies 

13 venit — vendiderunt diviseruntque. Et donati quo- 
rum opera castra hostium capta erant, ante alios 
Accaus Paelignus et T. Pedanius, princeps tertiae 

14 legionis. Hanno ab Cominio Ocrito, quo nuntiata 
castrorum clades est, cum paucis frumentatoribus 
quos forte secum habuerat fugae magis quam 
itineris modo in Bruttios rediit. XV. Et Campani, 
audita sua pariter sociorumque clade, legatos ad 

^ sex R'^Cl) : ex PB : x P^ : decern vulgate. 

BOOK XXV. XIV. 8-xv. i 

and encoura<:fin<r them, and pointed out to them in u.c. 212 
what a critical and perilous situation were the bravest 
cohort of the allies and a legion of their fellow- 
citizens. And so, each doing his best, over ground 
favourable and unfavourable, while javelins were 
being hurled from every side and the enemy were 
interposing weapons and their bodies, they made their 
way and burst in. Many wounded men, even those 
whose strength and blood were ebbing, strove to fall 
inside the enemy's wall. And so in a moment's time 
the camp was captured, just as if pitched on level 
ground and not strongly fortified. Then came 
slaughter, no longer mere battle, since everything 
inside the wall was in confusion. 

Over six thousand of the enemy were slain, over 
seven thousand men captured, including the Cam- 
panians who came for gi'ain, and the entire train of 
wacrons and mules. In addition there was the 
immense booty which Hanno, having set out to 
plunder far and wide, had taken from farms of allies 
of the Roman people. Then after destroying the 
enemy's camp they returned to Beneventum, and 
there the two consuls — for Appius Claudius came 
there a few days later — sold and divided the booty. 
And the men by whose efforts the camp of the enemy 
had been captured, were rewarded, first of all Accaus 
the Paehgnian and Titus Pedanius, first centurion of 
the third legion. Hanno, leaving Cominius Ocritus, 
where he received news of the disaster at the camp, 
with the few men he happened to have with him to 
get grain, returned in what resembled a flight rather 
than a march to the land of the Bruttii. XV. And 
the Campanians, hearing of what was a disaster as 
much to themselves as to their allies, sent legates to 



A^.c. Hannibalem miserunt, qui nuntiarent duos consules 
ad Beneventum esse, diei iter a Capua; tantum 
non ad portas et muros bellum esse ; ni propere 
subveniat, celerius Capuam quam Arpos in potesta- 

2 tern hostium venturam. Ne Tarentum quidem, 
non modo arcem, tanti debere esse ut Capuam, 
quam Carthagini acquare sit solitus, desertam inde- 

3 fensamque populo Romano tradat. Hannibal, curae 
sibi fore rem Campanam pollicitus, in praesentia duo 
milia equitum cum legatis mittit, quo praesidio 
agros populationibus possent prohibere. 

4 Romanis interim, sicut aliarum rerum, arcis 
Tarentinae praesidiique quod ibi obsideretur cura est. 
C. Servilius legatus, ex auctoritate patrum a P. Cor- 
nelio praetore in Etruriam ad frumentum coemen- 
dum missus, cum aliquot navibus onustis in portum 

5 Tarentinum inter hostium custodias pervenit. Cuius 
adventu qui ante in exigua spe vocati saepe ad trans- 
itionem ab hostibus per conloquia erant ultro ad 
transeundum hostis vocabant sollicitabantque. Et 
erat satis validum praesidium traductis ad arcem 
Tarenti tuendam qui Metaponti erant ^ militibus. 

6 ItaqUe Metapontini extemplo metu quo tenebantur 
liberati ad Hannibalem defecere. 

7 Hoc idem eadem ora maris et Thurini fecerunt. 
Movit eos non Tarentinorum magis defcctio Meta- 

^ qui Metaponti erant z : om. P(l ), a lost line. 

1 Cf. XXIV. xlvi f. 

BOOK XXV. XV. 1-7 

Hannibal to report that the two consuls were at b.c. 212 
Beneventum, a day's niai'ch from Capua; that 
the war was all but at their gates and walls ; and 
that, if he did not come to their aid in haste, Capua 
would fall into the power of the enemy more 
promptly than Arpi.^ They said that not even 
Tarentum, to say nothing of its citadel, ought to be 
of such importance that he should hand over to the 
Roman people the deserted and undefended Capua, 
which he had usually compared with Carthage. 
Hannibal, promising that the Campanian cause would 
be his concern, for the present sent two thousand 
hoi'semen with his lieutenants, that with this force 
they might be able to protect their farms from 

The Romans meantime were concerned among * 
other things for the citadel of Tarentum and the 
garrison there besieged. Gains Servilius, who as 
lieutenant had been sent by Publius Cornelius, the 
praetor, into Etruria by authority of the senate to 
purchase grain, made his way through the enemy's 
blockade into the harbour of Tarentum with a 
number of shiploads. Thanks to his coming, the 
men who until then in their faint hope had often 
been invited by the enemy in parleys to change 
sides were actually inviting and urging the enemy to 
change sides. And the garrison was in fact strong 
enough, now that soldiers who were at Metapontum 
had been transferred to defend the citadel of Taren- 
tum. Accordingly the Metapontines were at once 
relieved of the fear by which they were restrained, 
and went over to Hannibal. 

The Thurians also, on the same coast, did the 
same. What impelled them was not more the 




^642* pontinonimque, quibus indideni ex Achaia oriundi 
etiani eognatione iuncti erant, qiiani ira in Romanos 

8 propter obsides nuper interfectos. Eorum amici 
cognatique litteras ac nuntios ad Hannonem Mago- 
nemque, qui in propinquo in Bruttiis erant, miserunt, 
si excrcitimi ad mocnia admovissent, se in potestatem 

9 eoi'um urbem tradituros esse. M. Atinius Thuriis 
cum modico praesidio praeerat, quern facile elici 
ad certamen temere ineundum rebantur posse, 
non tarn ^ niilitum, quos perpaucos liabebat, fiducia 
quam iuventutis Thurinae ; earn ex industria centuria- 

10 verat armaveratque ad talis casus. Divisis copiis 
inter se duces Poeni cum agrum Thurinum ingressi 
essent, Hanno cum peditum agmine infestis signis ire 
ad urbem pergit, Mago cum equitatu tectus coUibus 

11 apte ad tegendas insidias oppositis subsistit. Atinius 
peditum tantum agmine per exploratores comperto 
in aciem copias educit, et fraudis intestinae et hostium 

12 insidiarum ignarus. Pedestre proelium fuit per- 
segne paucis in prima acie pugnantibus Romanis, 
Thurinis expectantibus magis quam adiuvantibus 
eventum ; et Carthaginiensium acies de industria 
pedem referebat, ut ad terga collis ab equite sue 

13 insessi hostem incautum pertraheret. Quo ubi est 
ventum, coorti cum clamore equites prope incondi- 
tam Thurinorum turbam nee satis fido animo unde 

^ tarn 2 : om. P(l). 

1 Not the brother of Hannibal ; xvi. 7 f., 24 ; xviii. 1; xxi. 4. 

2 ,Vo in mustering old men into the service in VI. ii. 0, and 
freedraen in X. xxi. 4. 

BOOK XXV. XV. 7-13 

revolt of the Tarentines and that of tlie Meta- d.c. 212 
pontines, with whom they were hnked by blood as 
well, being sprung from the same Achaia, than 
anger against the Romans on account of the recent 
execution of the hostages. Friends and relatives of 
these sent a letter and messengers to Hanno and 
Mago,i who were not far away in the land of the 
Bruttii, saying that, if they should bring up an army 
to their walls, they would themselves deliver the city 
into their power. Marcus Atinius was in command 
at Thurii with a garrison of moderate size, and they 
thought that he could easily be tempted to dash rashly 
into battle, from his confidence not so much in his 
soldiers, of whom he had very few, as in the young 
men of Thurii. He had purposely organized them 
in centuries - and armed them with a view to such 
emergencies. The Carthaginian generals divided 
their forces between them and, on entering the 
territory of Thurii, Hanno. with the infantry column 
ready to attack, proceeded to the city. Mago with 
the cavalry halted under cover of hills conveniently 
interposed to conceal an ambuscade. Atinius, 
informed of the infantry column alone by scouts, led 
his troops out into Une, he being unaware both of the 
conspiracy Avithin and of the enemy's ambuscade. 
The infantry battle was very lacking in spirit, for 
only a few Romans were fighting in the front line, 
and the men of Thurii were awaiting the outcome, 
rather than contributing to it. And the Cartha- 
ginian hne purposely retreated, in order to draw the 
heedless enemy to the other side of the hill occupied 
by their o-\\ia cavahy. When they reached the place,- 
the cavalry, suddenly attacking Avith a shout, at once 
put to flight the mass of the Thurians, which was 



A.U.C. pugnabat stantem extemplo in fugam averterunt. 

14 Romani, quamquam circumventos hinc pedes, hinc 
eques urgebat, tamen aliquanidiu pugnam traxere ; 
postremo et ipsi terga vertunt atque ad urbem 

15 fugiunt. Ibi proditores conglobati cum popularium 
agmen patentibus portis accepissent, ubi Romanos 
fusos ad urbem ferri viderunt, eonclamant instare 
Poenum, permixtosque et hostis urbem invasuros, 
ni propere portas claudant. Ita exclusos Romanos 
praebuere hcsti ad caedem ; Atinius tamen cum 

16 paucis receptus. Seditio inde paulisper tenuit, 
cum ^ alii cedendum fortunae et tradendam urbem 

17 victoribus censerent. Ceterum, ut plerumque, for- 
tuna et consilia mala vicerunt: Atinio cum suis ad 
mare ac naves deducto, magis quia ipsi ob imperium 
in se mite ac iustum consultum volebant quam 
respectu Romanorum, Carthaginienses in urbem 

18 Consules a Benevento in Campanum agrum legio- 
nes ducunt non ad frumenta modo, quae iam in 
herbis erant, corrumpenda, sed ad Capuam oppug- 

19 nandam, nobilem se consulatum tam opulentae 
urbis excidio rati facturos, simul et ingens flagitium 
imperio dempturos, quod ui-bi tam propinquae 

20 tertium annum inpunita defectio esset. Ceterum 
ne Beneventum sine praesidio esset, et ut ad subita 

1 cum, P(l) add another inde, variotisly emended by those 
who require alii . . . alii. 

1 In contrast with those who by admitting Atinius showed 
their preference for the Romans. 


BOOK XXV. xv. 13-20 

almost undisciplined and not entii-ely loyal to the side b.o. 212 
on M-hicli they were fighting. The Romans, though 
surrounded and hard pressed on one side by the 
infantry, on the other by the cavalry, nevertheless 
kept on fighting for some time. Finally they also 
faced about and fled to the city. There the traitors 
massed together and admitted the column of their 
citizens through wide-open gates; but when they 
saw the routed Romans moving toward the city, they 
shouted that the Carthaginian was upon them, and 
unless they hastily closed the gates the enemy also, 
minghng with them, would make their way into the 
city. Thus they shut out the Romans and left them 
to be slain by the enemy. Atinius, however, with a 
few men was admitted. Then for a short time dis- 
sension continued, the other party ^ being of the 
opinion that they must yield to destiny and surrender 
the city to the victors. But, as usual, chance and 
bad advice prevailed. Atinius and his men were 
brought down to the sea and ships, more because they 
wished his personal safety, on account of his mild and 
just rule over them, than out of regard for the 
Romans, and then they admitted the Carthaginians 
to the city. 

The consuls led their legions from Beneventum 
into the Campanian territory, not merely to ruin 
the grain, which was by now green, but also to besiege 
Capua. They thought to make theirs a notable 
consulship by the destruction of so rich a city, and at 
the same time to remove a great disgrace from the 
empire, in that the revolt of a city so near had been 
unpunished for three years.2 But, not to leave 
Beneventum without a garrison, and, with a view to 

2 It was really over three years, from 216 b.c. 


A.u.c. belli, si Hannibal, quod facturum baud dubitabant, 
ad opcin ferendam sociis Capuam venisset, equitis 
vim sustincre possent, Ti. Gracchum ex Lucanis 
cum cquitatu ac levi armatura Bencventum venire 
iubent ; Icgionibus stativisquc ad obtinendas res in 
laicanis aliquem praeficeret. 

X\'I. Graccho, priusquam ex Lucanis moveret, 

2 sacrificanti triste prodigium factum est : ad exta 
sacrificio perpetrate angues duo ex occulto adlapsi 
adcdere iocur conspectique repente ex oculis abierunt. 

3 Ideo ^ cum haruspicum monitu sacrificium instaurare- 
tur atque intentius exta reservarentur, iterum ac 
tertium tradunt adlapsos - libatoque iocinere intactos 

4 angues abisse. Cum haruspices ad imperatorem 
id pertinere prodigium praemonuissent et ab occultis 
cavendum hominibus consultisque, nulla tanion 

5 providentia fatum imminens moveri potuit. Flavus 
Lucanus fuit, caput partis eius Lucanorum, cum pars 
ad Hannibalem defecisset, quae cum Romanis stabat ; 
et iam altero ^ anno * in magistratu erat, ab iisdem 

G illis creatus praetor. Is mutata repente voluntate 
locum gratiae apud Poenum quaerens neque transire 
ipse neque trahere ad defectionem I.ucanos satis 
habuit, nisi imperatoris et eiusdem liospitis proditi 
capite ac sanguine foedus cum hostibus sanxisset. 

^ Ideo Kohl er : id P(l) : oh id W eissenborn : etCrdvier. 
2 a(lIiii)sos \Veisse7iborn : o?ft. 7'(1). 
^ altero W eissenborn : om. l'{l). 

* anno PCR: hanno RhMBDA : annuo Jac. Gronovius: 
altero anno Weif:senborn. 


BOOK XXV. x^^ 20-xyi. 6 

emergencies, if Hannibal should come to Capua, as b-c- 212 
they had no doubt he would do, to lend aid to his 
allies, in order that they might be able to withstand 
the attack of his cavalry, they ordered Tiberius 
Gracchus to come from Lucania with his cavalry and 
light-armed troops to Beneventum. He was to put 
some one in command of the legions and perma- 
nent camps, in order to control the situation in 

X\'I. As Gracchus was sacrificing before leaving 
Lucania, an unfavourable portent occurred. After 
the slaying of the victim two snakes ghding stealthily 
up to the entrails ate part of the liver, and on being 
noticed vanished suddenly from sight. When for 
that reason the sacrifice was repeated on the advice 
of the soothsayers, and while the entrails were being 
kept Avith greater care, they relate that the snakes 
for the second and the third time gliding up tasted 
the liver and went away unharmed. Although the 
soothsayers had warned in advance that that portent 
applied to the general, and that he must beware of 
men in hiding and of covert plans, still the impending 
fate could not be averted by any foresight. There 
was a Lucanian, Flavus, head of that party of the 
Lucanians which remained on the Roman side, 
although the other party had revolted to Hannibal. 
And he was now in the second year of his office, 
having been elected praetor by that same party. 
He suddenly changed his intention and, seeking to 
find favour with the Carthaginian, was not satisfied 
to chanffe sides himself nor to draw the Lucanians 
into revolt without ratifying his agreement with the 
enemy by the life-blood of the general, betrayed 
though at the same time his guest-friend. He came 

D D 2 


A.u.c. 7 Ad Magonem, qui in Bruttiis praeerat, clam in collo- 
quium venit fideque ab eo accepta, si Romanum iis 
imperatorcm tradidisset, libcros cum suis legibus 
ventures in amicitiam Lucanos, deducit Poenum in 
locum quo ciun ^ paucis Gracchum adducturum 

8 ait : Mago ibi pedites equitesque armatos — et 
capere eas latebras ingentem numerum — occuleret. 

9 Loco satis inspecto atque undique explorato dies 
composita gerendae rei est. Flavus ad Romanum 

10 impei-atorem venit. Rem se ait magnam incohasse, 
ad quam perficiendam ipsius Gracchi opera opus 
esse : omnium populorum praetoribus qui ad 
Poemmi in illo communi Italiae motu descissent, 
persuasisse ut redirent in amicitiam Romanorum, 

11 quando res quoque Romana, quae prope exitium 
cladc Cannensi venisset, in dies melior atque auctiur 
fieret, Hannibalis vis senesceret ac prope ad nihilum 

12 venisset ; veteri delicto haud inplacabilis fore 
Romanos ; nullam umquam gentem magis exorabilem 
promptioremque veniae dandae fuisse ; quotiens re- 

13 bellioni etiam maiorum suorum ignotum ! Haec ab 
sese dicta ; ceterum ab ipso Graccho eadem haec 
audire malle cos praesentisque contingere dextram 

14 et id pignus fidei secum ferre. Locum se concilio 
iis dixisse a conspectu amotum, haud procul castris 
Romanis ; ibi paucis verbis transigi rem posse ut 

1 quo cvLTaGronoviV'S, Madvig : om. P(l) : illo cum J ^. 

BOOK XXV. XVI. 7-14 

to Mago, ■svho was in command in the country of the b.c. 213 
Bruttii, for a secret conference, and received his 
promise that, if he should surrender the Roman 
commander into tlieir hands, the Lucanians as free 
men with their own laws would be accepted as 
friends. He then led the Carthaginian to a place 
to which he said he Mould bring Gracchus with a 
few men ; there Mago should conceal armed infantry 
and cavalry ; and the hiding-place had room, he 
said, for a very large number. After they had 
sufficiently examined the spot and reconnoitred all 
around, a day Avas settled upon for the execution of 
the plan. Flavus came to the Roman commander, 
saying that he had begun an important business for 
the completion of which he needed Gracchus' own 
help ; that he had persuaded the magistrates of all 
the peoples which in that general commotion in 
Italy had gone over to the Carthaginians, to return 
to the friendship of the Romans, since the Roman 
state also, which had been nearly desti'oyed by the 
disaster at Cannae, was daily improving and increas- 
ing, while Hannibal's power was growing feebler 
and had been reduced almost to nothing. To their 
old offence, he said, the Romans would not be 
implacable; no people had ever been more easily 
entreated and readier to grant foi-giveness. How 
often had a rebellion even of their own ancestors 
been pardoned ! These things he said he had told 
them ; but that they preferred to hear these same 
statements from Gracchus himself, and to take hold of 
his right hand there before them, and to carry with 
them that pledge of his honour. He had appointed 
for their council a place out of sight, not far from 
the Roman camp ; there in a few words it could be 


A.u.o. omnc nomcii Lucanum in fide ac societate Roniana 


lo sit. Gracchus fraudeni et sermoni et rei abesse 
ratus ac similitudine veri captus cum lictoribus ac 
turma equituin e castris profectus ducc hospite in 

16 insidias praecipitat.^ Hostes subito cxorti, et, ne 
dubia proditio esset, Flavus iis se adiungit. Tela 
undique in Gracchura atque equites coniciuntur. 

17 Gracchus ex equo desilit ; idem ceteros facere 
iubet hortaturque ut, quod unum reliquum fortuna 

18 fecerit, id cohonestent virtute : rchquum autem 
quid esse paucis a multitudine in valle silva ac 
montibus saepta circumventis praeter mortem? 

19 Id refcrre, utrum praebentes corpora pecorum modo 
inulti trucidentur, an toti a patiendo expectandoque 
eventu in impetum atque iram versi, agentes auden- 
tesque. perfusi hostium cruore, inter exspirantium 
inimicorum cumulata ai-maque et corpoi-a cadant. 

20 Lucanum proditorcm ac transfugam omnes peterent ; 
qui cam victimam prae se ad inferos misisset, eum 
decus eximium, egregium solacium suae morti 

21 inventurum. Inter haec dicta paludamento circa 
laevum brachium intorto — nam ne scuta quidem 

22 secum extulerant — in host is impetum fecit. Maior 
quam pro numero hominum editur pugna. laculis 
maxime apcrta corpora Romanorum, cum ^ undique 
ex altioribus locis in cavam vallem coniectus esset, 

1 praecipitat Madvig {possibly P^) : -tatus P(l) : -tatur 
B rnarg. Gronovius. 

2 cum Madvig, Conway : et cum P(l). 


BOOK XXV. XVI. 14-22 

settled that the whole Lucanian people should be n-c. 212 
under the protection of the Romans and in alliance 
with them. Gracchus, thinking that both speech 
and pi-oposal were free from guile, and misled by the 
plausibility of it, set out from the camp with his 
lictors and a troop of cavalry, and Avith a guest- 
friend as his guide fell into the ambush. The enemy 
suddenly came out, and, to leave no doubt about his 
treachery, Flavus joined them. Javelins assail Grac- 
chus and his horsemen from every side. He springs 
from his horse, bids the rest to do the same and 
urges them to ennoble by courage the one thing 
fortune has left open to them. But to a few men 
surrounded by a multitude, in a valley hedged about 
by forest and mountains, what was left, he asked, 
but death? The one thing that mattered was 
whether they were to submit themselves like sheep 
to be slaughtered unavenged, or, far from calmly 
awaiting the outcome, were to be altogether bent on 
angry attack, and then, daring and doing, drenched 
by the blood of the enemy, among the heaps of arms 
and bodies of their dying foes, were to fall. They 
must all attack the Lucanian traitor and deserter. 
The man who sent that victim before him to the 
lower world would find great distinction and for his 
own death an extraordinary consolation. While 
thus speaking he wound his genei-al's cloak around 
his left arm — for they had not taken even shields 
with them — and attacked the enemy. The battle 
was out of all proportion to the mmiber of men 
engaged. The bodies of the Romans were especially 
unprotected against javelins, and were pierced by 
them, as they could be thrown from higher ground 
all around into the hollow valley. Gracchus, who 



A^uc- 23 transfiguntur. Gracchum iam nudatum praesidio 
vivum capere Poeni nituntur; ceterum conspicatus 
Lucanuni hospitem inter hostis, adeo infcstus con- 
fertos invasit ut parci ei sine multorum pernicie 
24 non posset. Exanimem eum Mago extemplo ad 
Hannibalem misit ponique cum captis simul fascibus 
ante tribunal imperatoris iussit. 

Haec si ^ vera fama est, Gracchus in Lucanis 
ad campos qui Veteres vocantur periit. XVII. Sunt 
qui in agro Beneventano prope Calorem fluvium 
contendant a castris cmn lictoribus ac tribus servis 

2 lavandi causa progressum, cum forte inter salicta 
innata ripis laterent hostes, nudum atque inermem 
saxisque quae volvit amnis propugnantem inter- 

3 fectum. Sunt qui haruspicum monitu quingentos 
passus a castris progressum, uti loco puro ea quae 
ante dicta prodigia sunt procuraret, ab insidentibus 
forte locum duabus turmis Numidarum circumventum 
scribant. Adeo nee locus nee ratio mortis in viro 

4 tarn claro et insigni constat. Funeris quoque 
Gracchi varia est fama. Alii in castris Romanis 
sepultum ab suis, alii ab Hannibale — et ea vulgatior 
fama est — tradunt in vestibulo Punicorum castrorum 

5 rogum extructum esse, ai-matum exercitum decucur- 
risse cum tripudiis Hispanorum motibusque armorurii 
et corporum suae cuique genti adsuetis, ipso Hannibale 

* si Madvig : om. P(l). 

BOOK XXV. XVI. 22-x'\ii. 5 

was by this time stripped of his defenders, the d.c. 212 
Carthaginians strove to capture alive. But catching 
sight of his Lucanian guest-friend among the enemy, 
he dashed into tlie dense ranks with sucli animosity 
that he could not be spared without the loss of many 
lives. Mago at once sent the corpse to Hannibal 
and ordered it to be placed before the general's 
tribune together with the captured fasces. 

If tliis is the true report, Gracchus perished in 
Lucania, on the Old Plains, as they are called. 
XVII. There are some who maintain that in the 
region of Beneventum, by the river Calor, he had 
gone out of the camp with his lictors and three 
slaves to bathe, while enemies, as it happened, were 
hiding among the willows growing on the banks, 
and Avas slain, naked and miarmed and defending him- 
self with stones which the river rolls along. There 
are some ANTiters who say that on the advice of the 
soothsayers he had gone five hundred paces from the 
camp to make atonement on an uncontaminated spot 
for the prodigies mentioned above, and was over- 
powered by two troops of Numidians who chanced 
to be in ambush there. So far are both the place 
and the manner of his death from being established, 
in spite of his eminence and distinction. In regard 
to Gracchus 's funeral also reports vary. Some relate 
that he was buried in the Roman camp by his own 
men, others — and this is the prevalent report 
— that by Hannibal's order a pyre was erected 
directly outside the gate of the Cai-thaginian 
camp, and that the army defiled under arms, 
with dances by the Spanish troops and such 
movements of weapons and bodies as were 
customary for each tribe, while Hannibal himself 



A.u.c. omni rcrum verborumque honore exequias cclebrante. 
liaec tradunt qui iii Lucanis rei gestae auctorcs 
sunt. Si illis qui ad Calorem fluvium interfectum 
memorant credere velis, capitis tantuin Gracchi 
7 hostcs potiti sunt; eo delato ad Hannibalem, missus 
ab eo confestim Carthalo, qui in castra llomana ad 
Cn. Cornelium quaestorem deferret ; is funus im- 
peratoi-is in casti'is celebrantibus cum exercitu 
Beneventanis fecit. 

XVIII. Consules agrum Campanum ingressi cum 
passim popularentur, eruptione oppidanorum et 
Magonis cum equitatu territi et trepidi ad signa 
milites palatos passim revocarunt, et vixdum in- 
structa aeie fusi supra m^ille et quingentos milites 

2 amiserunt. Inde ingens ferocia superbae suopte 
ingenio genti crevit, multisque proeliis lacessebant 
Romanes ; sed intentiores ad cavendum consules 
una pugna fecerat incaute atque inconsulte inita. 

3 Rcstituit tamen his animos et illis minuit audaciam 
parva una res ; sed in bcUo nihil tam leve est 
quod non magnae interdum rei momentum faciat. 

4 T. Quinctio Crispino Badius Campanus hospes erat, 
perfamiliari hospitio iunctus. Creverat consuetude, 
quod aeger Romae apud Crispinum Badius ante de- 
fectionem Campanam liberaliter comitenpie curatus 

5 fuerat. Is turn ^ Badius, progressus ante stationes 
quae pro porta stabant, vocari Crispinum iussit. 

1 Is turn Crdvier : stuP: tumP2(l). 

1 Not to be confused with another man of the same name in 
xxvi. 4; XXIV. xxxix. 12; and frequently in XXVII. 


BOOK XXV. xvii. 5-xviii. 5 

honoured the obsequies with every tribute in actu.c. 213 
and word. These arc the statements of those who 
vouch for its occurrence in I>ucania. If you incline 
to believe those who state that he was slain at the 
river Calor, the enemy gained possession of (}racchus' 
head only. This being brought to Hannibal, Carthalo 
was at once sent by him to bring it to the Roman 
camp and Gnaeus Cornelius the quaestor. He con- 
ducted the funeral of the general in the camp, while 
the people of Beneventum joined with the army in 
doing him honour. 

X\ in. While the consuls, on entering the Cam- • 
panian region, were devastating it far and wide, 
being alarmed and dismayed by a sally of the Capuans 
and of Mago with his cavalry, they recalled their 
widely scattered soldiers to the standards, and being 
routed almost before their line was formed, lost over 
fifteen hundred men. Upon this the great over- 
confidence of a people naturally proud was greatly 
increased, and they sought to provoke the Romans 
by many battles. But a single engagement in- 
cautiously and imprudently begun had made the 
consuls more careful to be on their guard. One 
small occurrence, however, restored the courage of one 
army and lessened the boldness of the other. But 
in Avar nothing is so slight as not at times to bring 
about a great result. Titus Quinctius Crispinus ^ 
had one Badius, a Campanian, as his guest-friend, 
linked to him by intimate hospitality. Friendship 
had grown because in an illness Badius had been 
generously and kindly nursed at the house of Cris- 
pinus at Rome before the rebellion of Campania. 
This Badius at the time came up to the outposts 
stationed before the gate and bade them call 



AU.O. Qu(»d ubi est Crispijio nuntiatuni, ratus conloquium 
amicum ac familiare quaeri, manente memoria etiam 
in discidio publicorum foederum privati iuris, paulum 
() a ceteris processit. Postquam in conspectum venere, 
" Provoco te " inquit " ad pugnam, Crispine," 
Badiiis ; " conscendamus equos summotisque aliis 

7 uter bello melior sit decernamus." Ad ea Crispinus 
nee sibi nee illi ait hostes deesse in quibus virtutem 
ostendant; se, etiamsi in aeie occurrerit, declina- 
turum, ne hospitali caede dextram violet ; con- 

8 versusque abibat. Enimvero ferocius turn Campanus 
inerepare mollitiam ignaviamque et se digna probra 
in insontem iaeere, hospitalem hostem appellans 
simulantemque parcere eui sciat parem se non esse. 

9 Si parum publicis foederibus ruptis dirempta simul 
et privata iura esse putet, Badium Campanum 
T. Quinctio Crispino Romano palam duobus exerciti- 

10 bus audientibus renuntiare hospitium. Nihil sibi 
cum eo consociatum, nihil foederatum, hosti cum 
hoste, cuius patriam ac penates publicos privatosque 
oppugnatum venisset. Si vir esset, congrederetur. 

11 Diu cunctantem Crispinum perpulere turmales ne 

12 impune insultare Campanum pateretur. Itaque 
tantum mox*atus dum iniperatores consuleret per- 
mitterentne sibi extra ordinem in provocantem 

BOOK XXV. xvni. 5-12 

Crispinus. When this was reported to Crispinus, he b.c. 212 
went a little beyond the others, thinking a friendly 
and intimate conversation was wanted, since the 
memory of a personal tie lingered in spite of the 
rupture of public treaties. Wlien they had come 
in sight of each other, " I challenge you to battle, 
Crispinus," said Badius. " Let us mount our horses 
and, with others kept at a distance, decide which is 
the better warrior." In reply Crispinus said that 
neither he nor Badius lacked enemies on whom to 
show his courage. For himself, even if he should 
meet the other in battle-line, he would avoid him, 
lest he stain his right hand with the blood of a guest- 
friend. And he turned and was walking away. 
Then in truth the Campaniau more fiercely reviled 
the effeminacy and cowardice of Crispinus and 
hurled reproaches which he himself deserved against 
an innocent man, calling him a guest-enemy and a 
man who pretended to spare one to whom he knew 
he was not equal. If he thought that with the rup- 
ture of public treaties private ties had not also been 
broken, then, he said, Badius the Campanian, openly 
in the hearing of two armies, renounced the guest- 
friendship of Titus Quinctius Crispinus the Roman. 
For himself, an enemy, nothing was hallowed by 
association, nothing by compact, with him, an enemy, 
since he had come to attack his native city and the 
Penates of the state and of the household. If he 
was a man, let him come on. Crispinus, after long 
hesitation, was prevailed upon by his comrades not 
to allow the Campanian to revile him with impunity. 
And so he delayed only long enough to consult the 
generals as to whether they permitted him to fight 
out of ranks against an enemy who challenged him. 



A.o.r. hostem pugnare, permissu eorum arma cepit equum- 
que conscendit et Badium nomine compellans ad 

13 pugnam evocavit. Nulla mora a Campano facta est ; 
infestis equis concurrcrunt. Crispinus supra scutum 
sinistrum umerum Badio hasta transfixit, superque 
delapsum cum vulnere ex equo desiluit, ut pedes 

14 iacentem conficeret. Badius, priusquam opprimere- 
tnr, parma atque equo relicto ad suos aufugit ; 

15 Crispinus equum armaque capta et cruentam cuspi- 
dem insignis spoliis ostentans cum magna laude et 
gratulatione militum ad consules est deductus 
laudatusque ibi magnifice et donis donatus. 

XIX. Hannibal ex as^ro Beneventano castra ad 
Capuam cum movasset, tertio post die quam venit 

2 copias in aciem eduxit, haudquaquam dubius, quod 
Campanis absente se paucos ante dies secunda 
fuisset pugna, quin multo minus se suumque totiens 

3 victorem exereitum sustinere Romani possent. Ce- 
terum postquam pugnari coeptum est, equitum 
maxima incursu, cum iaculis obrueretur, laborabat 
Romana acies, donee signum equitibus datum est 

4 ut in hostem admitterent equos. Ita equestre 
proelium erat, cum procul visus Sempronianus exerci- 
tus, cui Cn. Cornelius quaestor praeerat, utrique 
parti parem metum praebuit ne hostes novi adven- 

5 tarent. Velut ex composito utrimque signum re- 
ceptui datum, reductique in castra prope aequo 
Marte discesserunt ; plures tamen ab Romanis pi-imo 

^ For the forces Gracchus had commanded cf. xv. 20. 

BOOK XXV. xviu. I2-XIX-. 5 

With their permission he took his arms and mounted b.c. 212 
his horse, and addressing Badius by name called 
him out to battle. The Campanian made no delay ; 
riding directly at each other they clashed. Crispinus 
with his spear pierced Badius' left shoulder above the 
shield ; and after he fell wounded, leaped upon him 
from his horse, that, now dismounted, he might 
despatch the fallen. Badius, not to be overpowered, 
left shield and horse and fled to his own men. 
Crispinus, decked with spoils and displaying the 
horse and captured arms and his bloody spear, 
was conducted with much praise and congratula- 
tion on the part of the soldiers to the consuls, and 
there he was highly praised and rewarded with 

XIX. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the 
region of Beneventum to the vicinity of Capua, led 
his troops out into battle-line on the third day after 
his arrival. Since in his absence the Campanians 
had had a successful battle a few days before, he had 
no doubt whatever that the Romans would be much 
less able to withstand himself and his repeatedly 
victorious army. But once the battle had begun, 
the Roman hne was hard pressed, especially by the 
cavahy charge, being overwhelmed by their darts, 
until the signal was given to the cavalry to urge their 
horses against the enemy. Thus a cavalry battle 
was in progress when the distant sight of the Sem- 
pronian army,^ commanded by Gnaeus Cornelius, the 
quaestor, inspired in both armies the same fear that 
fresh enemies were approaching. As if by agree- 
ment the signal for recall was given on both sides, 
and marching back to the camp they separated on 
almost even terms. Yet a larger number fell on the 



AUG. 6 incursu equitum ceciderunt. Inde consules, ut 
averterent Capua Hannibalem, nocte quae secuta 
est diversi, Fulvius in agrum Cumanum, Claudius 

7 in Lucanos abit. Postero die, cum vacua castra 
llomanorum esse nuntiatum Hannibali esset et 
duobus agminibus diversos abisse, incertus primo 

8 utrum sequeretur, Appium institit sequi. Ille cir- 
cumducto lioste qua voluit alio itinere ad Capuarn 

Hannibali alia in his locis bene gerendae rei for- 

9 tuna oblata est. M. Centenius fuit coff nomine 
Paenula, insignis inter primi pili centuriones et 

10 magnitudine corporis et animo. Is, perfunctus 
rmlitia, per P. Cornelium Sullam^faetorem in sena- 
tum introductus petit a patribus uti sibi (^[uinque milia 

1 1 militum darentur : se peritum et hostis et regionum 
brevi operae pretium facturum et, quibus artibus 
ad id locoruni nostri et duces et exercitus capti forent, 

12 iis adversus inventorem usurum. Id non promissum 
magis stolide quam stolide creditum, tamquam 

13 eaedem militares et imperatoriae artes essent. Data 
pro quinque octo milia militum, pars dimidia cives, 
pars socii. Et ipse aliquantum voluntariorum in 
itinei*e ex ^ agris concivit ac prope duplicate exercitu 
in Lucanos pervenit, ubi Hannibal nequiquam 

14 secutus Claudium substiterat. Haud dubia res 

^ ex Madvig : in P(l). 

1 A primi pili ceniurio (or primufi pilus) was the ranking 
centurion of his legion, commanding the fust century of the 
first maniple of the triarii. 


BOOK XXV. XIX. 5-14 

Roman side because of the first charge of the horse- b.c. 212 
men. Thereupon the consuls, in order to draw 
Hannibal away from Capua, marched off the following 
night in different directions, Fulvius into the region 
of Cumae, Claudius into Lucania. The next day 
Hannibal, on being informed that the Roman camp 
was empty and that they had marched away in 
diiferent directions in two columns, was at first 
uncertain which to follow, but pushed on in pursuit 
of Appius, who after leading the enemy around 
wherever he pleased, returned by a different road to 

Hannibal had another opportunity for success 
presented to him in this region. There was one 
Marcus Centenius, with the cognomen Paenula, 
conspicuous among the centurions of the highest 
rank ^ for his huge body and his courage. Having 
finished his military service, he_v\'as_hr.auglit intailie — • 
senate by Publius Cornehus^^ulla, a praetor, and 
begged the fathers to give him five thousand soldiers. 
He, being well-acquainted, he said, both Avith""th:c 
enemy and the country, would soon accomplish 
somethingArVorth whi le, and~g s for the aris .by which 
both our generals and_QUiLai™,iesJhacLjilLiJi^^ 
ensnared, he would use them against their inventor. 
Tljis-M«i8--TTtTt~Tiioi'e--ftt«pidIyL^u:Qi^^ stupidly, .yc /S\ 

Relieved, as^ i f^the qualiti pc of snlrlie v arid gf^ripral^ 

w ^c the same . Instead of five thousand, eigKF" 
thousand soldiers were given him, half of them citi- 
zens, half allies. And he himself on his march 
raised a considerable number of volunteers from the 
farms, and with his army nearly doubled reached 
Lucania, where Hannibal had halted after vainly 
pursuing Claudius. The result was never in doubt, 




A.u.o. eratj quippe inter Hannibalem ducem et centurionem, 
exercitusque alterum vincendo veteranum, alterum 
novum totum, magna ex parte etiam tumultuarium 

15 ac semermem. Ut conspecta inter se agmina sunt 
et neutra pars detrectavit pugnam, extemplo in- 
structae acies. Pugnatum tanien ut in nulla pari 
re ; duas amplius horas constitit pugna spe ^ con- 

10 citante,^ donee dux stetit, Romanam aciem.^ Post- 
quam is non pro vetere fama solum, sed etiam metu 
futuri dedeeoris, si sua temfiiiiate contractae cladi 
superesset, obiectans se hostium telis cecidit, fusa 

17 extemplo est Romana acies ; sed adeo ne fugae 
quidem iter patuit omnibus viis ab equite insessis, 
ut ex tanta multitudine vix mille evaserint, ceteri 
passim alii alia peste absumpti sint. 

XX. Capua a consulibus iterum summa vi obsideri 
coepta est, quaeque in earn rem opus erant compor- 

2 tabantur parabanturque. Casilinum frumentum con- 
vectum ; ad Volturni ostium, ubi nunc urbs est, 
castellum communitum ibique et Puteolis, quos iam * 
ante Fabius Maximus munierat,praesidium impositum, 

3 utmareproximumet flumeninpotestateessent. Inea 
duo maritima castella frumentum, quod ex Sardinia 
nuper missum erat quodque M. Junius praetor ex 
Etruria coemerat, ab Ostia convectum est, ut exerci- 

4 tui per hiemem copia esset. Ceterum super earn 
cladem quae in Lucanis accepta erat volonum quo- 

* -stitit pugna spe con- M. Milller : om. P{\), a lost line. 

* concitante Madvig : concitata et P(l) : -a.ta.e P^ ? : -ata 
Sigonius, Walters. 

^ Romanam aciem P(l) : -a a.cie A^ Valla. 

* ibique . . . iam Comvay, a line om. by P(l). 

1 Cf. XXIV. vii. 10. 

BOOK XXV. XIX. 14-XX. 4 

as between Hannibal as commander and a centurion, b.o. 212 
and between armies one of which was a veteran in 
\ictory and the other altogether raw, in large part 
also irregular and half-armed. When the columns 
were in sight of each other and neither side refused 
battle, the hnes were immediately drawn up. They 
fought, however, as was to be expected where nothing 
was fairly matched. For more than two horn's the 
battle continued, since hope inspired the Roman line 
so \ona- as their commander held his ground. Not 
only in keeping with his old r eputation , but also for . 
fpfljrjjf fiitiii-p^ isgi-ace, if he should survive a disaster 
b rought o n by his own rashness, he threw^ himself 
upo n the weapons o f the eneniy arid fell, w hereupon 
th/fTtrtmnn linp was at oncF routed. But, as all the 
roads were occupied by cavalry, so far were they from 
having any route open even for flight that out of 
so great a multitude barely a thousand escaped, 
while the rest scattering met death in various forms. 
XX, The siege of Capua was resumed with intensity 
by the consuls, and all that was needed for the 
pui*pose was being brought together and made 
ready. Casilinum was the depot for grain. At the 
mouth of the Volturnus, where there is now a city, 
a stronghold was fortified, and there and at Puteoli,^ 
which Fabius Maximus had previously fortified, a 
garrison was placed, that the sea in that neighbour- 
hood and the river might be in their power. To 
these two strongholds by the sea the grain which 
had been sent recently from Sardinia and that which 
the praetor Marcus Junius had pm*chased in Etruria 
was transported from Ostia, so that the army might 
have a supply through the winter. But in addition 
to the disaster incurred in Lucania, the army of slave- 

E E 2 


A..V.C. que exercitus, qui vivo Graccho summa fide stipendia 
fecerat, velut exauctoratus morte ducis ab signis 

5 Hannibal non Capuam neglectam neque in tanto 
discrimine desertos volebat socios ; sed prospero ex 
temcritate unius Romani duois successu in alterius 
ducis ex^rcitusque oppvimendi occasionem immine- 

6 bat. Cn. Fulvium praetorem Apuli legati nuntiabant 
primo, dum urbes quasdam Apulorum quae ad Hanni- 
balem descivissent oppugnaret, intentius rem egisse : 
postea nimio successu et ipsum et niilites praeda 
inipletos in tantam licentiam socordiamque efFusos 

7 ut nulla disciplina militiae esset. Cum saepe alias, 
turn paucis diebus ante expertus qualis sub inscio 
duce exercitus esset, in Apuliam castra movit. 
XXI. Circa Herdoneam Romanae legiones et praetor 
Fulvius erat. Quo ubi allatum est hostis adventare, 
prope est factum ut iniussu praetoris signis convulsis 
in aciem exirent ; nee res magis ulla tenuit quam 
spes baud dubia suo id arbitrio ubi vellent facturos. 

2 Nocte insequenti Hannibal, cum tumultuatum in 
castris et plerosque ferociter, signum ut daret, 

3 institisse duci ad arma vocantis sciret, baud dubius 
prosperae pugnae occasionem dari, tria milia expedi- 
torum militum in villis circa vepribusque et silvis 
disponit, qui signo dato simul omnes e latebris 

1 Cf. XXIV. XX. 8. 


BOOK XXV. XX. 4-xxi. 3 

volunteers also, which had served with the utmost b.o. 212 
loyalty while Gracchus lived, abandoned its stand- 
ards, as if discharged by the death of the general. 

Hannibal did not wish that Capua should be 
neglected nor his allies abandoned in such a crisis. 
But in view of a success due to the rashness of one 
lloman general he was eager for an opportunity 
to surprise a second general and army. ApuUan 
legates were informing him that the praetor Gnaeus 
Fulvius had at first been very active while besieging 
some Apulian cities which had revolted to Hannibal ; 
but that later, owing to unmerited success, both he 
himself and his soldiers, who were loaded with booty, 
had ffone to such lens^ths in licence and indifference 
that there was no military discipline. Hannibal, 
who frequently at other times, and particularly 
within a few days, had discovered what an army is 
under an incompetent general, moved his camp into 
Apulia. XXI. Near Herdonea ^ were Roman legions 
and the praetor Fulvius. When the news reached 
them there that the enemy were approaching, they 
barely refrained from catching up their standards 
and going out into battle-line without orders from 
the praetor. And nothing restrained them more 
than the hope, now beyond question, that they 
would do so at their own discretion whenever they 
pleased. The following night Hannibal, knowing 
that there had been an uproar in the camp and that 
many, calling to ai-ms, had over-confidently pressed 
the commander to give the signal, had no doubt that 
an opportunity for a victory was offered. He accord- 
ingly posted three thousand lightly equipped soldiers 
in farmhouses near by and in the thickets and the 
woods, to come out of their hiding-places all at once, 



A.u.c. 4 cxistcrcnt, et Magonem ac duo ferme milia cquitum, 

^ ^ qua fugam inclinaturam credcbat, omnia itinera 

insidere iubet. His nocte praeparatis, prima luce 

5 in aciem copias educit ; nee Fulvius est cunctatus, 
non tarn sua ulla spe quam militum impetu fortuito 
tractus. Itaque eadem temeritate qua processum 
in aciem est instruitur ipsa acies ad libidinem militum 
forte procui'rentium consistcntium<|ue quo loco 
ipsorum tulisset animus, deinde per libidinem aut 

6 metum deserentium locum. Prima legio et sinistra 
ala in primo instructae et in longitudinem porrecta 

7 acies. Clamantibus tribunis nihil introrsus roboris 
ac virium esse et, quacumque impetum fccisset 
hostis, perrupturos, nihil quod salutare esset non 
modo ad animum sed ne ad aures quidem admittebat. 

8 Et Hannibal haudquaquam similis dux neque 
simili exercitu neque ita instructo aderat. Ergo 
ne clamorem quidem atque impetum primum eorum 

9 Romani siistinuere. Dux, stultitia et temeritate 
Centenio par, animo haudquaquam comparandus, 
ubi rem inclinatam ac trepidantis suos videt, equo 
arrepto cum ducentis fei*me equitibus effugit ; 

10 cetera a fronte pulsa, inde a ^ tergo atque alis circum- 
venta acies eo usque est caesa ut ex duodeviginti 
milibus hominum duo milia haud amplius evaserint. 
Castris hostes potiti sunt. 

^ inde a Weissenborn : in P(l). 

1 The alae were auxiliaries of the allies, each ala equal in 
strength to a legion (4200 men). When drawn up as here the 
second line would be made up of the other legion and the 
ala dextra. Such a formation was at times employed instead 
of the usual three lines, haslati, principes, triarii, of the 
legionaries. Cf. XXVII. i. 8; ii. 6. 


BOOK XXV. x\i. 3-IO 

when the signal was given. And he ordered Mago n.c. 212 
and about two tliousand hoi-semen to Ue in wait along 
all the roads in the direction wliich he believed the 
flight would take. After making these preparations 
at night, he led his troops out into line at daybreak. 
Nor did Fulvius hesitate, dragged into it not so much 
by any hope of his own as by the haphazard impulse 
of the soldiers. And so, ^^^th the same recklessness 
with which they went out to form, they drew up even 
the line of battle according to the whim of soldiers 
who happened to dash forward and take their stand 
wherever their omii fancy had carried them, and then 
capriciously or in fear abandoned their positions. 
The first legion and the left ala were placed in front,^ 
and the line was made very long. Although the 
tribunes shouted that in depth it had no power to 
resist, and that wherever the enemy should make 
their attack they would pierce it, the men in hne 
allowed no advice that was helpful to reach even 
their ears, not to say their attention. And there 
was Hannibal, surely not that sort of a general, nor 
with that sort of an army, drawn up in that fashion. 
Consequently the Romans did not withstand even 
their shout and the first onset. The general, a 
match for Centenius in folly and recklessness, but in 
courage by no means to be compared with him, seeing 
that the line was giving Avay and his own men in con- 
fusion, seized a horse and with about two hundred 
horsemen made his escape. The rest of the line, 
beaten back in front and then surrounded in the 
rear and on the wings, was so cut to pieces that 
out of eighteen thousand men not more than two 
thousand escaped. The camp was occupied by the 



A.u.o. XXII. Hae clades super aliam alia Romam cum 

essent nuntiatae, ingens quidem et hictus et pavor 
civitatem cepit ; sed tamen quia consules, ubi 
summa rerum esset, ad id locorum prospere rem 

2 gererent, minus his cladibus commovebantur. Le- 
gates ad consules mittunt C. Laetorium M. Metilium 
qui nuntiarent ut reliquias duorum exercituum cum 

3 cura colligerent darentque operam ne per metum 
ac desperationem hosti se dederent, id quod post 
Cannensem accidisset cladcm, et ut desertores de 

4 exercitu volonum conquirerent. Idem negotii P. 
Cornelio datum, cui et dilectus mandatus erat ; 
isque per fora conciliabulaque edixit ut conqui'^itio 
volonum fieret iique ad signa reducerentur. Haec 
omnia inteniissima cura acta. 

5 Ap. Claudms consul D. lunio ad ostium Volturni, 
M. Aurelio Cotta Puteolis praeposito, qui, ut quae- 
que naves ex Etriu-ia ac Sardinia accessissent, 

6 extemplo in castra mitterent frumentum, ipse ad 
Capuam regressus Q. Fulvium collegam invenit 
Casilino omnia deportantem molientemque ad 

7 oppugnandam Capuam. Tum ambo circumsederunt 
urbem et Claudium Neronem praetorem ab Suessula 

8 ex Claudianis castris exciverunt. Is quoque modico 
ibi pracsidio ad tenendmii locum relicto ceteris 
omnibus copiis ad Capuam descendit. Ita tria 
praetoria circa Capuam erecta ; tres et ^ exercitus 

* et P(2) Conway : om. A Weissenborn, Walters. 

^ I.e. the senate. 

* In XXII. XXV. 3 he was fribunus plebis. 

' Cf. above, note on v. 6. 


BOOK XXV. \.\ii. 1-8 

XXII. When the news of these disasters one after u.c. 212 
another had readied Rome, great sorrow and alarm, 
it is true, took possession of the state. Nevertheless 
because the consuls, to whom fell the supreme com- 
mand, were up to that time successful, they were less 
disturbed by these disasters. They ^ sent Gaius 
Laetoriu3 and Marcus Metilius ^ as legates to the 
consuls, to inform them that they should carefully 
gather up the remnants of the two armies, and see to 
it that in fear and despair they did not surrender to 
the enemy, as had happened after the disaster at 
Cannae ; also that they should search for the deserters 
from the army of slave-volunteers. The same duty 
was given to Publius Cornelius, to whom the levy 
also had been assigned. And he issued an edict in 
the market-towns and local centres,^ that search should 
be made for the slave-volunteers, and that they be 
brought back to their standards. All these things 
were done with the utmost diligence. 

Appius Claudius, the consul, placed Decimus Junius 
in command at the mouth of the Volturnus and 
Marcus Aurelius Cotta at Puteoli, in order that, as 
fast as ships came in from Etruria and Sardinia, they 
should send the grain at once to the camps. He 
himself, on returning to Capua, found his colleague 
Quintus Fulvius transporting everything from Casi- 
linum and making every preparation for the siege 
of Capua. Then they both invested the city and 
summoned the praetor, Claudius Nero, from the 
Claudian camp at Suessula. He, leaving there only 
a garrison of moderate size to hold the place, 
likewise came down with all the rest of his forces to 
Capua. Thus three headquarters were set up 
around Capua. There were three armies too that, 



^M^' diversis partibus opus adgressi fossa valloque circum- 

dare ur!)em parant et castella excitant modicis 

9 intervallis multisque simul locis cum prohibentibus 

opera Campanis eo eventu pugnant ut postremo 

10 portis nniroque se continerct Campanus. Prius 
tamen quam haec continuarentur opera, legati ad 
Hannibalem missi qui quererentur desertam ab eo 
Capuam ac prope redditam Romanis obtestarentur- 
que ut tunc saltern opem non circumsessis modo sed 

11 etiam circumvallatis ferret. Consulibus litterae a P. 
Cornelio praetore missae ut, priusquam clauderent 
Capuam operibus, potestatem Campanis facerent 
ut qui eorum vellent exirent a Capua suasque res 

12 secum ferrent : ^ liberos fore suaque omnia habituros 
qui ante idus Martias exissent ; post eam diem 
quique exissent quique ibi mansissent, hostium 

13 futuros numero. Ea pronuntiata Campanis atque 
ita spreta ut ultro contumelias dicerent minaren- 

14 Hannibal ab Herdonea Tarentum duxerat legiones, 
spe aut vi aut dolo arcis Tarentinae potiundae ; 
quod ubi parum processit, ad Brundisium flexit 

15 iter, prodi id oppidum ratus. Ibi quoque cum frustra 
tereret tempus, legati Campani ad eum venerunt 
querentes simul orantescjue ; quibus Hannibal 
magnifice respondit et antea se solvisse obsidionem 
et nunc adventum suum consules non laturos. 

1 fervent M*? Madvig: inferrent P(6)J/? : an- M?Ax: inde 
ferrent Weissenborn. 

1 In the name of the senate. 


fell to work on different sides, made ready to encircle b.c. 212 
the city with a ditch and an earthwork, and erected 
redoubts at moderate intervals ; and at many points 
at the same time they fought with such success 
against the Campanians who endeavoured to hinder 
the works that finally the Campanians remained 
inside the gates and the wall. But before these siege- 
works could be made continuous, legates were sent 
to Hannibal, to complain that Capua had been de- 
serted by him and almost given back to the Romans, 
and to implore him to bring aid, then at least, to 
men not only besieged but also encircled by entrench- 
ments. The consuls received a letter from Publius 
Cornelius, the praetor, ordering 1 that, before en- 
closing Capua with their works, they should permit 
such of the Campanians as wished to do so to leave 
Capua and carry their possessions with them. Those 
who should leave before the fifteenth of March were 
to be free men and to keep all their property ; those 
who left after that date and those who remained 
there were to be reckoned enemies. These terms 
were published to the Campanians, and were received 
with such contempt by them that they were actually 
insulting and made threats. 

Hannibal had led his legions from Herdonea to 
Tarentum in the hope of getting possession of the 
citadel of Tarentum either by force or by ruse. 
When this did not succeed, he turned aside to 
Brundisium, thinking that town would certainly be 
betrayed. While there also he was wasting time, 
the Campanian legates came to him with complaints 
and at the same time entreaties. Hannibal replied 
to them grandly that he had previously raised a 
siege, and that now also the consuls would not with- 



A.u.c. 16 Cum hac spe dimissi legati vix regredi Capuam iam 
duplici fossa valloque cinctam potuerunt. 

XXIII. Cum maxume Capua circumvallaretur, 
Syracusarum oppugnatio ad finem venit, praeter- 
quam vi ac virtute ducis exercitusque, intestina 

2 etiam proditione adiuta. Namque Marcellus initio 
veris incertus utrum Agrigentum ad Himilconem 
et Hippocraten verteret bellum an obsidione Syra- 

3 cusas premeret, quamquam nee vi capi videbat posse 
inexpugnabilem terrestri ac maritimo situ urbem 
nee fame, ut quam prope liberi a Carthagine eom- 

4 meatus alerent, tamen, ne quid inexpertum relin- 
queret, transfugas Syracusanos — erant autem apud 
Romanos aliqui nobilissimi viri, inter defectionem 
ab Romanis, quia ab novis consiliis abliorrebant, 
pulsi — conloquiis suae partis temptare hominum 
animos iussit et fidem dare, si traditae forent Syra- 

5 cusae, liberos eos ae suis legibus victuros esse. Non 
erat conloquii copia, quia multorum animi suspecti 
omnium curam oculosque eo ^ converterant ne quid 

6 falleret tale admissum. Servus unus exulum, pro 

transfuga intromissus in urbem, conventis paucis 

initium conloquendi de tali re fecit. Deinde in ^ 

piscatoria quidam nave retibus operti circumvectique 

ita ad castra Romana conlocutique cum transfugis, 

^ eo B Riemann : am. P(l). 

* Deinde in z : dein P(l) : deinde A^. 

^ Beyond the northern Wall of Dionysius, not far from the 

BOOK XXV. XXII. 16-XXI11. 6 

stand his coming. With this hope the legates were b.c. 212 
sent away, and it was with difficulty that they were 
able to return to Capua, now surrounded by two 
trenches and a double earthwork. 

XXIII. Just as Capua was being encircled the 
siege of Syracuse came to an end, expedited not 
only by the vigour and valour of the general and the 
army but also by treachery within. For Marcellus, 
who at the beginning of the spring had been uncertain 
whether to shift the war to Agrigentum against 
Himilco and Hippocrates, or to press the siege of 
Syracuse, saw indeed that the city, impregnable in 
its position both on the landward and the seawai-d 
side, could not be taken by assault, nor by starvation, 
inasmuch as it was sustained by almost unhampered 
supplies from Carthage. Nevertheless, to leave 
nothing untried, deserters from Syracuse — and there 
were in the Roman lines some men of highest rank who 
during the estrangement from the Romans had been 
driven out because they were averse to a change of 
policy — were ordered by him to sound men of their 
faction in conferences, and to give them a pledge that, 
if Syracuse should be surrendered, they should live as 
free men and under their own laws. For a con- 
ference there was no opportunity, because the 
suspicious attitude of many men had attracted the 
attention and the eyes of all, to prevent such an 
offence from passing unnoticed. A single slave 
belonging to the exiles was admitted to the city 
as a deserter and by meeting a few men made 
a beginning of parleys on a matter of such 
moment. Then some men were hidden under nets 
on a fishing vessel, and thus sailed around to the 
Roman camp ^ and talked with the deserters. And 



A.u.c. et iidem saepius eodem modo et alii atque alii; 

7 postremo ad octoginta facti. Et cum iam composita 
omnia ad proditionem essent, indicio delato ad Epi- 
cyden per Attalum quendam, indignantem sibi 
rem creditam non esse, necati omnes cum cruciatu 

8 Alia subinde spes, postquam hacc vana evaserat, 
excepit. Damippus quidani Lacedaemonius, missus 
ab Syracusis ad Philippum regeni,captusab Romanis 

9 navibus erat. Huius utique redimendi et E.picydae 
cura erat ingens, nee abnuit Marcellus, iam turn 
Aetolorum, quibus socii Lacedaemonii erant, amicitiam 

10 adfectantibus Romanis. Ad conloquium de redemp- 
tione eius missis medius maxime atque utrisque 
opportunus locus ad portum Trogilorum, propter 

11 turrim quam vocant Galeagram, est visus. Quo 
cum saepius commearent, unus ex Romanis ex 
propinquo murum contemplans, numerando lapides 
aestimandoque ipse secum quid in fronte paterent 

12 singuli, altitudinem muri, quantum proxime coniectura 
poterat, permensus humilioremque aliquanto pristina 
opinione sua et ceterorum omnium ratus esse et vel 
mediocribus scalis superabilem, ad Marcellum rem 

13 defert. Haud spernenda visa; sed cum adiri locus, 
quia ob id ipsum intentius custodiebatur, non posset, 

14 occasio quaerebatur; quam obtulit transfuga nun- 
tians diem festum Dianae per triduum agi et, quia 
alia in obsidione desint, vino largius epulas celebrari 

^ Jleiely a small bay, of no value for large vessels. 
* The tower was probably beyond the wall in the open 



the same men did this repeatedly in the same way, b.c. 212 
also others and again others. Finally they amounted 
to about eighty. And when now everytliing had 
been arranged for the betrayal, information was 
brought to Epicydes by one Attalus, who was 
outraged that the matter had not been confided to 
him, and they were all put to death with torture. 

This hope having proved false, another at once took 
its place. Damippus a Lacedaemonian, who had 
been sent from Syracuse to King Philip, had been 
captured by Roman ships. Epicydes was very much 
concerned to ransom him at any cost, and Marcellus 
also was not averse, since the Romans were already 
courting the friendship of the Aetolians, whose allies 
the Lacedaemonians were. The men sent to confer in 
regard to the man's ransom thought that the most 
convenient place for both sides, and just half-way, was 
at the Trogili Harbour,^ near the tower called Gale- 
agra.2 As they came there repeatedly, one of the 
Romans, observing the wall from near at hand, by 
countirtg the courses and making his own estimate of 
the height of each on its face, measured the height of 
the Avail as nearly as he could by guesswork. And 
thinking it considerably lower than his own previous 
estimate of it and that of all the rest, and that it could 
be scaled by ladders even of moderate length, he re- 
ported to Marcellus. It did not seem a matter to 
be. despised. But since the place, being more 
closely guarded for the very reason mentioned, 
could not be approached, they cast about for an 
opportunity. And this was offered by a deserter, 
reporting that the feast of Diana was being observed 
for three days, and that, since other things were 
lacking during the siege, it was with wine that the 



A.u.c. et ab Epicyde praebito universae plebei et per 
tribus a principibus diviso. 

15 Quod ubi ^ accepit Marcellus, cum paucis tribu- 
norum militum conlocutus, electisque per eos ad 
rem tantam agendam audcndamque idoneis cen- 
turionibus militibusque et scalis in occulto comparatis, 
ceteris signum dari iubet ut mature corpora curarent 
quietique darent : nocte in expcditioncm eundum 

16 esse. Inde ubi id temporis visum quo de die epulatis 
iam vini satias principiumque somni esset, signi 
unius milites ferre scalas iussit ; et ad mille fere 

17 armati tenui agmine per silentium eo deducti. Ubi 
sine strepitu ac tumultu primi evaserunt in murum, 
secuti ordine alii, cum priorum audacia dubiis etiam 
animum faceret. XXI\\ lam mille armatorum muri - 
ceperant partem, cum ceterae admotae sunt copiae ^ 
pluribusque scalis in murum evadebant signo ab 

2 Hexapylo dato, quo per ingentem solitudinem 
erat perventum, quia magna pars in turribus epulati 
aut sopiti vino erant aut semigraves potabant ; 
paucos tamen eorum inproviso oppressos ^ in cubilibus 

3 interfecerunt. Prope Hexapylon est portula; ea 
magna vi refringi coepta et e muro ex composite 
tuba datum signum erat et iam undique non furtim, 

4 sed vi aperta ^ gerebatur res. Quippe ad Epipolas, 

1 quodubiJ/i; id ubiJ^ . dubia P(l). 

^ muri Madvig : om. P(l) : earn Ilarant. 

' sunt copiae Weissenborn : om. P{\). 

* inproviso oppresses Ilerlz : inpressos P(l) : oppressos xz. 

^ aperta Gronovius : aperte P(l). 

^ I.e. the (f>vXaL, corresponding in a way to the Roman tribes. 
* For this, the most important gate to the north, cf. XXIV. 
xxi. 7; xxxii. 5, etc. 

BOOK XXV. xxiii. 14-XXIV. 4 

banquets were more lavishly provided, this being b.c. 212 
furnished to the entire populace by Epicydes and 
distributed among the tribes ^ bj^ leading citizens. 

On learning of this, Marcellus conferred with a few 
tribunes of the soldiers, and after these had chosen 
centurions and soldiers able to dare and do a thing of 
such importance, and after ladders had been secretly 
made ready, he ordered the signal to be given to the 
others to eat early and then rest. In the night, he 
said, they must go on a raid. Then, when it seemed 
to be late enough for those who had begun their feast 
during the day to be sated,he thought, with their wine 
and now to be falling asleep, he ordered the soldiers of 
one maniple to carry the ladders. And about a thou- 
sand armed men were led in a thin column to the place 
in silence. When the first men without noise and 
confusion had made their way to the top of the wall, 
the others followed one after another, since the bold- 
ness of those ahead of them gave courage even to the 
wavering. XXI\'. The thousand armed men had 
already taken a part of the wall, when the rest of 
the forces were brought up, and on more ladders they 
were making their way to the top of the wall, a signal 
having been given from the Hexapylon.^ To that 
point they had advanced without encountering a soul, 
since many of the enemy, after feasting in the towers, 
either had been put to sleep by their wine or, while 
half-intoxicated, w^ere still drinking. A few of them, 
however, they surprised and slew in their beds. 
Near the Hexapylon there is a postern. This they 
had begun to break open -with great force, and from 
the wall the signal had been given by a trumpet, 
as agreed ; and now the fighting was from every side, 
no longer by stealth, but with open violence. For 





fi'equcntem custodiis locum, perventum erat, terren- 
dique magis hostes erant quam fallendi, sicut territi 

5 sunt. Nam simulac tubarum est auditus cantus 
clamorque tenentium muros partemque urbis, omnia 
teneri custodes rati ^ alii per murum fugere, alii 
salire de muro praecipitarique turba paventium. 

C Magna pars tamen ignara tanti mali erat et gravatis 
omnibus vino somnoque et in vastae magnitudinis 
urbe partium sensu non satis pertinente in omnia. 

7 Sub lucem Hexapylo effracto Marcellus omnibus 
copiis urbem ingressus excitavit convertitque omnes 
ad arma capienda opemque, si quam possent, iam 
captae prope urbi ferendam. 

8 Epicydes ab Insula, quam ipsi Nason vocant, 
citato profectus agmine, baud dubius quin paucos, 
per neglegentiam custodum transgressos murum, 

9 expulsurus foret, occurrentibus pavidis tumultum 
augere eos dictitans et maiora ac terribiliora vero 
adferre, postquam conspexit omnia circa Epipolas 
armis conpleta, lacessito tantum hoste paucis missili- 

10 bus retro in Achradinam agmen convertit, non tam 
vim multitudinemque hostium metuens quam ne 
qua intestina fraus per occasionem oreretur clausasque 
inter tumultum Achradinae atque Insulae inveniret 

11 portas. Marcellus ut moenia ingressus ex superiori- 
bus locis lu'bem omnium ferme ilia tempestate 

1 TBiiiA^: om.P(l)N. 

^ Doric for N^ao?, Insula. 

2 Timacus, the historian of Sicily, had called Syracuse the 
greatest of Greek cities, the most beautiful of all cities; Cicero, 
de Re Publica III. 43; in Verrem IV. 117. 

434 • 

BOOK XXV. XXIV. 4-1 1 

they had reached Epipolae, a well-guarded i-egion, b.c. 212 
and the enemy liad rather to be terrified than de- 
ceived, as they were in fact terrified. For as soon 
as they heard the notes of the trumpet and the shout- 
ing of the men holding the Malls and a part of the 
city, the guards, thinking the whole city was occupied, 
fled, some of them along the wall ; others leaped from 
the wall or were pushed over by the panic-stricken 
crowd. A large part of the people, however, were 
unaware of the great danger ; for all were heavy 
with wine and sleep, and in a city of immense size 
knowledge concerning its quarters failed to reach the 
whole. At daybreak Marcellus burst open the 
Hexapylon, and entering the city with his entire 
force awakened everj-body and set them to arming 
themselves and bringing aid, if possible, to a city 
now all but captured. 

Epicydes came out from the Island, which they 
themselves call Nasos,^ with a quickly moving column, 
not doubting that he would drive out a few men who, 
owing to the carelessness of the guards had got over 
the wall. When men met him in alarm, he would 
say that they were adding to the confusion and 
bringing exaggerated and unduly alarming news. 
On discovering that in and near Epipolae armed men 
were everj-^vhere, he merely challenged the enemy 
by a few missiles and then marched his column back 
into Achradina. He feared, not so much the attack 
of the enemy and their great numbers, as that some 
treachery within the city might have opportunity to 
break out, and he might findthe gates of Achradina and 
the Island closed during the disturbance. Marcellus, 
on entering the walls and from the higher ground 
viewing one of the most beautiful of all cities ^ in 


F F 2 


540 ■ piilcherrimam subieclam oculis vidit, inlacrimasse 
dicitur partim gaudio tantae pcrpetratae rei, partim 

12 vetusta gloria iirbis. Atheniensium classes demersae 
et duo ingcntes exercitus cum duobus clarissimis 
ducibus dclcti occurrebant ct tot bella cum Cartha- 

13 ginieiibibus tanto cum discrimine gesta, tot tam 
opulenti tyranni regesque, praetei* ceteros Hiero 
cum recentissimae memoriae rex, turn ante omnia 
quae virtus ei fortunaque sua dederat beneficiis 

14 in populum Romanum insignis. Ea cum universa 
occurrerent aiiimo subiretque cogitatio, iam ilia 
momento horae arsura omnia et ad cineres reditura, 

15 priusquam signa Achradinam admoveret, praemittit 
Syracusanos qui intra praesidia Romana, ut ante 
dictum est, fuerant, ut adloquio loni pellicerent ^ 
liostis ad dedendam urbem. 

XX\\ Tenebant Achradinae portas murosque 
maxume transfugae, quibus nulla erat per condiciones 
veniae spes ; ei nee adire muros nee adloqui quem- 

2 quam passi. Itaque Marcellus, postquam id incep- 
tum inritum fuit, ad Euryalum signa referri iussit. 
Tumulus est in extrema parte urbis aversus a mari 
viaeque imminens ferenti in agros mediterraneaque 
insulae, percommode situs ad commeatus excipiendos. 

'^ Praeerat huic arci Philodemus Argivus ab Epicyde 
impositus ; ad quem missus a Marcello Sosis, unus 

^ pellicerent 31 ^?A^ : pellerent P(l) : im- Weissenborn. 

^ I.e. Nicias and Demosthenes. 

2 At the western apex of the triangle; a narrow ridge 
nearly 500 feet above the sea, with a commanding view. 


BOOK XXV. XXIV. ii-xx-\'. 3 

that age lying before his eyes, is said to have wept, b.c. 212 
partly for joy over his great achievement, partly for 
the ancient glory of the city. The sinking of the fleets 
of the Athenians and the destruction of two mighty 
armies along with two very distinguished generals ^ 
came to his mind, and so many wars waged with so 
great a risk against the Carthaginians ; tyrants and 
kings, so many and so wealthy, above all Iliero, a king 
vividly remembered and also, above all that his own 
merit and success had given him, conspicuous for his 
favours to the Roman people. Since all that came 
to mind and the thought suggested itself that now 
in the course of an hour everything there would be in 
flames and reduced to ashes, before advancing his 
standards into Achradina, he sent forward the 
Syracusans who had been within the Roman lines, 
as has been said before, in order to entice the enemy 
by mild words to surrender the city. 

XXV. Holding the gates and Avails of Achradina 
were chiefly deserters, who had no hope of pardon if 
terms were made. They did not allow the men either 
to approach the walls or to speak to any one. And so 
Marcellus,now that this attempt Avas fruitless, oi-dered 
the standards to be carried back to Euryalus. This 
is a hill- in the most distant pai-t of the city, facing 
away from the sea, and commanding the road Avhich 
leads to the country and the interior of the island, very 
conveniently placed for receiving supplies. In 
command of this citadel^ Avas Philodemus the Argive, 
posted there by Epicydes. Sosis, one of the slayers 

^ The crowning point of Dionysius' great fortifications, and 
still accounted the strongest of Greek fortresses, with its tliree 
fosses, its towers, and a compUcated system of tunnels cut 
through solid rock. 



A.u.c. ex iiitcM-fectoribus tyranni, cum longo sermone 
habito dilatus per frustrationem esset, rettulit 
Marcello tempus eum ad deliberandum siimpsisse. 
•1 Cum is diem de die difFerret, dum Hippocrates 
atque Himilco admoverent castra legionesque,'^ 
baud dubius, si in arcem accepisset eos, deleri 

5 Romanum exercituminclusum muris posse, Marcellus, 
ut Euryalum ncque tradi neque capi vidit posse, 
inter Neapolim et Tycham — nomina ea partium urbis 
et instar urbium sunt — posuit castra, timens ne, si 
frequentia intrasset loca, contineri ab discursu miles 

6 avidus praedae non posset. Legati eo ab Tycha et 
Neapoli cum infulis et velamentis venerunt, precantes 

7 ut a caedibus et ab incendiis parceretur. De 
quorum precibus quam postulatis magis consilio 
habito Marcellus ex omnium sententia edixit militi- 
bus ne quis liberum corpus violaret : cetera praedae 

8 futura. Castra testis ^ parietum pro mure saepta; 
portis regione platearum patentibus stationes prae- 
sidiaque disposuit, ne quis in discursu militum 

9 impetus in castra fieri posset. Inde signo date 
milites discurrerunt ; refi-actisque foribus cum omnia 
terrore ac tumultu streperent, a caedibus tamen 
temperatum est ; rapinis nullus ante modus fuit 
quam omnia diuturna felicitate cumulata bona 

1 -que CU2 : om. P(l). 

^ testis 31. MuUer {after -que testis Rohl, Riemann) : -que 
teetis P(l) : obiectu Strotk, Madvig^, Walters: contextu 
Madvig* {praef.), Luchs : contextis Heusinger. 

1 Cf. XXIV. XXX. 14. 

* Here the text is \Qiy uncertain, but most of the emendations 
are open to serious objections, as involving Marcellus' use 
of more or less continuous house-waUs — a feeble defence, and 
not easily to be reconciled with the idea of an open space lying 
between two built-up quarters of the city. 

438 .»'• :V'^>, 


of the tyrant, was sent to him by Mareellus, and after b.c. 212 
being balked and put off by the deHvery of a long 
speech, he reported to Mareellus that Philodenius 
had taken time to consider. Philodemus Avas post- 
poning from day to day, waiting for Hippocrates and 
Himilco to move up their camp and legions, and not 
doubting that, if he should get them into the citadel, 
the Roman army, shut up within the city Avails, could 
be destroyed. Consequently Mareellus, seeing that 
Euryalus could neither be won by surrender nor by 
assault, pitched his camp between Neapolis and 
Tycha, these being the names of quarters of the 
city, virtually cities in themselves. For he feared 
that, if he should enter thickly settled parts, the 
soldiers in their eagerness for booty could not be 
restrained from scattei'ing. To this camp came 
legates from Tycha and Neapolis with fillets and 
woollen bands,^ praying that they be spared blood- 
shed and fires. Mareellus held a council in regard to 
their prayers — such they were rather than demands — 
and with the approval of all gave an order to the 
soldiers that no one should injure a free person ; 
everything else would be spoil. The camp Avas 
enclosed by bricks from house-Avalls ^ to serve as a 
wall of defence. At those camp gates Avhich opened 
toAvard the streets outposts and detachments 
AA^ere stationed by Mareellus, that no attack upon 
the camp might occur Avhile the soldiers Avere 
dispersed. Then at a given signal the soldiers 
scattered. And although doors Avere forced and 
everyAvhere Avere the sounds of panic and uproar, they 
nevertheless refrained from bloodshed. To plunder- 
ing there Avas no limit until they had carried aAA^ay 
all the possessions accumulated in a long-continued 





10 egesserunt. Inter haec et Philodemus, cum spes 
auxilii nulla esset, fide accepta ut inviolatus ad 
Epicydcn rediret, deducto praesidio tradidit tunuilum 

11 Ronianis. Aversis omnibus ad tumultum ex parte 
captae urbis Bomilcar noctem eam nactus qua propter 
vim tempestatis stare ad ancoram in salo Romana 

12 classis non posset, cum triginta quinque navibus ex 
portu Syracusano profectus libero mari vela in altum 
dedit quinque et quinquaginta navibus Epicydae 

13 et Syracusanis relictis ; edoctisque Carthaginiensibus 
in quanto res Syracusana discrimine esset, cum centum 
navibus post paucos dies redit, multis, ut fama est, 
donis ex Hieronis gaza ab Epicyde donatus. 

XXVI. Marcellus Euryalo recepto praesidioque 
addito una cura erat liber, ne qua ab tergo vis 
hostium in arcem accepta inclusos impeditosque moe- 

2 nibus suos tui'baret. Achradinam inde trinis castris 
per idonea dispositis loca spe ad inopiam omnium 

3 rerum inclusos redacturum, circumsedit. Cum per 
aliquot dies quietae stationes utrimque fuissent, 
repente adventus Hippocratis et Himilconis ut ultro 

4 undique oppugnarentur Romani fecit. Nam et 
Hippocrates castris ad magnum portum comnuniitis 
signoque iis dato qui Achradinam tenebant castra 
Vetera Romanorum adortus est, quibus Crispinus 
praeerat, et Epicydes eruptionem in stationes Mar- 
celli fecit, et classis Punica litori quod inter urbem 

1 Cf. XXIV. xxxiii. 3; xxxix. 12. 


BOOK XXV. .\xv. 9-x\vi. 4 

prosperity. Meanwliile even Philodemus, having b.o. 212 
no hope of assistance and receiving assurance that 
he might I'eturn unharmed to Epicydes, led his 
garrison out and surrendered the hill to the Romans. 
While the attention of all was diverted in the direction 
of the uproar of a city in part captured, Bomilcar, 
favoured by such a night that on account of a violent 
storm the Roman fleet could not ride at anchor in 
open water, came out of the harbour of Syracuse with 
thirty-five ships, and with no enemy to prevent, 
put to sea, leaving fifty-five ships to Epicydes and the 
Syracusans. And after informing the Carthaginians 
how critical was the situation at Syracuse, he re- 
turned after a few days with a hundred ships. He 
was presented with many gifts, it is reported, by 
Epicydes out of the royal treasures of Hiero. 

XXVI. Marcellus, after getting possession of 
Euryalus and gai-risoning it, was relieved of one fear, 
that some troops of the enemy in the rear might 
be admitted to the citadel and embarrass his men, 
hemmed in and hampered by the walls. He thereupon 
laid siege to Achradina with three camps placed 
in suitable positions, in the hope of reducing the be- 
leaguered to absolute want. When the outposts 
on both sides had been inactive for some days, 
suddenly the arrival of Hippocrates and Himilco 
had the effect that the Romans were actually be- 
sieged on all sides. For Hippocrates, after fortifying 
a camp by the Great Harbour and giving the signal 
to the forces occupying Achradina, attacked the old 
Roman camp,^ which was commanded by Crispinus, 
at the same time that Epicydes made a sally against 
Marcellus' outposts, and just when the Carthaginian 
fleet put in to the shore lying between the city and 



A-u-c- et Ctosti-a Romana cx-at adpulsa est, ne quid praesidii 

5 Crispino submitti a Marcello posset. Tumultum 
tamen maiorern hostes praebuerunt qiiam certamen ; 
nam et Crispinus Hippocraten non reppulit tantum 
munimentis, sed insecutus etiam est trepide fugien- 

6 tern, et Epicyden Marcellus in urbem conipvilit ; satis- 
que iani etiam in posterum videbatur provisum ne quid 
ab repentinis eorum excursionibus pcriculi foret. 

7 Acoessit et ab ^ pestilentia commune malum quod 
facile utrorumque animos averteret a belli consiliis. 
Nam tempore autumni et locis natura gravibus, 
multo tamen magis extra urbem quam in urbe, in- 
toleranda vis aestus per utraque castra omnium 

8 ferme corpora movit. Ac primo temporis ac loci 
vitio et aegri erant et moriebantur ; postea curatio 
ipsa et contactus aegrorum volgabat morbos, ut aut 
neglecti desertique qui incidissent morerentur, aut 
adsidcntis curantisque eadem vi morbi repletos 

9 secum traherent, cotidianaque funera et mors ob 
oculos esset et undique dies noctesque ploratus 

10 audirentur. Postremo ita adsuetudine mali efFera- 
verant animos ut non modo lacrimis iustoque conplora- 
tu prosequerentiu- mortuos, sed ne efFerrent quidem 
aut sepelirent, iacerentque strata exanima corpora 

1 1 in conspectu similem mortem expectantium, mortuique 
aegrosj aegri validos cum metu, turn tabe ac pestifei'o 
odore corporum conficerent ; et ut ferro potius more- 
rentur, quidam invadebant soli hostium stationes. 

^ ab Salvinius: ad P(l): ad haec J» Walters: om. C^ 


BOOK XXV. XXVI. 4-1 1 

the Roman camp, to make it impossible for any force c.c. 212 
to be sent to the aid of Crispinus by Marcelkis. 
However, it was more of an uproar than a battle 
that the enemy offered. For Crispinus not only 
drove Hippocrates back from his fortifications, but 
also pursued him as he fled in disorder, and Marcellus 
likewise forced Epicydes into the city. And now, 
even for the future, he seemed to have sufficiently 
insured that there should be no danger from their 
sudden raids. And in addition pestilence brought 
to both sides a calamity which forthwith diverted 
the attention of the two armies from strategy. 
For owing to the autumn season and places naturally 
unhealthy, unendurable heat affected the health 
of nearly all the men in both camps, but much 
more outside the city than within. And at first 
they sickened and died owing to the season and their 
position. Later the mere care of the ill and contagion 
spread the disease, so that those who had fallen ill 
died neglected and abandoned, or else they carried 
off \vith them those who sat by them and those who 
nursed, having caught the same malignant disease. 
And so everj' day funerals and death were be- 
fore their eyes, and wailings were heard on all 
sides day and night. Finally, from habituation to 
misery they had so lost their humane feelings that, 
so far from escorting the dead with tears and the 
wailing that was their due, thev did not even carry 
them out and bury them ; and dead bodies lay strewn 
about before the eyes of men awaiting a like death, 
and the dead seriously affected the ill, the ill the sound, 
not only through fear, but also by putrefaction and 
the pestilent odour of corpses. And some, to die by 
the sword instead, would dash into the outposts of 



Au.c. 12 Multo tamen vis maior pestis Poenorum castra quam 
Romana invaserat ; nam Romani ^ diu circumsedendo 

13 Syvacusas caclo aciuisque adsucrant magis. Ex 
hostium exercitu Siculi, ut primuni vidcre ex gravitate 
loci volgari morbus, in suas quisque propinquas 

14 ur])cs dilapsi sunt ; et Carthaginienses, quibus 
nus(juam receptus crat, cum ipsis ducibus Ilippo- 
crate atque Himilcone ad intcrnecionem omnes 

15 perierunt. Marcellus, ut tanta vis ingruebat mali, 
traduxerat in urbem suos infirmaque corpora tecta 
et umbrae recreaverant ; multi tamen ex Romano 
exercitu eadem peste absumpti sunt. 

XXVII. Deleto terrestri Punico exercitu Siculi 
qui Hippocratis milites fuerant ... ,2 haud magna 
oppida, ceterum et situ et munimentis tuta ; tria 
milia alterum ab Syracusis, alterum quindecim 
abest ; eo et commeatus e civitatibus suis comporta- 

2 bant et auxilia accersebant. Interea Bomilcar 
iterum cum classe profectus Carthaginem, ita exposita 
fortuna sociorum ut spem faceret non ipsis mode 
salutarem opem ferri posse, sed Romanes quoque in 

3 capta quodam modo urbe capi, perpulit ut onerarias 
naves quam plurumas omni copia rerum onustas 

4 secum mitterent classemque suam augerent. Igitur 
centum triginta navibus longis, septingentis 
onerariis profectus a Carthagine satis prosperos 

^ invaserat; nam Romani H. J. MiiUer : om. P{\), a lost 

* Missing are two toivn names and perhaps ceperant, in an 
omitted line. 

^ One of the two omitted towns was perhaps Bidis, men- 
tioned by Cicero in Verrevi II. 53. Rossbach and Conway 
thought that the other might be Dascon (Thucydides and 


BOOK XXV. XXVI. i2-xxvn. 4 

the enemy single-handed. A much more violent b.c. 212 
epidemic, however, had attacked the Carthaginian 
camp than the Roman. For the Romans in their 
long blockade of Svracuse had erown more accus- 
tomedto the climate and the water. Of the enemy's 
army, the Sicilians scattered, each to his own neigh- 
bouring city, as soon as they saw that the disease 
was spreading owing to the unwholesomeness of the 
place, while the Carthaginians, who had no refuge 
anywhere, with even their generals, Hippocrates 
and Himilco, perished to the last man. Marcellus, 
as soon as the pestilence began to be so serious, 
had transferred his soldiers into the city, and shelter 
and shade had revived the invalids. Nevertheless 
many in the Roman army were carried off by the 
same pestilence. 

XX\'II. The Carthaginian land-army having been 
destroyed, the Sicilians who had been Hippocrates' 
soldiers had occupied . . .,^ not large towns, but 
defended both by situation and fortifications. One 
of them is three miles from Syracuse, the other 
fifteen miles. To these they were bringing supplies 
from their own communities and also summoning 
auxiliaries. Meanwhile Bomilcar left for Carthage 
a second time with his fleet, and he set forth the 
situation of their allies in such terms as to inspire 
hope, not only that effectual aid could be lent to them, 
but also that the Romans could be captured in the 
virtually captured city. He thus pi-cvailed upon 
them to send with him as many transports as possible, 
laden with all kinds of supplies, and to enlarge his 
fleet. Accordingly, setting out from Carthage M'ith 
a hundred and thirty warships and seven hundred 
transports, he had winds quite favourable for the 



^•^^' ventos ad traiciendum in Sicilian! habuit ; sed iidem 

5 venti superare cum Pachynum prohibebant. Bomil- 
caris adventus fama primo, dein praeter spem mora 
cum gaudium et metum in vicem Romanis Syra- 

6 cusanisque praebuisset, Epicydes metuens ne, si 
pergerent iidem qui tum tenebant ab ortu solis 
flai*e per dies plures venti, classis Punica Africam 

7 repcteret, tradita Achradina mercennariorum mili- 

8 tum ducibus ad Bomilcavem navigat. Classem in 
statione versa in Africam habentem atque timentem 
navale proelium, non tam quod impar viribus aut 
numero navium esset — quippe etiam plures habebat 
— quam quod venti aptiores Romanae quam suae 
classi flarent, perpulit tamen ut fortunam navalis 

9 ccrtaminis experiri vellet. Et Marcellus, cum et 
Siculum exercitum ex tota insula conciri videret et 
cum ingenti commeatu classem Punicam adventare, 
ne simul terra marique inclusus ui'be hostium urgere- 
tur, quamquam impar numero navium erat, pro- 
hibere aditu Syracusarum Bomilcarem constituit. 

10 Duae classes infestae circa promunturium Pachynum 
stabant, ubi prima tranquillitas maris in altum 

11 evexisset, concursurae. Itaque cadente iam Euro, 
qui per dies aliquot saevierat, prior Bomilcar movit ; 
cuius primo classis petere altum visa est, quo facilius 

12 sup eraret promunturium; ceterum postquam tendere 
ad se Romanas naves vidit, incertum qua subita 


crossing to Sicily. But the same winds did not allow b.c 212 
him to round Pachynum. The report at first of 
Bomilcar's coming, and then its unexpected delay, 
brought rejoicing and fear by turns to Romans and 
Syracusans. Upon that Epicydes, fearing that, 
if the same winds which were then holding should 
continue to blow from the east for several days, the 
Carthaginian fleet would make for Africa again, 
turned over Achradina to the commanders of the 
mercenaries and sailed to meet Bomilcar. who 
was keeping his fleet in a roadstead facing Africa. 
He feared a naval battle, not so much because he 
was inferior in his forces and the number of his ships 
■ — in fact he had even more — as because the winds 
then blowing were more favourable to the Roman 
fleet than to his own. Nevertheless Epicydes 
gained his consent to try the fortune of a naval 
engagement. And Marcellus too, seeing that a 
Sicilian army was being brought together from the 
entire island and at the same time a Carthaginian fleet 
was approaching with unlimited supplies, and fear- 
ing that he might be hard pressed by land and sea, 
being shut up -svithin the enemies' city, decided, 
although he was inferior in the number of his ships, 
to prevent Bomilcar from reaching Syracuse. The 
two opposing fleets lay on this side and that of the 
promontory' of Pachynum, ready to engage as soon 
as calm weather should enable them to put to sea. 
And so, as the southeast wind, which had been 
blowing hard for some days, was now dropping, 
Bomilcar was the first to get under weigh. And at 
first his fleet appeared to be heading out to sea, 
the more readily to round the promontoiy. But 
on seeing that the Roman ships were steering towards 


A U.C. 


territus re, Bomilcar vela in altum dedit missisque 
nuntiis Heracleam qui onerarias retro inde Africam 
repetere iuberent, ipse Sicilian! praetervectus Taren- 
13 turn petit. Epicydes, a tanta repente destitutus 
spe, ne in obsidionem magna ex parte captae urbis 
rediret, Agrigentum navigat, expectaturus niagis 
eventum quam inde quicquam moturus. 

XX\'III. Quae ubi in castra Siculorum sunt 
nuntiata, Epicyden Syracusis excessisse, a Carthagi- 
niensibus relictam insulam et prope iterum traditam 

2 Romanis, legates de condicionibus dedendae urbis 
explorata prius per conloquia voluntate eorum qui 

3 obsidebantur ad Marcellum mittunt. Cum baud 
ferme discreparet quin quae ubique regum fuissent 
Romanorum essent, Sieulis cetera cum libertate ac 
legibus suis servarentur, evocatis ad conloquium iis 

4 quibus ab Epicyde creditae res erant, missos se simul 
ad Marcellum, simul ad eos ab exercitu Siculorum 
aiunt, ut una omnium qui obsiderentur quique extra 
obsidionem fuissent fortuna esset neve alteri proprie 

5 sibi paciscerentur quicquam. Recepti deinde ab iis, 
ut necessarios hospitesque adloqucrentur. expositis 
quae pacta iam cum Marcello haberent, oblata spe 
salutis pei-pulere eos ut secum praefectos Epicydis 
Polyclitum et Philistionem et Epicyden, cui Sindon 

cognomen erat, adgrederentur. Interfectis iis et 

1 Cf. XXIV. XXXV. 3. 

BOOK XX\'. xxvii. I2-XXVIII. 6 

him, Boniilcar, alarmed by something unforeseen, b.c. 212 
made sail for open water, and after sending messengers 
to Heraclea ^ to command the transports to return 
thence to Africa, he himself sailed along the coast 
of Sicily and made for Tarentum. Epicydes, sud- 
denly bereft of a hope so high, in order not to return, 
only to share the siege of a city in large part captured, 
sailed to Agrigentum, intending to await the outcome, 
rather than to set any tiling in motion from there. 

XX\ III. When these things were reported to the 
camp of the Sicilians, that Epicydes had left Syracuse, 
that the island had been abandoned by the Cartha- 
ginians and almost handed over a second time to the 
Romans, after first ascertaining by conferences the 
wish of the besieged, they sent legates to Mai-cellus 
to make terms for the surrender of the city. It was 
virtually agreed that all that had anywhere belonged 
to the kings should belong to the Romans, that 
everything else should be secured to the Sicilians 
along with freedom and their own laws. Accordingly 
the legates summoned to a conference the men to 
whom power had been entrusted by Epicydes, and said 
that they had been sent by the army of the Sicihans 
at the same time to Marcellus and to them, in order 
that all, the besieged and those who had been outside 
of the operations, might share the same lot and neither 
party make any special terms for itself. And then, 
being admitted by them, that they might speak with 
their relatives and guest-friends, they explained the 
terms which they had already settled with Marcellus, 
and by holding out assurances of safety prevailed 
upon them to join with themselves in an attack upon 
Epicydes' prefects, Polyclitus and Philistion and an 
Epicydes surnamed Sindon. After slaying them and 

VOL. vr. G G 


A.u.o. multitudine ad contionem vocata, inopiam quaeque 

^'* ipsi inter se fx'emere occulti ^ soliti erant conquesti, 

quamquam tot mala urgerent, negarunt fortunam 

accusandam esse, quod in ipsorum esset potestate 

7 quamdiii ea paterentur. Romanis causam oppug- 
nandi Syracusas fuisse caritatem Syracusanorum, 
non odium ; nam ut occupatas res ab satellitibus 
Hannibalis, deinde Hieronymi, Hippoci'ate atque 
Epicyde, audierint, turn bellum movisse et obsidere 
urbem coepisse, ut crudelis tyrannos eius, non ut 

8 ipsam urbem expugnarent. Hippocrate vero inter- 
empto, Epicyde intercluso ab Syracusis et prae- 
fectis eius oecisis, Carthaginiensibus omni possessione 
Siciliae terra marique pulsis, quam superesse causam 
Romanis cur non, perinde ac si Hiero ipse viveret, 
unicus Romanae amicitiae cultor, incolumis Syracusas 

9 esse velint ? Itaque nee urbi nee hominibus aliud 
periculum quam ab scmet ipsis esse, si occasionem 
reconciliandi se Romanis praetermisissent ; earn 
autem, qualis illo momento horae sit, nullam deinde 
fore, si simul liberatas ab impotentibus tyrannis . . .^ 

XXIX. Omnium ingenti adsensu audita ea oratio 
est. Praetores tamen prius creari quam legates 
nominari placuit ; ex ipsorum deinde praetorum 

^ occulti P(2) : occulte A. 

^ A lactma variously supplied, e.g. Syracusas esse et appll- 
care se Romanis Madvig {two lines) : accipere noluissent 
Walters {one line after apparuisset). 

^ Madvig's restoration is based upon the idea of an immedi- 
ate return to their former friendship ("and was taking the 
Roman side"). Walters supphed the thought that the 
Romans might even reject such advances. 


BOOK XXV. XXVIII. 6-xxix. i 

calling the populace to an assembly, they complained b.c. 212 
of privation and other things at wliich among them- 
selves they had been in the habit of mm-mm*ing in 
secret. And they said that, although so many 
hardships were a burden to them, they ought not to 
blame fortune, because it was in their own power 
to say how long they would endure them. The 
Romans, they said, had had as their ground for be- 
sieging S}Tacuse their love, not hatred, of the 
Syracusans. For on learning that the power had 
been seized by Hippocrates and Epicydes, minions 
of Hannibal and later of Hieronymus, it was then 
that thev had made Avar and had beffun to besiege 
the city, in order to capture, not the city itself, but 
its cruel tyrants. But now that Hippocrates had 
perished, that Epicydes had been cut off from 
Syracuse and his prefects slain, now that the Cartha- 
ginians had everywhere been driven by land and sea 
from their occupation f Sicily, what reason remained 
for the Romans not to wish Syracuse to be preserved, 
just as if Hiero himself, who was unrivalled in main- 
taining friendship with Rome, were still alive ? 
Accordingly both for the city and for individuals there 
was no other danger than from themselves, if they 
should let slip the opportunity of a reconciliation 
with the Romans. Moreover so favourable an 
opportunity as there was at that moment, if it should 
be evident that Syracuse, once it had been freed 
from insolent tyrants, . . . ,^ would never come 

XXIX. The speech was heard with great and 
unanimous approval. It was decided, however, to 
elect magistrates before naming legates. Then out 
of the number of these magistrates' representatives 

o o 2 


A.u.c. 2 numero missi oratores ad Marcellum, (luorum 
princeps " Neque primo " inquit " Syracusani a 
vobis defecimus, sed Hieronymus, nequaquam tarn 

3 in vos impius quam in nos, nee postea pacem tyranni 
caede compositam Syracusanus quisquam, sed satel- 
lites regii Hippocrates atque Epicydes oppressis 
nobis hinc metu, hinc fraude turbaverunt. Nee 
tjuisquam dicere potest aliquando nobis libertatis 
tempus fuisse quod pacis vobiscum non fuerit. 

4 Nunc certe caede eorum qui oppressas tenebant 
Syracusas cum primum nostri arbitrii esse coepimus, 
extemplo venimus ad tradenda arma, dedendos nos, 
urbem, moenia, nullam recusandam fortunam quae 

5 iniposita a vobis fuerit. Gloriam captae nobilissi- 
mae pulcherrimaeque urbis Graecarum dei tibi 
dederunt, Marcelle. Quidquid umquam terra mari- 
que memorandum gessimus, id tui triumphi titulo 

accedit. Famaene credi velis quanta urbs a te capta 
sit, quam posteris quoque cam spectaculo esse, quo 
quisquis terra, quisquis mari venerit, nunc nostra 
de Atheniensibus Carthaginiensibusque tropaea, 
nunc tua de nobis ostendat, incolumesque Syracusas 
familiae vestrae sub clientela nominis Marcellorum 

7 tutelaque habendas tradas ? Ne plus apud vos 
Hieronymi quam Hieronis memoria momenti faciat. 
Diutius ille multo amicus fuit quam hie hostis, et 



were sent to Marcellus. The foremost of these said : b.c. 212 
" In the beginning it was not we Syracusans who 
forsook your friendship, but Hieronymus, who was by 
no means so conscienceless toward you as toward 
us. And later the peace concluded on the assassina- 
tion of the tyrant was broken, not by any Syracusan, 
but by the king's minions, Hippocrates and Epicydes, 
after they had subdued us, now by terrorizing, now 
by treason. Nor can any man say that there has 
ever been any time of freedom for us that was not 
a time of peace with you. Certain it is that now, 
when through the slaying of those Avho were holding 
Syracuse in subjection we have begun for the first 
time to be our own masters, we have come forth- 
with to give up our arms, to surrender ourselves, 
the city, the walls, to reject no lot which shall be 
imposed by you Romans. The glory of capturing 
the most notable and most beautiful of Greek cities 
the gods have given to you, Marcellus. All that 
we have ever accomplished on land and sea that is 
worthy of record is added to the distinction of your 
triumph. Would you wish men merely to believe 
tradition as to the greatness of the city you have 
captured, rather than that it be a sight even to 
posterity, a city which shall show to every man who 
comes by land or by sea, at one spot our trophies 
won from the Athenians and the Carthaginians, 
at another your trophies won from us, and that you 
hand over Syracuse intact to your house, to be kept 
under the clientship and tutelage of those who bear 
the name Marcellus ? Let not the memory of 
Hieronymus have more weight with you Romans 
than that of Hiero. The latter was much longer 
your friend than the former your enemy ; and you 



A.TJ.C. illius benefacta etiam re ^ sensistis, huius amentia 

8 ad perniciem tantum ipsius valuit." Omnia et 
impetrabilia et tuta erant apud Romanes : inter 
ipsos plus belli ac periculi erat. Namque trans- 
fugae, tradi se Romanis rati, mercennariorum quoque 
militum auxilia in eundem compulere metum; 

9 arreptisque armis praetores primum obtruncant, inde 
ad caedem Syracusanorum discurrunt quosque fors 
obtulit irati interfecere atque omnia quae in promptu 

10 erant diripuerunt. Tum, ne sine ducibus essent, sex 
praefectos creavere, ut terni Achradinae ac Naso 
praeessent. Sedate tandem txmiultu exequentibus 
sciscitando quae acta cum Romanis essent, dilucere 
id quod erat coepit, aliam suam ac perfugarum 
causam esse. 

XXX. In tempore legati a Marcello redierunt, 
falsa eos suspicione incitatos memorantes nee causam 
expetendae poenae eorum ullam Romanis esse. 

2 Erat e tribus Achradinae praefectis Hispanus, 
Moericus nomine. Ad eum inter comites legatorum 
de industria unus ex Hispanorum auxiliaribus est 
missus, qui sine arbitris Moericum nanctus primum 
quo in statu reliquisset Hispaniam — et nuper inde 
venerat — exponit : omnia Romanis ibi obtineri armis. 

3 Posse eum, si operae pretium faciat, principem 
popularium esse, seu militare cum Romanis seu in 
patriam reverti libeat ; contra, si malle obsideri 

^ re PC : pre P-?{10) : recentia 31. Muller : rebus adversis 

1 I .e. the mercenaries. 

* We learn from XXVI. xxi. 13 that his name was Belligenes. 


BOOK XXV. XXIX. 7-xxx. 3 

have had positive experience of the good deeds of b.c. 212 
the one, while the other's folly resulted only in his 
own destruction." Everything could be obtained 
from the Romans and was already assured. It 
was among the Sicilians themselves that war and 
danger chiefly lay. For the deserters, thinking 
that they would surely be handed over to the Romans, 
aroused the mercenary auxiliaries also to the same 
fear. And seizing arms they^ first slew the magis- 
trates and then dispersed to massacre the Syracusans, 
and in anger they slew all whom chance threw in 
their way and carried off everything on which they 
could lay hands. Then, not to be without com- 
manders, they chose six prefects, three to be in 
charge of Achradina and three of Nasus. When 
the uproar was at last stilled and they were diligently 
enquiring what terms had been made with the 
Romans, the truth began to dawn upon them, that 
their case was different from that of the deserters. 

XXX. Just at the right moment the legates re- 
turned from Marcellus, stating that the mercenaries 
had been aroused by an unfounded suspicion, and 
that the Romans had no reason for demanding their 
punishment. One of the three prefects of Achradina 
was a Spaniard, Moericus by name. To him, among 
the retinue of the legates, one ^ of the Spanish 
auxiliaries was sent on purpose. Finding Moericus 
alone, he first explained the condition in which he 
had left Spain, from which he had recently come. 
The whole of that country, he said, was held by Roman 
arms. If he should do something worth while, he 
could be a chief among his own people, whether 
he preferred to serve on the Roman side or to 
return to his native town. On the other hand, if he 



A.u.c. pergat, quam spem esse terra marique clauso ? 

4 Motus his Moericus, cum legates ad Marcellum mitti 
placuisset, fratrem inter eos mittit, qui per eundem 
ilium Hispanum secretus ab aliis ad Marcellum 
deductus, cum fidem accepisset composuissetque 

5 agendae ordinem rei, Achradinam redit. Turn 
Moericus, ut ab suspicione proditionis averteret 
omnium animos, negat sibi placere legatos com- 
meare ultro citroque : neque recipiendum quem- 
quam neque mittendum et, quo intentius custodiae 
serventur, opportuna dividenda praefectis esse, ut 
suae quisque partis tutandae reus sit. Omnes 

G adsensi sunt. Partibus dividendis ipsi regio evenit 
ab Arethusa fonte usque ad ostium magni portus ; 

7 id ut scirent Romani fecit. Itaque Marcellus nocte 
navem onerariam cum armatis remulco quadriremis 
trahi ad Achradinam ^ iussit exponique milites regione 

8 portae quae prope fontem Arethusam est. Hoc 
cum quarta Aagilia factum asset expositosque milites 
porta, ut convenerat, recepisset Moericus, luce prima 
Marcellus omnibus copiis moenia Achradinae adgre- 

9 ditur, ita ut non eos solum qui Achradinam tenebant 
in se converteret, sed ab Naso etiam agmina arma- 
torum concurrerent relictis stationibus suis ad vim 

10 et impetum Romanorum arcendum. In hoc tumultu 
actuariae naves instructae iam ante circumvectaeque 
ad Nasum armatos exponunt, qui inpro\'iso adorti 

1 Achradinam P(l) : 'i:iasum H. J. Midler. 

^ An evident error for the Island (Nasiis), due possibly to 
Livy's attempt to combine several different accoimts. There 
is further confusion in the passage which follows.* 

BOOK XXV. XXX. 3-10 

continued to prefer to be besieged, what hope was b.c. 212 
there for a man shut in by land and sea ? Moericus 
was impressed by these words, and when it was 
decided to send legates to Marcellus, sent his 
brother as one of them. He was escorted separately 
from the rest to Marcellus by that same Spaniard, 
and after receiving a promise and arranging the steps 
to be taken, returned to Achradina. Then Moericus, 
to divert the attention of everybody from the sus- 
picion of treason, said he did not approve of having 
legates going back and forth ; that none should be 
admitted or sent ; and that, in order to keep a closer 
guard, suitable positions should be di\dded among 
the prefects, so that each should be responsible for 
the defence of his own section. All agreed. In 
the assignment of sections the region extending from 
the Fountain of Arethusa to the entrance of the 
Great Harbour fell to Moericus himself. He saw 
to it that the Romans knew that. Accordingly 
Marcellus ordered a transport with armed men to 
be towed at night by a four-banker to Achradina, '^ 
and the soldiers to be landed near the gate which is 
by the P'ountain of Arethusa. This done at the 
fourth watch, and the soldiers landed there having 
been admitted according to agreement by Moericus 
through the gate, Marcellus at daybreak with all his 
forces assailed the walls of Achradina. The result 
was that not only did he turn the attention of the 
defenders of Achradina to himself, but from Nasus 
also columns of armed men, leaving their posts, united 
in haste, to ward off the violent attack of the Romans. 
During this confusion light vessels, previously 
equipped, sailed around to Nasus and landed their 
troops. These made an unexpected attack upon 




^'^If' semiplenas stationes et adapertas fores portae, qua 
paulo ante excurrerant armati, baud magno certa- 
minc Nasum cepere desertam trepidatione et fuga 

11 custodum. Neque in uUis minus praesidii aut 
pertinaciae ad manendum quam in transfugis fuit, 
quia ne suis quidem satis credentes e medio certa- 

12 mine efFugerunt. Marcellus, ut captam esse Nasum 
comperit ^ et Achradinae regionem unam teneri 
Moericumque cum praesidio suis adiunctum, re- 
ceptui cecinit, ne regiae opes, quarum fama maior 
quam res erat, diriperentur. 

XXXI. Suppresso impetu militum ut iis qui in 
Achradina ei'ant transfugis spatium locusque fugae 

2 datus est, Syracusani tandem liberi metu portis 
Achradinae apertis oratores ad Marcellum mittunt, 
nihil petentis aliud quam incolumitatem sibi hberis- 

3 que suis. Marcellus consilio advocate et adhibitis 
etiam Syracusanis qui per seditiones pulsi ab domo 

-I intra praesidia Romana fuerant, respondit non plura 
per annos quinquaginta benefacta Hieronis quam 
paucis his annis maleficia eorum qui Syracusas 
tenuerint erga populum Romanum esse ; sed plera- 
que eorum quo debuerint reccidisse, foederumque 
ruptorum ipsos ab se graviores multo quam populus 

5 Romanus voluerit poenas exegisse. Se qmdem 
tertium annum circumsedere Syracusas, non ut 
populus Romanus servam ^ civitatem haberet, sed 

^ comperit Weissenborn : oin. P(l) : vidit {after ut) 

Romamis (i.e. R.) servam x Sigonius : reservatam 

)): -taC. 





BOOK XXV. XXX. lo-xxxi. 5 

the half-manned outposts and the open doors of the b.o. 212 
gate through which the armed men had dashed out 
a little while before, and with no great resistance 
captured Nasus, deserted by the excitement and 
flight of the guards. And no others showed less 
capacity to defend or determination to hold out than 
the deserters, since they did not quite trust even 
their own men and fled out of the midst of the 
conflict. Marcellus, on learning that Nasus had been 
captured and one section of Achradina occupied, 
also that Moericus with his force had joined the 
Romans, sounded the recall, to prevent the royal 
treasures, which were reported to be larger than they 
really were, from being plundered. 

XXXI. The onslaught of the soldiers being checked 
and time and place for their flight given to the deserters 
who were in Achradina, the Syracusans, at last re- 
lieved of their fear, open the gates of Achradina 
and send representatives to Marcellus, asking 
nothing else than their own lives and those of their 
children. Marcellus, calling a council and admitting 
also those Syracusans who, after being driven from 
home during the uprisings, had been inside the 
Roman lines, replied that the good acts of Hiero 
toward the Roman people during fifty years had not 
been more numerous than the evil deeds done in the 
last few years by those who held Syracuse. But 
most of the misdeeds, he said, had reacted just as 
they should, and the men had exacted from them- 
selves much more serious penalties for the broken 
treaties than the Roman people wished. For his 
part, he -was besieging Syracuse for the third year, 
not that the Roman people might keep the city 
enslaved, but to prevent the commanders of deserters 


A.u.o. ne transfugarum alienigenarumcjue ^ duces captam 
^*' 6 et oppressam tenerent. Quid potuerint Syracusani 
facere, exemplo vel eos esse Syracusanorum qui intra 
praesidia Romana fuerint, vel Hispanum ducem 
Moericuni, qui praesidium tradiderit, vel ipsorum 
Syracusanorum postremo serum quidem, sed forte 

7 consilium. Sibi omnium laborum periculorumque 
circa moenia Syracusana terra marique tam diu 
exhaustorum nequaquam tanti eum ^ fructum esse 

8 quod capere Syracusas ^ potuisset. Inde quaestor 
cum praesidio ah Naso * ad accipiendam pecuniam 
regiam custodiendamque missus. Urbs ^ diripienda 
militi data est custodibus divisis per domos eorum 

9 qui intra praesidia Romana fuerant. Cum multa 
irae, multa avaritiae foeda exempla ederentur, 
Archimeden memoriae proditum est in tanto tumultu, 
quantum captae terror ^ urbis in discursu diripientium 
militum ciere poterat, intentum formis quas in 
pulvere descripserat, ab ignaro militfe quis esset 

10 interfectum ; aegre id Marcellum tulisse scpulturae- 
que curam habitam, et propinquis etiam inquisitis 
honori praesidioque nomen ac memoriam eius 

1 1 fuisse. Hoc maxume modo Syracusae captae ; in 
quibus praedae tantum fuit, quantum vix capta 

^ alienigenarum Hertz : mercennariorum Gerlach : om. P{1) 
Walters {also the -que of PC). 

^ tanti eum Harmit (without assuming a lacuna below) : 
tantum P(l) Madvig, Conway. 

^ Here Madvig inserted potuerit, quantum, si servare : 
Conway (after capere), sibi contigerit, quantum si servare 
(two lines): Oronovius conj. quam si parcere Syracusis /or quod 
capere Syracusas. 

* ab Naso ad Geyer : ab nassum et P(4) : ad nassum et 
CHPBDA : ad Nassum ad z Walters. 

8 Urbs X Walters : om. P(l) : Achradina Weissenborn. 


BOOK XXV. XXXI. 5-1 1 

and foreigners from holding it in captivity and sub- b.o. 212 
jection. What the Syracusans could have done was 
shown by the example either of those Syracusans 
inside the Roman lines, or of the Spanish com- 
mander Moericus, who surrendered his post, or 
finally of the belated but courageous resolution of 
the Syracusans themselves. To his mind it was 
by no means a sufficient reward for all the hardships 
and dangers, so long endured on land and sea about 
the Syracusan walls, that he had been able to capture 
Syracuse. Thereupon the quaestor was sent from 
Nasus with a force to receive and guard the royal 
funds. The city was given over to the soldiers to 
plunder, guards being first assigned to the houses 
of the men who had been inside the Roman lines. 
While many shameful examples of anger and many 
of greed were being given, the tradition is that 
Archimedes, in all the uproar which the alarm of a 
captured city could produce in the midst of plunder- 
ing soldiers dashing about, was intent upon the 
figures which he had traced in the dust and was 
slain by a soldier, not knowing who he was ; ^ that 
Marcellus was grieved at this, and his burial duly 
pi'ovided for ; and that his name and memory were 
an honour and a protection to his relatives, search 
even being made for them. Such in the main was 
the captm-e of Syracuse,^ in which there was booty 
in such quantity as there would scarcely have been 

^ Cf. Plutarch's account, Marcellus 19 ; Valerius Maximus 
VIII. 7. Ext. 7 ; Cicero de Finibus V. 50. 

2 Actually the fall of Syracuse appears to have taken place 
in the following year, 211 b.c. 

* terror Bottcher : om. P(l) : pavor Weissenborn. 



A.u.c. Carthagine turn fuisset, cum qua ^ viribus acquis 
^^ certabatur. 

12 Paucis ante diebus quam Syracusac capcrentur, 
T. Otacilius cum quinqueremibus octoginta Uticam 

13 ab Lilybaco transmisit, at cum ante lucem portum 
intrasset, onerarias frumento onustas cepit, egressus- 
que in terram depopulatus est aliquantum agri circa 
Uticam praedamque omnis generis retro ad navis 

14 egit. Lilybaeum tertio die quam inde profectus erat 
cum centum triginta onerariis navibus frumento 
praedaque onustis rediit idque frimientimi extemplo 

15 Syracusas misit ; quod ni tam in tempore subve- 
nisset, victoribus \-ictisque pariter perniciosa fames 

XXXII, Eadem aestate ir Hispania, cimi biennio 
ferme nihil admodum memorabile factum esset con- 
siliisque magis quam armis bellum gereretur, Romani 
imperatores egressi hibernis copias coniunxerunt. 

2 Ibi consilium advocatum omniimique in unum con- 
gruerunt sententiae, quando ad id locorvmi id modo 
actum esset ut Hasdrubalem tendentem in Italiam 
retinerent, tempus esse id iam agi ut bellum in 

3 Hispania finiretm*. Et satis ad id virium credebant 
accessisse viginti milia Celtiberorum ea hieme ad 
arma excita. Hostium 2 tres exercitus erant : 

4 Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius et Mago coniunctis castris 
quinque ferme dierum iter ab Romanis aberant ; 

5 propior erat Hamilcaris filius Hasdrubal, vetus in 
Hispania imperator; ad urbem nomine Amtorgim 

6 exercitum habebat. Eum volebant prius opprimi 

^ cum qua P(l) : cum (quum) Madvig. 
^ excita. Hostium AUchefski: excitatum PRM : -ta Cz: 
-ti DA : excitorum Gronovixis, 


BOOK XXV. XXXI. ii-xxxii. 6 

if Carthage, with which the conflict was on even b.o. 212 
terms, had at that time been captured. 

A few days before Syracuse was taken, Titus 
OtaciUus with eighty five-bankers crossed over 
from Lilybaeum to Utica. And having entered 
the harbour before dayHght, he captured cargo- 
ships laden with grain, and disembarking ravaged 
a considerable area around Utica and drove booty 
of every kind back to the ships. On the third day 
after he had left Lilybaeum he returned thither with 
a hundred and thirty cargo-ships laden with grain 
and booty, and sent the grain at once to Syracuse. 
Had it not arrived so opportunely, a famine equally 
destructive to victors and vanquished was impending. 

XXXII. In Spain in the same summer, when for 
about two years ^ nothing very notable had occurred 
and the war was being waged more by diplomacy 
than by arms, the Roman generals, on leaving their 
winter-quarters, united their forces. Thereupon a 
council was called and all were of one mind, that, 
since up to that time they had accomplished nothing 
except to hold Hasdrubal back from pushing on into 
Italy, it was time that their task should now be 
to end the war in Spain. And they believed they 
had sufficient reinforcements for that pui-pose in 
twenty thousand Celtiberians who had been called 
to arms that winter. The enemy had three armies. 
Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, and Mago with adjoin- 
ing camps were about five days' march from the 
Romans. Nearer was Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, 
a veteran commander in Spain. He had his army 
near a city called Amtorgis. It was he that the 

^ This apparently from a source which placed the defeat 
and death of the Scipios in 211 B.C.; cf. note on xxxvi. 14. 



A.u.o. duces Romani; et spes erat satis superque ad id 

^*^ virium esse ; ilia restabat cura, ne fuso eo perculsi 

alter Hasdrubal et Mago in avios saltus montesque 

7 recipientes sese bellum extraherent. Optimum 
igitur rati divisis bifariam copiis totius simul Hispa- 
niae amplecti bellum, ita inter se diviserunt ut P. 
Cornelius duas partes exercitus Romanorum socio- 
rumque adversus Magonem duceret atque Hasdru- 

8 balem, Cn. Cornelius cum tcrtia parte veteris exerci- 
tus Celtiberis adiunctis cum Hasdrubale Barcino 

9 bellum gereret. Una profecti ambo duces exercitus- 
que Celtiberis praegredientibus ad urbem Amtorgim 
in conspectu hostium dirimente amni ponunt castra. 

10 Ibi Cn. Scipio cum quibus ante dictum est copiis 
substitit; P. Scipio profectus ad destinatam belli 

XXXIII. Hasdrubal postquam animadvertit exi- 
guum Romanum exercitum in castris et spem omnem 

2 in Celtiberorum auxiliis esse, peritus omnis barbaricae 
et praecipue earum ^ gentium in quibus per tot 

3 annos militabat perfidiae, facili linguae commercio,^ 
cum utraque castra plena Hispanorum essent, per 
occulta conloquia paciscitur magna mercede cum 
Celtiberorum principibus ut copias inde abducant. 

4 Nee atrox visum facinus — non enim ut in Romanos 
verterent arma agebatur — et merces quanta vel 

1 earum Gronovius : omnium earum P(l). 
^ commeTcio z CoJiway : om.P{l). 

1 Probably the Baetis, as Iliturgi was not far away; 
cf. XXVIII. xix. 2. 


BOOK XX\'. xxxii. 6-xxxiii. 4 

Koman generals wished first to overpower ; and they b.o. 212 
hoped tliey had quite ample forces for that end. 
The one remaining concern was the fear that, if he 
was defeated, the other Hasdrubal and Mago 
might in alarm withdraw to pathless forests and 
momitains and prolong the war. They thought it 
best therefore to divide their forces into two armies 
and include the whole of Spain in their plan of 
operations. And they divided in such manner that 
Publius Cornelius should lead two-thirds of the army 
of Romans and allies against Mago and Hasdrubal, 
and that Gnaeus Cornelius with one-third of the old 
army and the Celtiberians in addition should carry 
on the war with Hasdrubal Barca. Setting out to- 
gether, with the Celtiberians in the van, both 
generals and armies pitched camp near the city of 
Amtorgis, in sight of the enemy, but separated by a 
river.i There Gnaeus Scipio remained with the 
above-mentioned forces, while Publius Scipio set 
out for his previously appointed share of the war. 

XXXHI. Hasdrubal first noted that there was only 
a small army of Romans in the camp and that all 
their hope was in the Celtiberian auxiliaries. Then, 
as he was well acquainted with every form of treachery 
practised by barbarians and particularly by those 
tribes among which he had been campaigning for 
so many years, and as oral communication was easy, 
since both camps were full of Spaniards, by means 
of secret conferences he made an ag-reement with 
the chief men of the Celtiberians at a high price that 
they should withdraw their troops. Nor did it seem 
an outrageous act — for it was not urged that they 
should turn their arms against the Romans — and a 
price which would have been ample even for engaging 






pro bello satis esset dabatur ne bellum gererent, et 
cum quies ipsa, turn reditus domum fructusque 

5 videndi suos suaque grata vulgo erant. Itaque non 
ducibus facilius quam multitudiiii persuasum est. 
Simul ne nietus quideni ab Romanis ei'at, quippe 

G tarn paucis, si vi retinerent. Id quidem cavendum 
semper Romanis ducibus erit exemplaque haec vera 
pro documentis habenda, ne ita externis credant 
auxiliis ut non plus sui roboris suarumque propria 

7 virium in castris habeant. Signis repente sublatis 
Celtiberi abeunt, nihil aliud quaerentibus causam 
obtestantibusque ut manerent Romanis respondentes 

8 quam domestico se avocari bello. Scipio, postquam 
socii nee precibus nee vi retineri poterant, nee se aut 
parem sine illis hosti esse aut fratri rursus coniungi 
vidit posse, nee ullum aliud salutare consilium in 

9 promptu esse, retro quantum posset cedere statuit, 
in id omni cura intentus necubi hosti aequo se 
committeret loco, qui transgressus flumen prope 
vestigiis abeuntium insistebat. 

XXXIV. Per eosdem dies P. Scipionem par terror, 

2 periculum maius ab novo hoste urgebat. Masinissa 
erat iuvenis, eo tempore socius Carthaginiensium, 
quem deinde clarum potentemque Romana fecit 

3 amicitia. Is turn cum equitatu Numidarum et 
advenienti P. Scipioni occm*rit et deinde adsidue 

BOOK XXV. XXXIII. 4-xxxiv. 3 

in the ■war was offered them not to wage war. Again, b.o. 213 
not only peace itself, but also a return home and the 
advantage of seeing their families and their property 
were attractions to the mass of them. Accordingly 
their leaders were not more easily persuaded than 
the rank and file. At the same time they had no 
fear from the Romans either, if they, being so few 
in number, should try to hold them by force. It will 
always be a necessary precaution for Roman generals, 
and these instances must really be accounted warn- 
ings, not so to trust their foreign auxiliaries as not to 
have in camp more of their own strength and offerees 
that are absolutely their own. The Celtiberians 
suddenly took up their standards and departed, and 
when Romans asked the reason and implored them 
to remain, they gave no other answer than that they 
were called away by a war at home. Scipio, now 
that his allies could not be held either by entreaties 
or by force, saw that he could neither be a match 
for the enemy without them nor rejoin his brother, 
and that no other promising plan was available. 
Thereupon he decided to retire as far as possible, 
taking every care and being on the alert not to expose 
himself anywhere on level ground to the enemy, 
who crossed the river and kept almost at their heels 
as they withdrew. 

XXXIV. About the same time Publius Scipio 
was beset by a fear no less grave and a danger that 
was greater from a new enemy. There was the young 
Masinissa, at that time an ally of the Carthaginians, 
a man whom friendship with the Romans later made 
famous and powerful. With his Numidian cavalry 
he now encountered Publius Scipio on his advance, 
and also was continually at hand day and night, ready 

H H 2 


^Mo' * ^^^^ noctesque infestus aderat, ut non vagos tantum 
procul a casti'is lignatum pabulatumque progresses 
exciperet, sed ipsis obcquitaret castris invectusque 
in medias saepe stationes omnia ingenti tumultu 

5 turbaret. Noctibus quoque saepe incursu repentino 
in portis valloque trepidatum est, nee aut locus aut 
tempus ullum vacuum a metu ac sollicitudine erat 

6 Romanis, compulsique intra vallum adempto rerum 
omnium usu. Cum prope iusta obsidio esset futuram- 
que artiorem eam appareret, si se Indibilis, quem 
cum septem milibus et cjuingentis Suessetanorum 

7 adventare fama erat, Poenis coniunxisset, dux 
cautus et providens Scipio victus necessitatibus 
temerarium capit consilium, ut nocte Indibili 
obviam iret et, quocumque occurrisset loco, proelium 

8 consereret. Relicto igitur modico praesidio in castris 
praepositoque Ti. Fonteio legato media nocte pro- 

9 fectus cum obviis hostibus manus conseruit. Agmina 
magis quam acies pugnabant ; superior tamen, ut in 
tumultuaria pugna, Romanus erat. Ceterum et 
equites Numidae repente, quos fefellisse se dux ratus 
erat, ab lateribus circumfusi magnum terrorem 

10 intulere, et ^ contracto adversus Numidas certamine 
novo tertius insuper advenit hostis, duces Poeni 
adsecuti ab tergo iam pugnantis ; ancepsque proe- 
lium Romanos circumsteterat incertos in quem 
potissimum hostem quamve in partem conferti 

11 eruptionem facerent. Pugnanti hortantique impera- 

1 et Crevier : om. P{1). 


to attack, so that he not only captured soldiers b.c. 212 
who had wandered far from the camp in search of 
wood and fodder, but also rode up to the camp itself, 
and often dashing into the midst of the outposts 
threw everything into great confusion. By night 
also there was often alarm at the gates and on the 
earthwork owing to a sudden attack, nor was any 
place or time free from fear and anxiety for the 
Romans, and they were confined within their earth- 
work, unable to obtain anything. It was almost a 
regular blockade, and this would evidently be stricter 
if Indibilis, who was reported as approaching with 
seven thousand five hundred Suessetani, should 
join the Carthaginians. Consequently Scipio, though 
a general marked by caution and foresight, being 
forced by his straits, adopted the rash plan of going 
by night to meet Indibilis and giving battle wherever 
he should encounter him. Therefore, leaving a 
moderate garrison at the camp and putting his 
lieutenant, Tiberius Fonteius, in command of it, he 
set out at midnight, and on meeting the enemy 
engaged them. It was a battle of columns rather 
than lines ; yet, so far as could be in an engagement 
without order, the Roman had the advantage. But 
the Numidian cavalry, whose notice the general had 
thought he had escaped, by outflanking them in- 
spired great alarm, and in addition, when they had 
entered a fresh battle with the Numidians, a third 
enemy also arrived, the Carthaginian generals, who 
from the rear overtook them when already engaged. 
And the Romans found themselves between two 
battles, uncertain against Avhich enemy and in which 
direction they should choose to break through in 
a mass. As the general was fighting and exhorting, 



A.TJ.O. tori et ofFerenti se ubi plurimus labor erat latus 

642 ^ 

dextrum lancea traicitur ; cuneusque is hostium qui 
in confertos circa ducem impetum fecerat, ut exani- 
mem labentem ex equo Scipionem vidit, alacres 
gaudio cixm clamore per totam aciem nuntiantes 

12 discurrunt imperatorem Romanura cecidisse. Ea 
pervagata passim vox ut et hostes haud dubie pro 

13 %ictoribus et Romani pro \-ictis essent fecit. Fuga 
confestim ex acie duce amisso fieri coepta est; 
ceterum ut ad erumpendum inter Numidas levium- 

14 que armorum alia auxilia haud difficilis erat, ita 
efFugere tantum equitum aequantiumque equos 
velocitate peditum vix poterant, caesique prope 
plures in fuga quam in pugna sunt ; nee superfuisset 
quisquam, ni praecipiti iam ad vesperum die nox 

XXXV. Haud segniter inde duces Poeni fortuna 
usi confestim e proelio vix necessaria quiete data 
militibus ad Hasdrubalem Hamilcaris citatum agmen 
rapiunt non dubia spe, cum ^ se ^ coniunxissent, 

2 debellari posse. Quo ubi est ventum, inter exercitus 
ducesque victoria recenti laetos gratulatio ingens 
facta, imperatore tanto cum omni exercitu deleto et 
alteram pro haud dubia parem victoriam expectantes. 

3 Ad Romanos nondum qiiidem fama tantae cladis 
pervenerat, sed maestum quoddam silentium erat et 

^ cum Ax : om. P(2). 
'^ se a; : om. P(l). 


BOOK XXV. XXXIV. ii-xxxv. 3 

and exposing himself where there was most to be b.c. 212 
done, his right side was pierced by a lance. And 
those of the enemy who in a wedge had made an 
attack upon the men pressing close about the general, 
on seeing the dying Scipio slipping from his horse, 
dashed eveiyvvhere along the line, wild with delight, 
shouting and announcing that the Roman commander 
had fallen. The broadcasting of that announcement 
far and wide made the enemy as good as victors 
beyond a doubt and the Romans as good as vanquished. 
Flight directly from the battle-line began, once they 
had lost their general. But while, so far as bursting 
through the Numidians and the light-armed auxiliaries 
as well was concerned, flight was not difficult, yet it 
was hardly possible for them to escape such numbers 
of horsemen and infantry who by their speed kept 
up with the horses. And almost more were slain 
in flight than in battle, nor would anyone have sur- 
vived but for the coming on of night, as the day was 
now rapidly drawing to a close. 

XXXV. Then the Carthaginian generals directly 
after the battle, making no indifferent use of their 
success, barely allowed their soldiers necessary rest, 
and rushed their column with all speed in the direction 
of Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, with the certain 
hope that, when they should unite with him, the war 
could be finished. Upon their arrival there was great 
congratulation between the ai-mies and generals 
rejoicing in the recent victory, since so great a general 
and his entire army had been destroyed, and they 
were looking for just such another victory as beyond 
question. As for the Romans, not yet indeed had a 
report of the great disaster reached them, but there 
was a gloomy silence and an unexpressed foreboding, 



A.u.o. tacita divinatio, qualis iam praesagientibus animis 

4 inminentis mali esse solet. Imperator ipse, prae- 
terquani quod ab sociis se desertum, hostium tantum 
auctas copias sentiebat, coniectura etiam et ratione 
ad suspicionem acceptae cladis quam ad ullam bonam 

5 speni pronior erat : quonam modo enim Hasdrubalem 
ac Magonem, nisi dcfunctos suo bello, sine certamine 

6 adducere exercituni potuisse ? Quo modo autem 
non obstitisse aut ab tergo secutum fratrem, ut, si 
prohibere quo minus in unum coirent et duces et 
exercitus hostium non posset, ipse eerte cum fratre 

7 coniungeret copias ? His anxius curis id modo esse 
salutare in praesens credebat, cedere inde quantum 
posset ; exinde ^ una nocte ignaris hostibus et ob 

8 id quietis aliquantum emensus est iter. Luce ut 
senserunt profectos, hostes praemissis Numidis quam 
poterant maxime citato agmine sequi coeperunt. 
Ante noctem adsecuti Numidae, nunc ab tergo, nunc 
in latera incursantes, consistere coegerunt ac tutari 

9 agmen ; quantum possent tamen tuto, ut simul 
pugnarent procederentque Scipio hortabatur, prius- 
quam pedestres copiae adsequerentur. XXXVI. 
Ceterum nunc agendo, nunc sustinendo agmen cum 
aliquamdiu haud multum procederetur et nox iam 

2 instaret, revocat e proelio suos Scipio et conlectos in 
tumulum quendam non quidem satis tutum, prae- 

^ exinde Conway : et inde P(l) : et Gronovius. 

BOOK XXV. XXXV. 3-xx.\vi. 2 

such as is usually the forecast of impending misfor- b.c. 212 
tune when men already have presentiments. The 
general himself, in addition to the knowledge that he 
had been deserted by his allies and that the enemy's 
forces had been so greatly inci-eased, was more 
inclined bv logical inference to suspect that a 
disaster had occurred than to entertain any good 
hope. For how, he thought, could Hasdrubal and 
Mago, unless they had quite finished their ovm war, 
have been able to bring up their army without an 
engagement ? And how had his brother failed to 
confront them or to follow in their rear, so that, if 
unable to prevent the generals and armies of the enemy 
from uniting, he might himself at least combine his 
forces with those of his brother ? Troubled by 
these anxieties, he believed that the one safe course 
at present was to retreat as far away as possible. 
Then in one night, while the enemy were unaware 
of it and hence made no move, he marched a con- 
siderable distance. In the morning the enem}^ 
on discovering that they had gone, sent the Numidians 
in advance and began to follow them in a column at its 
utmost speed. Before night the Numidians had over- 
taken them, and charging now in the rear, now on 
the flanks, compelled them to halt and defend their 
column. Scipio kept encouraging them to fight 
and advance at the same time, so far, that is, as they 
could do so with safetA*. before the infantry forces 
should overtake them. XXXVI. But while he now 
urged his column forward, now ordered it to halt, 
for a long time little progress was being made and 
night was now at hand. Scipio therefore i-ecalled 
his men from battle, concentrated them and led them 
up a hill that was not indeed quite safe, especially 



A.u.o sertim agmini perculso, editiorem tamen quam 

3 cetera circa erant, subducit. Ibi primo impedi- 
mentis et equitatu in medium receptis circumdati 
pedites haud difficulter impetus incursantium Numi- 

4 darum arcebant; dein, postquam toto agmine tres 
imperatores cum tribus iustis exercitibus aderant 
apparebatque parum armis ad tuendum locum sine 

5 munimento valituros esse, circumspectare atque agi- 
tare dux coepit, si quo modo posset vallum circum- 
icere. Sed erat adeo nudus tumulus et asperi soli ut 
nee wgulta vallo caedendo nee terra caespiti faciendo 
aut ducendae fossae aliive ulli operi apta inveniri 

6 posset ; nee natura quicquam satis arduum aut absci- 
svun erat quod hosti aditum ascensimnve difficilem 

7 praeberet ; omnia fastigio leni subvexa. Ut tamen 
aliquam imaginem valli obicerent, clitellas inligatas 
oneribus velut struentes ad altitudinem solitam cir- 
cumdabant, cumulo sarcinarum omnis generis obiecto, 
ubi ad moliendum clitellae defuerant. 

8 Punici exercitus postquam advenere, in tumulum 
quidem perfacile agmen erexere ; munitionis facies 

9 nova primo eos velut miraculo quodam tenuit, cum 
duces undique vociferarentur quid starent et non 
ludibrium illud, vix feminis puerisve morandis satis 
validum, distraherent diriperentque ? Captum 

10 hostem teneri, latentem post sarcinas. Haec con- 
temptim duces increpabant ; ceterum neque transi- 
lire nee moliri onera obiecta nee caedere stipatas 

11 clitellas ipsisque obrutas sarcinis facile erat. At 



for a terrified column, but still was higher than the b.c. 21 
country around it. There the infantry, surrounding 
the baggage and cavalry placed in the centre, at 
first kept off the charges of the Numidians without 
difficulty. Then, when three generals arrived in 
full force with three regular armies, and it was evident 
that they would be unable by arms to defend an 
unfortified position, the general began to cast about 
and consider whether he could in some way surround 
it with an earthwork. But the hill was so bare and 
rocky that neither could thickets be found for the 
cutting of stakes nor ground such that they could get 
turf or carry a trench in it or any other earthwork. 
And yet no spot Avas naturally so elevated or rugged as 
to make approach or ascent difficult for the enemy. 
Everywhere the ground rose at a gentle slope. How- 
ever, in order to interpose some semblance of an 
earthwork, they laid up, as it were, to the usual height 
all around them, pack-saddles still tied to their loads, 
while, wherever the pack-saddles failed to make a 
barricade, they piled on top lighter baggage of every 

The Carthaginian armies, on arriving, very easily 
marched in column up the hill ; but the strange 
appearance of the defences at fii'st checked them in a 
certain amazement, while their commanders kept 
shouting from all sides, asking why they stood still 
and did not pull apart and scatter that pretence, 
hardly strong enough to delay Avomen or children. 
The enemy, they said, was held captive, lurking 
behind his baggage. Such were the scornful taunts 
of the commanders. But it was not easy to leap 
over or clear away the baggage in front of them, nor 
to cut apart the mass of pack-saddles, buried under 



^'^r?' trudibus ^ cum amoliti obiecta onera armatis dedissent 
viani pluribusque idem partibus fieret, capta iam 

12 undique castra crant. Pauci a multis perculsique a 
victoribus passim eaedebantur; magna pars tamen 
militimi, cum in propinquas refugisset silvas, in 
castra P. Scipionis. cpiibus Ti. Fonteius legatus prae- 

13 erat, perfugcrunt. Cn. Seipionem alii in tumulo 
primo impetu hostium caesum tradunt, alii cum 
paucis in propinquam castris turrim perfugisse ; 
hanc igni circumdatam atque ita exustis foribus, 
quas nulla moliri potuerant vi, captam omnisque 
intus cum ipso imperatore occisos. 

14 Anno octavo postquam in Hispaniam venerat Cn. 
Scipio, undetricensimo die post frati-is mortem, est 
interfectus. Luctus ex morte eorum non Romae 

15 maior quam per totam Hispaniam fuit : quin apud 
civis partem doloris et exercitus amissi et alienata 

IG provincia et publica trahebat clades ; Hispaniae 
ipsos lugebant desiderabantque duces, Gnaeura 
magis, quod diutius praefuerat iis priorque et 
favorem occupaverat et specimen iustitiae tempe- 
rantiaeque Romanae primus dederat. 

XXX\"II. Cum deleti exercitus amissaeque Hispa- 

2 niae viderentur, vir unus res perditas restituit. Erat 
in exercitu L. Marcius Septimi filius, eques Romanus, 

1 At trudibus II'. Heraeus, Walters : traditisdibi PB (divi 
R^ : ibi GB-'Jl : dibu BD : diu A): trudentes sudibus 

1 Correct, though inconsistent with Livy's general chrono- 
log3% which would make it the seventh year ; cf. XXI. xxxii. 
3. In xxxviii. 6 also Livy has followed an authority who 
placed the disasters in Spain in 211 B.C.; cf. note on xxxii. 1. 


BOOK XXV. xx.Y\'i. ii-xxwii. 2 

the added loads. But after they had cleared away b.o. 212 
the baggage in front of them with hooked poles and 
made a way for the armed men, and the same thing 
was being done in different places, the camp had by 
this time been captured from all sides. Everywhere 
there was slaughter of the few by the many, 
of the panic-stricken by the victorious. A large part 
of the soldiers, however, after fleeing into the neigh- 
bouring forest, made their escape to Publius Scipio's 
camp, of which Tiberius I'onteius, his lieutenant, 
was commander. As for Gnaeus Scipio, some relate 
that he was slain on the hill in the first onset of the 
enemy, others that with a few men he made his 
escape to a tower near the camp : that fire was lighted 
around this, and so, by burning the doors which they 
had been unable to force in any way, they captui*ed 
the tower and all were slain in it alonsr with the 
commander himself. 

In the eighth year ^ after his arrival in Spain 
Gnaeus Scipio was killed, on the twenty-ninth day 
after the death of his brother. Grief for their 
deaths was not greater in Home than throughout 
Spain ; in fact among the citizens the destruction of 
armies and the loss of a province and the national 
disaster claimed a part in their sorrow, while all 
Spain mourned for the generals themselves and missed 
them, Gnaeus more than Publius, because he had been 
longer in command and had earlier won their favour, 
and had given for the first time an example of Roman 
justice and self-control. 

XXXVII. While it seemedthat the ai-mies had been 
wiped out and all Spain lost, a single man repaired 
their shattered fortunes. In the army was Lucius 
Marcius, son of Septimus, a Roman knight, an active 



*642'* impiger iuvenis animique et ingenii aliquanto quam 

3 pro fortuna in qua erat natus maioris. Ad summam 
indolcm accesserat Cn. Scipionis disciplina, sub qua 

4 per tot annos omnis militiae artis edoctus fuerat. Is ^ 
et ex fuga collectis militibus et quibusdam de prae- 
sidiis deductis baud contemnendum exercitum fecerat 
iunxeratque cum Ti. Fonteio, P. Scipionis legato. 

• 5 Sed tantum praestitit eques Romanus auctoritate 

inter militcs atque honore ut, castris citra Hiberum 
communitis, cum ducem exercitus comitiis militari- 

6 bus creari placuisset, subeuntes alii aliis in custo- 
diam valli stationesque, donee per omnis sufFragium 
iret, ad L. Marcium cuncti summam imperii detule- 

7 rint, Omne inde tempus — exiguum id fuit — mu- 
niendis castris convehendisque commeatibus con- 
sumpsit, et omnia imperia milites cum inpigre, turn 

8 haudquaquam abiecto animo exequebantur. Cete- 
rum postquam Hasdrubalem Gisgonis venientem ad 
reliquias belli delendas transisse Hiberum et adpro- 
pinquai-e adlatum est, signumque pugnae propositum 

9 ab novo duce milites viderunt, recordati quos paulo 
ante imperatores habuissent quibusque et ducibus 
et copiis freti prodire in pugnam soliti essent, flere 
omnes repente et ofFensare capita et alii manus ad 
caelum tendere deos incusantes, alii strati humi 

10 suum quisque nominatim ducem implorare. Neque 

^ Is Weisseiiborn : hie M'A^ : om. P{\). 


young man of much more spirit and talent than was u.c. 212 
to be expected in the station in which he had been 
born. In addition to his high promise he had had the 
training of Gnaeus Scipio, in which during so many- 
years he had mastered all the arts of the soldier. 
This man had made an army that was not to be 
despised out of soldiers gathered up from the flight 
and in part withdrawn fi'om garrison towns, and he 
had united it with that of Tiberius Fonteius, the 
lieutenant of Publius Scipio. But so preeminent 
was a mere Roman knight in his personal influence 
with the soldiers and in the respect they paid him 
that, after they had fortified a camp on this side of 
the Hiberus and decided that a commander of the 
army should be chosen in an election by the soldiers, 
relieving each other as sentries on the wall and in out- 
post duty until all had cast their votes, they unani- 
mously conferred the high command upon Lucius 
Marcius. He then spent the whole time — and it was 
very short — in fortifying the camp and bringing up 
supplies. And the soldiers carried out all his com- 
mands, not only with energy, but also in no dejected 
spirit. But when the news came that Hasdrubal the 
son of Gisgo, on his way to wipe out the last remains 
of the war, had crossed the Hiberus and was approach- 
ing, and the soldiers saw the signal for battle raised 
by a new general, they remembered what com- 
manders they had had a short time before, and 
upon what generals and forces they had usually 
relied as they went into battle. Suddenly they all 
were weeping and dashing their heads against 
obstacles ; and some raised their hands to heaven, 
blaming the gods, others lying on the ground invoked 
their respective generals by name. And the wailing 



^542'' sedari lamentatio poterat excitantibus centurioni 
bus manipulares et ipso nmlcente et increpante 
Marcio, quod in muliebris et inutiles se proiecissent 
fletus potius quam ad tutandos semet ipsos et rem 
publicam secum acucrent animos, et ne inultos 

11 imperatores suos iacere sinerent, cum subito clamor 
tubarumque sonus — iam enim prope vallum hostes 
erant — exauditur. Inde verso repente in iram luctu 
discun-unt ^ ad arma ac velut accensi rabie discurrunt ^ 
ad portas et in hostem neglegenter atque incom- 

12 posite venientem incurrunt. Extemplo inprovisa 
res pavorem incutit Poenis, mirabundique unde tot 
hostes subito exorti prope deleto exercitu forent, 
unde tanta audacia, tanta fiducia sui victis ac fugatis, 
quis imperator duobus Scipionibus caesis exstitisset, 
quis castris praeesset, quis signum dedisset pugnae — 

13 ad haec tot tarn necopinata primo omnium incerti 
stupentesque referunt pedem, dein valida inpressione 

14 pulsi terga vertunt. Et aut fugientium caedes 
foeda fuisset aut temerarius periculosusque se- 
quentium impetus, ni Marcius propere receptui 
dedisset signum obsistensque ad prima signa et 
quosdam ipse retinens concitatam repressisset aciem. 
Inde in castra avidos adhuc caedisque et sanguinis 

15 reduxit. Carthaginienses trepide primo ab hostium 
vallo acti, postquam neminem insequi viderunt, metu 

' discurrunt P(3) : om. Crivier, Jac. Gronovius. 
^ discurrunt P(l) Comray : concurrunt 6Voworm5 : Madvig 
rejected disciurunt ad portas et. 



could not be stilled, although the centurions tried to b.c. 2J2 
arouse the men of their maniples and Marcius himself 
to calm them and upbraided them for having given 
themselves up to womanish and useless weeping, 
instead of whetting their courage to defend them- 
selves and with them the state, and begged them not 
to let their commanders lie unavenged, when 
suddenly — for the enemy were now near the earth- 
work — a shout and the sound of trumpets were heard. 
Upon that, their grief instantly changing to anger, 
they scatter to arms, and as if fired by frenzy, to the 
different gates, and dash into the enemy coming on 
carelessly and in disorder. At once the unexpected 
act inspired alarm among the Carthaginians, and they 
wondered whence so many enemies had suddenly 
appeared after the army had been almost wiped out, 
whence came such boldness and self-confidence so 
great in men beaten and put to flight, what com- 
mander had arisen after the two Scipios had been 
slain, who was in command of the camp, who had 
given the signal for battle. In the face of all that — 
so many things so unexpected — they at first retreated, 
completely at a loss and dumbfounded ; then beaten 
back by the strength of the attack they took to 
flight. And there would have been either a terrible 
slaughter of the fleeing or a reckless and dangerous 
attack on the part of the pursuers, had not Marcius 
promptly given the signal for the recall and kept back 
his own excited line, facing his men in the front line 
and laying hold of some with his o^vn hands. He 
then led them back to camp still thirsting for slaughter 
and bloodshed. The Carthaginians were at first 
forced away in confusion from the enemies' earth- 
work ; then, when they saw that no one was pursuing, 




A.U.C. substitisse rati, contemptim rursus et sedato ffradu 

in castra abeunt. 

1(1 Par neglegentia in castris custodiendis fuit ; nam 

etsi propinquus hostis erat, tamen reliquias eum esse 

duoi-um exercituum ante paucos dies deletorum suc- 

17 currebat. Ob hoc cum omnia neglecta apud hostis 
assent, exploratis iis Marcius ad consilium prima 
specie temerarium magis quam audax animum adie- 

18 cit, ut ultro castra hostium oppugnaret, faciHus esse 
ratus unius Hasdrubahs expugnari castra quam, si 
se rursus tres exercitus ac tres duces iunxissent, sua 

19 defendi ; simul aut, si successisset coeptis, erectu- 
rum se adflictas res aut, si pulsus esset, tamen 
ultro inferendo arma contemptum sui dempturum. 
XXXVIII. Ne tamen subita res et nocturnus terror 
et iam non suae fortunae consilium perturbaret, 
adloquendos adhortandosque sibi milites ratus, 

2 contione advocata ita disseruit : " Vel mea erga 
imperatores nostros vivos mortuosque pietas vel 
praesens omnium nostrum, milites, fortuna fidem 
cuivis facere potest mihi hoc imperium, ut amplum 
iudicio vestro, ita i*e ipsa grave ac sollicitum esse. 

3 Quo enim tempore, nisi metus maerorem obstupe- 
faceret, vix ita compos mei essem ut aliqua solacia 
invenire aegro animo possem, cogor vestram omnium 
vicem, quod difficillimum in luctu est, unus consulere. 

4 Et ne turn quidem, ubi quonam modo has reliquias 
duorum exei'cituum patriae consei'vare possim cogi- 


BOOK XXV. xxwii. 15-XXXV111. 4 

they thought they hiid halted for fear, and with fresh b.o. 212 
contempt and at a slow pace they retired to their 

There was just as much carelessness in guarding 
the camp. For, although the enemy was near, still 
they kept reflecting that it was only a remnant 
of the two armies wiped out a few days before. 
Since for this reason every precaution had been 
omitted on the enemy's side, JMarcius, informed of 
the facts, turned his attention to a plan at first sight 
reckless rather than bold, actually to attack the camp 
of the enemy, in the belief that it was easier to storm 
the camp of Hasdrubal alone than to defend his own, 
if the three armies and three generals should again 
unite. At the same time he thought that, if his 
efforts should prove successful, he would relieve his 
critical situation or, even if defeated, by venturing 
to attack he would at least take awav their contempt 
for himself. XXXMII. But for fear an unexpected 
action, and alarm in the night and a plan no longer 
in keeping with his present situation, might bring 
confusion, he thought he must address his soldiers 
and encourage them, called an assembly and spoke 
as follows : " Either my devotion to our commanders, 
living and dead, or the present situation of us all, 
soldiers, can convince any one that this high com- 
mand, though a great honour as your tribute, is yet 
in fact a burden to me and an anxious cai'e. For 
at a time when,if fear did not paralyse grief, I should 
scarcely have such self-control as would enable me to 
find some comfort for distress of mind, I am compelled 
— a most difficult thing in sorroAv — alone to plan for 
all of you. And even when I must consider how 
I may be able to save these remnants of two armies 

II 2 


A.u.o. tandum est, avertere animum ab assiduo maerore 

5 licet.^ Praestoestenimacerbamemoria,etScipiones 

me ambo dies noctesque curis insomniisque agitant 

(■) et excitant saepe somno, neu se neu invictos per octo 

annos in his terris militcs suos, commilitones vestros, 

neu rem publicam patiar inultam, et suam discipli- 

T nam suaque instituta sequi iubent et, ut imperiis 

vivorum nemo oboedientior me uno fuerit, ita post 

mortem suam, quod in quaque re facturos illos fuisse 

8 maxime censeam, id optimum ducere. Vos quoque 
velim, milites, non lamentis lacrimisque tamquam 
extinctos prosequi — vivunt vigentque fama rerum 
gestarum — , sed, quotienscumque occurret memoria 
illorum, velut si adhoi'tantis signumque dantis 

9 videatis eos, ita proelia inire. Nee alia profecto 
species hesterno die oblata oculis animisque vestris 
memorabile illud edidit proelium, quo documentum 
dedistis hostibus non cum Scipionibus extinctum esse 

10 nomen Romanum et, cuius populi vis atque virtus 
non obruta sit Cannensi clade, ex omni profecto 
saevitia fortunae emersurum ^ esse. 

11 " Nunc, quia tantum ausi estis sponte vestra,experiri 
-ibet quantum audeatis duce vestro auctore. Non 
enim hesterno die, cum signum receptui dedi sequenti- 
bus effuse vobis turbatum hostem, frangere audaciam 
vestram, sed differre in maiorem gloriam atque 

licet Gronovius : libet P(l) Siemann. 
emeraurum xz : -akiii P(l) Madvig. 


BOOK XXV. xxxviii. 4-1 1 

for our country, I may not turn my thoughts away b.c. 212 
from unremitting grief. For a bitter memory is 
present with me, and both Scipios trouble me all 
day and all night Avith anxiety and loss of sleep, and 
often arouse me from slumber, bidding me not to 
allow either themselves or their soldiers, your com- 
rades, undefeated in this land for eight years,^ or 
the state, to go unavenged. And they command 
me to follow their teachings and their methods, and, 
just as Avhile they lived not a man was more obedient 
to their orders than I, so after their death to hold that 
to be the best course which in each case I am 
confident they would have done. As for you, soldiers, 
I would have you also honour them, not with lamenta- 
tions and tears as though dead. They live and work 
by the glory of their achievements. But whenever 
you shall remember them, just as if you saAv them 
encouraging you and giving the signal, — in that spirit 
would I have you go into battle. It was surely no 
other image which presented itself yesterday to 
your eyes and minds and brought about that notable 
battle, by which you gave the enemy proof that the 
Roman name has not been extinguished with the 
Scipios, and that the people whose might and courage 
were not overwhelmed by the disaster at Cannae 
will surely survive any cruelty of Fortune. 

" At pi'esent, because you have of your oaati accord 
shown such daring, I should like to find how much 
you have when your general gives the command. 
For yesterday, when I sounded the recall, as you in 
disorder were pursuing the routed enemy, it was not 
my wish to crush your boldness, but to reserve it for 
higher fame and a more favourable situation, that 

^ Cf. xxxvi. 14 and note. 


A.u.c. 12 opportunitatem volui, ut postmodo praeparati incau- 
tos, armati inermes atque etiam sopitos per ocoa- 
sionem adgrcdi possetis. Nee huius occasionis spem, 
milites, forte temere, sed ex re ipsa conceptam 

13 habeo. A vobis quoque profecto si quis quaerat 
quonani modo pauci a multis, victi a victoribus castra 
tutati sitis, nihil aliud respondeatis quam id ipsum 
timentis vos omnia et operibus firmata habuisse et 

14 ipsos paratos instructosque fuisse. Et ita se res 
habet : ad id quod ne timeatur fortuna facit minime 
tuti sunt homines, quia quod neglexeris incautum 

15 atque apertum habeas. Nihil omnium nunc minus 
metuunt hostes quam ne, obsessi modo ipsi atque 
oppugnati. castra sua ulti'o oppugnemus. Audea- 
mus quod credi non potest ausuros nos ; eo ipso quod 

16 difficillimum videtur facilius erit. Tertia vigilia 
noctis silenti agmine ducam vos. Exploratum 
habeo non vigiliarum ordinem, non stationes iustas 

17 esse. Clamor in portis auditus et primus impetus 
castra ceperit. Tum inter torpidos somno paventis- 
que ad necopinatum tumultum et inermis in cubilibus 
suis oppressos ilia caedes edatur a qua vos hesterno 

18 die revocatos aegre ferebatis. Scio audax videri 
consilium : sed in rebus asperis et tenui spe fortissima 
quaeque consilia tutissima sunt, quia, si in occasionis 
momento cuius praetervolat opportunitas cunctatus 
paulum fueris, nequiquam mox omissam quaeras. 

19 Unus exercitus in propinquo est, duo haud procul 



later, being well prepared and armed, you might be n.c. 212 
able, as opportmiity offered, to attack the unprepared 
and unarmed, and even the sleeping. And not hap- 
hazard or at random do I cherish a hope of this oppor- 
tunitv, soldiers, but from the actual situation. You 
too, if someone should ask how you, a few men, have 
defended your camp against many, the vanquished 
against the victors, would surely give no other answer 
than that, feai-ing just that, you had kept everything 
in a state of defence and also had been in readiness 
yourselves and in line. And the fact is this : men 
are least protected against the thing which success 
leads them not to fear, since what one has made light 
of remains unguarded and uncovered. There is 
nothing in the world which the enemy now fear less 
than that we, who have ourselves just been beset and 
attacked, may venture to attack their camp. Let us 
dare what it is incredible that we should dare ; for 
the very reason that it appeal's most difficult it will 
be easier. In the third watch of the night I shall 
lead you in a silent column. I am assured that there 
is no relieving of sentries, no regular outposts. The 
sound of a shout at the gate and a first assault will at 
once capture the camp. Then, among men dazed 
with sleep and alarmed at the unexpected uproar 
and surprised unarmed in their beds, let there be the 
slaughter from which you were recalled yesterday 
under protest. I know it seems a bold plan. But 
in dangerous and desperate situations the bravest 
decisions are always the safest. For if at the 
opportune moment, whose advantage swiftly passes, 
one hesitates even a little, it is vain for one to look 
later for the neglected opportunity. One army is 
near, two not far away. If we attack now there is 




absunt. Nunc adgredientibus spes aliqua est, et 

20 iam temptastis vestras atque illorum vires : si diem 
proferimus et hesternae eruptionis fama contemni 
desierimus, periculum est ne omnes duces, omnes 
copiae conveniant. Tres deinde duces, tres exercitus 
sustinebimus hostium quos Cn. Scipio incolumi 

21 exercitu non sustinuit ? Ut dividendo copias periere 
duces nostri, ita separatim ac divisi opprimi possunt 
hostes. Alia belli gerendi via nulla est. Proinde 
nihil praeter noctis proximae opportunitatem 

22 expectemus. Ite deis bene iuvantibus, corpora 
curate, ut integri vigentesque eodem animo in castra 
hostium inrumpatis quo vestra tutati estis." 

23 Laeti et audiere ab novo duce novum consilium, 
et quo audacius erat magis placebat. Reliquum diei 
expediendis armis et curatione corporum con- 
sumptum et maior pars noctis quieti data est. 
Quarta vigilia movere. XXXIX. Erant ultra proxu- 
ma castra sex milium intervallo distantes ahae copiae 
Poenorum. \'alles cava intererat, condensa arbori- 
bus ; in huius silvae medio ferme spatio cohors 

2 Romana arte Punica abditur et equites. Ita medio 
itinere intercepto ceterae copiae silenti agmine ad 
proximos hostis ductae et, cum statio nulla pro 
portis neque in vallo custodiae essent, velut in sua 

3 castra nullo usquam obsistente penetravere. Inde 
signa canunt et tollitur clamor. Pars semisomnos 

BOOK XXV. xxxviii. 19-XXXIX, 3 

no little hope, and already you have tried your strength b.c. 212 
and theirs. If we put off the day and owing to the 
report of yesterday's sally come to be no longer 
despised, there is danger that all the generals and 
all the forces may combine. Shall ■we then with- 
stand the enemy's three generals, three armies, 
which Gnaeus Scipio with his army still undiminished 
did not withstand? Just as through dividing their 
forces our generals perished, so the enemy, if 
divided and in different places, can be overpowered. 
There is no other way of conducting the war. There- 
fore let us wait for nothing beyond the favourable 
moment to-night. Go with the kind aid of the gods, 
put yourselves in condition, that, sound and strong, 
you may burst into the camp of the enemy with the 
same spirit with which you defended yours." 

With joy they heard of the new plan from their 
new commander, and the bolder it was the more it 
pleased them. The rest of the day was spent in 
putting their arms in order and themselves in con- 
dition ; and the larger part of the night was given 
to rest. At the fourth watch they started. XXXIX. 
Beyond the nearest camp and at a distance of six 
miles from it were other forces of the Carthaginians. 
Between them there was a deep valley, densely 
wooded. About the middle of this wood a Roman 
cohort and cavalry were concealed after the Punic 
method. The road being thus cut off at the half-way, 
the rest of the forces were led in a silent column to 
the nearest enemy. And as there was no outpost 
before the gates nor sentinels on the earthwork, 
and no one anywhere opposed them, they made their 
way into the camp as if it were their own. Then the 
trumpets sound and a shout is raised. Some slay 



A-w-o- hostis caedunt, pars ignes casis stramento arido tectis 
iniciunt, pars portas occupant, ut fugam intercludant. 

4 Hostes simul ignis, clamor, caedes velut alienatos 
sensibus nee audire nee providere quicquam sinunt. 

5 Incidunt inermes inter catervas armatorum. Alii 
ruunt ad portas, alii obsaeptis itineribus super vallum 

6 saliunt ; et, ut quisque evaserat, protinus ad castra 
altera fugiunt, ubi ab cohorte et equitibus ex occulto 
procurrentibus circumventi caesique ad unum omnes 

7 sunt ; quamquam, etiamsi quis ex ea caede efFugisset, 
adeo raptim a captis propioribus castris in altera 
transcursum castra ab Romanis est, ut praevenire 

8 nuntius cladis non posset. Ibi vero, quo longius 
ab hoste aberant et quia sub lucem pabulatum 
liguatumque et praedatum quidam dilapsi fuerant, 
neglecta magis omnia ac soluta invenere, arma 
tantum in stationibus posita, milites inermes aut 
humi sedentes accubantesque aut obambulantes ante 

9 vallum portasque. Cum his tarn securis solutisque 
Romani calentes adhuc ab recenti pugna ferocesque 
victoria proelium ineuiit. Itaque nequaquam resisti 
in portis potuit ; intra portas concursu ex totis castris 
ad primum clamorem et tumultum facto atrox proe- 

10 lium oritur ; diuque tenuisset, ni cruenta scuta 
Romanorum visa indicium alterius cladis^ Poenis 

11 atque inde pavorem iniecissent. Hie terror in 
fugam avertit omnis, effusique qua iter est, nisi quos 


the enemy half-asleep, some throw firebrands on b.c. 212 
the dry, thatched huts, some seize the gates, to block 
escape. As for the enemy, fire, shouting andslaughter, 
all at once, make them virtually senseless and do not 
allow them to hear any orders or to look out for them- 
selves. Unharmed they encounter bodies of armed 
men. Some rush to the gates, othei-s, since the roads 
are blocked, leap over the earthwork. And every- 
one who escaped fled at once in the direction of the 
other camp ; whereupon they were surrounded by 
the cohort and cavalry dashing out of their hiding- 
place and were slain to the last man. Yet, even if a 
man had escaped from that slaughter, so swiftly 
did the Romans hasten from the captured nearer 
camp to the other camp that news of the disaster 
could not anticipate them. But there, the farther 
it was from their enemy, and since some had scattered 
just before daylight to bring in fodder and firewood 
and booty, the more neglect and disorder did they 
find everywhere ; only stacked arms at the outposts, 
the soldiers unarmed, either sitting and lying on 
the ground or strolling outside the Avail and the gates. 
Against these men, so care-fi-ee and regardless of 
order, the Romans, who were still fired by their 
recent battle and made confident by victory, went into 
battle. And so no resistance whatever could be 
offered at the gates. Inside the gates there was a 
rush from every part of the camp at the first shout- 
ing and commotion, and a fierce battle began. It 
would have lasted long too, had not the sight of the 
Romans' bloody shields given the Carthaginians 
evidence of the other disaster and consequently 
inspired alarm. This terror made them all take to 
flight, and pouring out wherever a way could be found 



A.u.o. caedes oppressit, exuuntur castris. Ita nocte ac die 
bina castra hostium expugnata ^ ductu L. Marcii. 

12 Ad triginta septem milia hostium caesa auctor est 
Claudius, qui annales Acilianos ex Graeco in Latinum 
sermonom vertit, captos ad mille octingentos triginta, 

13 praedam ingentem partam ; in ea fuisse clipeum 
argenteum pondo centum triginta septem cum 

14 imagine Barcini Hasdrubalis. Valerius Antias una 
castra Magonis capta tradit, septem milia caesa 
hostium ; altero proelio eruptione pugnatum cum 
Hasdrubale, decem milia occisa, quattuor milia 

15 trecentos triginta captos. Piso quinque milia homi- 
num, cum Mago cedentis nostros effuse sequeretur, 

16 caesa ex insidiis scribit. Apud omnis magnum 
nomen Marcii ducis est ; et verae gloriae eius etiam 
miracula addunt, flammam ei contionanti fusam e 
capite sine ipsius sensu cum magno pavore circum- 

17 stantium militum ; monimentumque \ictoriae eius 
de Poenis usque ad incensum Capitolium fuisse in 
templo clipeum, Marcium appellatum, cum imagine 

18 Hasdrubalis. — Quietae deinde aliquamdiu in Hispa- 
nia res fuere, utrisque post tantas in vicem acceptas 

^ exT^ngnata, z Conway : oppugnataP(l). 

^ I.e. Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, who wrote in the time of 
Sulla. His history, in at least 23 books, began with the 
capture of the city by the Gauls. Acilius' Greek history of 
Rome had begun with the founding of the city. In 155 B.C. 
Acilius acted as interpreter when the three Greek philosophers, 
Carneades among them, appeared before the senate. 

2 Valerius, a contemporary of Claudius, wrote a voluminous 
history from the founding of Rome in upwards of 75 books. 
Here bj- exception his figures for the enemy slain are very 

^ L. Calpumius Piso Frugi, the annalist, was consul in 133 
B.C. His work, here cited for the last time in the extant Livy, 


BOOK XXV. xvxix. 11-18 

— except those overtaken by the sword — they lost b.o. 212 
possession of the camp. Thus in a night and a day 
two camps of the enemy were taken by assault under 
the command of Lucius Marcius. That about 
thirty-seven thousand of the enemy were slain is 
the statement of Claudius, '^ who translated Acilius' 
annals out of Greek into the Latin language ; that 
about one thousand eight hundred and thirty were 
captured and a vast amount of booty taken. And 
in this he says that there was a silver shield weighing 
a hundred and thirty-seven pounds, bearing the 
likeness of Hasdrubal Barca. \^alex-ius of Antium ^ 
relates that one camp was captured, that of Mago, 
and seven thousand of the enemy slain : that in a 
second battle they sallied out and fought with 
Hasdrubal ; that ten thousand were slain, four 
thousand three hundred and thirty captured. Piso ^ 
states that five thousand men Avere slain from an 
ambush, while Mago was pursuing in disorder our 
retreating men. In all of them great is the name of 
Marcius the general. And to his real fame they add 
even marvels : that as he was speaking a flame burst 
from his head without his knowledge, causing great 
alarm among the soldiers who stood around him. 
They say that as a memorial of his victory over the 
Carthaginians, down to the burning of the Capitol 
there was in the temple a shield called the Marcian, 
bearing a likeness of Hasdrubal.'* — Thereafter the 
situation in Spain was quiet for a long time, since 
both sides, after receiving and inflicting such losses 

probably consisted of seven books, beginning with the 
founding of the city. 

* PUny (X.H. XXXV. 14) says this shield hung above the 
door of the Capitoline temple until the fire of 84 B.C. 



A.u.c. inlatas(|ue clades cunctantibus periculum summae 
reruni lacei'e. 

XL. Dum haec in Hispania gerunlur, Marcellus 
captis Syracusis, cum cetera in Sicilia tanta fide 
atcpio intcgritate composuisset ut non modo suam 
gloriam sed etiam niaiestatem populi llomani 
augeret, ox-namenta urbis, signa tabulasque quibus 
abundabant Syracusae, Romam devexit, hostium 

2 quidem ilia spolia et parta belli iure ; cetenim inde 
primum initium mirandi Graecarum artium opera 
licentiaeque huius ^ sacra profanaque omnia vulgo 
spoliandi factum est, quae postremo in Romanos 
deos, templum id ipsum primum quod a Marcello 

3 eximie ornatum est, vertit. Visebantur enim ab 
externis ad portam Capenam dedicata a M. Mar- 
cello templa propter excellentia eius generis orna- 
menta, quorum perexigua pars comparet. 

4 Legationes omnium ferme civitatium Siciliae ad 
eum conveniebant. Dispar ut causa earum, ita 
condicio erat. Qui ante captas Syracusas aut non 
desciverant aut redierant in amicitiam, ut socii 
ndeles accepti cultique ; quos metus post captas 
Syracusas dediderat, ut victi a victore leges accepe- 

5 runt. Erant tamen haud parvae reliquiae belli 
circa Agrigentum Romanis, Epicydes et Hanno, 
duces reliqui prioris belli, et tertius novus ab Hanni- 

* huius Ussing, Conway : huic P(2) : hinc A Walters. 

1 The Temples of Honos and Virtus were outside the gate, 
on the Appian Way; XXVI. xxxii. 4; XXVII. xxv. 7-9; 
Plutarch, Marcellus 28. Dedicated in 205 B.C. by Marcellus' 
son ; XXIX. xi. 13. In the Temple of Virtus stood the famous 
sphaera (orrery) of Archimedes; Cicero de Be Publica I. 21. 



upon each other, hesitated to risk a decisive engage- bc. 212 

XL. While these things were being done in Spain, 
it is true that Marcellus, after the capture of Syracuse, 
had settled matters in general in Sicily with such 
conscientiousness and honesty that he added not only 
to his own fame, but also to the dignity of the Roman 
people. But as regards the adornments of the city, 
the statues and paintings which Syracuse possessed 
in abundance, he carried them away to Rome. 
They were spoils of the enemy, to be sure, and acquired 
by right of war. Yet from that came the very be- 
ginning of enthusiasm for Greek works of art and 
consequently of this general licence to despoil all 
kinds of buildings, sacred and profane, a licence which 
finally turned against Roman gods, and first of all 
against the very temple which was magnificently 
adorned by Marcellus. For temples dedicated by 
Marcus Marcellus near the Porta Capena ^ used to 
be visited by foreigners on account of their re- 
markable adornments of that kind ; but of these 
a very small part is still to be seen. 

Embassies from nearly all the states in Sicily kept 
coming to him. As their pleas were different, so 
was their status. Those who before the capture of 
Syracuse either had not rebelled or had returned to 
friendly relations were admitted and honoiu*ed as 
faithful allies. Those whom fear had led to surrender 
after the capture of Syracuse, as vanquished received 
terms from the victor. There was left to the Romans, 
however, no small remainder of the war around 
Agrigentum, namely, Epicydes and Hanno, the 
sur\iving commanders in the previous war, and a 
third new general sent by Hannibal in place of 



^542'* ^^^^ "^ locum Hippocratis missus, Libyphoenicum 
generis Hippacritanus — Muttinen populares voca- 
bant — , vir inpiger ct sub Hannibale magistro omnis 

6 belli artes edoctus. Huic ab Epicyde et Hannone 
Numidae dati auxiliares, cum quibus ita pervagatus 
est hostium agros, ita socios ad x'etinendos in fide 
animos eorum ferendo in tempore cuique auxilium 

7 adiit ut brevi tempore totam Siciliam impleret 
nominis sui, nee spes alia maior apud faventis rebus 

8 Carthaginiensium esset. Itaque inclusi ad id tem- 
pus moenibus Agrigenti dux Poenus Syracusanus- 
que, non consilio Muttinis quam fiducia magis ausi 
egredi extra muros ad Himeram amnem posuerunt 

9 castra. Quod ubi perlatum ad Marcellum est, ex- 
templo copias movit et ab hoste quattuor ferme 
milium intervallo consedit, quid agerent pararentve 

10 expectaturus. Sed nullum neque locum neque 
tempus cunctationi consiliove dedit Muttines, trans- 
gressus amnem ac stationibus hostium cum ingenti 

11 terrore ac tumultu invectus. Postero die prope 
iusto proelio compulit hostis intra munimenta. Inde 
revocatus seditione Numidarum in castris facta, cum 
trecenti ferme eorum Heracleam Minoam con- 
cessissent, ad mitigandos revocandosque eos pro- 
fectus magno opere monuisse duces dicitur ne 

12 absente se cum hoste manus consererent. Id ambo 
aegre passi duces, magis Hanno, iam ante anxius 
gloria eius : Muttinem sibi modum facere, degene- 

^ I.e. Hippo Diarrhytus, northwest of Utica, on the coast. 

BOOK XXV. XL. 5-12 

Hippocrates. He was of Libyphoenician race, from b.o. 212 
Hippacra,^ and called Muttines by his countrymen, 
a man of energy who under Hannibal's teaching had 
mastered all the arts of war. He was furnished by 
Epicydes and Hanno with Niunidian auxiliaries, 
with which he so thoroughly scoured the enemy's 
lands and sought out allies, in order to retain their 
loyalty by lending aid to each man at the right 
moment, that in a short time he filled all Sicily with 
his name and was the highest hope of those support- 
ing the Carthaginian cause. And so, after being 
confined until then within the walls of Agrigentum, 
the Carthaginian general and the Syracusan, em- 
boldened not more by the advice of Muttines than 
by their confidence in him to go outside the walls, 
pitched their camp by the river Himera. When 
news of this reached Marcellus, he at once set his 
troops in motion and established himself at a distance 
of about four miles from the enemy, to wait and see 
what they were doing or intending. But Muttines 
gave no occasion or time for hesitation, or for a plan 
of action ; for he crossed the river and attacked the 
outposts of the enemy, causing great alarm and con- 
fusion. The next day by an engagement almost in 
regular form he drove the enemy inside their fortifica- 
tions. Then he Avas recalled by a mutiny of the 
Numidians breaking out in the camp, after about 
three hundred of them had retired to Heraclea 
Minoa. On leaving, to pacify and recall these men, 
he is said to have expressly warned the generals not to 
engage the enemy in his absence. At that both 
generals were indignant, especially Hanno, already 
uneasy because of the man's fame. To think that 
Muttines, a degenerate African, should set a limit 




A.u.c. rem Afrum imperatori Carthaginiensi misso ab 
13 senatu populoque ! Is pei-pulit cunctantem Epi- 
cyden iit transgressi flunien in aciem exirent : nam 
si Muttinem opperirentur. et secunda pugnae 
fortuna evenisset, hand dubie Muttinis gloriam fore. 
XLI. Enimvcro indignuni ratus Marcellus se, qui 
Hannibalem subnixum victoria Cannensi ab Nola 
reppulisset, his terra marique victis ab se hostibus 
cedei-e, arma propere capere milites et efFerri signa 

2 iubet. Instruenti ^ exercitum decern efFusis equis 
advolant ex hostium acie Numidae nuntiantes 
populares suos, primum ea seditione motos qua 

3 trecenti ex numei'o sue concesserint Heracleam, dein 
quod praefectum suum ab obtrectantibus ducibus 
gloriae eius sub ipsam certaminis diem ablegatum 

4 videant, quieturos in pugna. Gens fallax promissi 
fidem praestitit. Itaque et Romanis crevit animus 
nuntio celeri per ordines misso, destitutum ab equite 

5 hostem esse, quem maxime timuerant, et territi 
hostes, praeterquam quod maxima parte virium 
suarum non iuvabantur, timore etiam incusso, ne 

6 ab suomet ipsi equite oppugnarentur. Itaque baud 
magni certaminis res ^ fuit ; primus clamor atque 
inpetus rem decrevit. Numidae cum in concui'su 
quieti stetissent in cornibus, ut terga dantis suos 
viderunt, fugae tantum parumper comites facti, 

^ instruenti 6Vonoi;ms : -te P{1). 

2 res Conway: om. P{\) : proclium or res [after fuit) 


BOOK XXV. XL. i2-.\Li. 6 

for liim, a Carthaginian commander, sent by senate b.o. 212 
and people ! He prevailed upon the hesitating 
Epicydes to cross the river and form their battle- 
line. For if they should wait for Muttines and the 
fortune of battle should favour, the glory, he said, 
would unquestionably f;ill to Muttines. 

XLI. Marcellus, thinking it was a veritable out- 
rage for him, a man who had driven Hannibal, backed 
by his victory at Cannae, from Nola, to yield to 
these enemies whom he had himself defeated on 
land and sea, ordered his soldiers to take up their 
arms in haste and the standard-bearers to set out. 
As he was drawing up his army, ten Numidians rode 
out of the enemy's ranks and at full speed up to him, 
reporting that their countrymen were aroused, first 
by the mutiny in which three himdred of their number 
had retired to Heraclea, and then by seeing their 
commander sent away just on the eve of battle by 
generals who belittled his reputation, and that in the 
fight they would remain inactive. A deceitful race 
kept its promise faithfully. And so the Romans' spirits 
rose when the message was sent swiftly through the 
ranks that the enemy had been deserted by his 
cavalry, which they had particularly dreaded; 
at the same time the enemy were terrified not only 
because they were having no help from the largest 
part of their forces, but also by the fear thus aroused 
that they might themselves be attacked by their 
own cavalry. Accordingly it was no great struggle ; 
the first shout, the first onset, decided the matter. 
The Numidians, having remained motionless on the 
wings at the beginning of the battle, seeing their 
men retreating, shared only the flight with them for 
a short time. When they saw them all making for 

K k2 


^ut "^ postquam omnes Agrigentum trepido agmine pe- 
tentes viderunt, ipsi metu obsidionis passim in civi- 
tatis proxumas dilapsi. Multa milia hominum 
caesa, capta . . .^ et octo elephanti. Haec ultima 
in Sicilia Marcelli pugna fuit ; victor inde Syracusas 

8 lam ferme in exitu annus erat ; itaque senatus 
Romae decrevit ut P. Cornelius praetor litteras Ca- 

9 puam ad eonsules mitteret, dum Hannibal procul 
abesset nee ulla magni discriminis res ad Capuam 
gereretur, alter eorum, si ita videretur, ad magistratus 

10 subrogandos Romam veniret. Litteris acceptis inter 
se eonsules compararunt ut Claudius comitia per- 
il ficeret, Fulvius ad Capuam maneret. Consules 
Claudius creavit Cn. Fulvium Centumalum et P. 
Sulpicium Servii filium Galbam, qui nullum antea 

12 curulem magistratum gessisset. Praetores deinde 
creati L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Cornelius Cethegus, 

13 C. Sulpicius, C. Calpurnius Piso.^ Pisoni iuris dictio 
urbana, Sulpicio Sicilia, Cethego Apulia, Lentulo 
Sardinia evenit. Consulibus prorogatum in annum 
imperium est. 

^ Perhaps sex milia {i.e. vi) Madvig. 

^ Names in this sentence are in part restored by Aldus and 
Sigonius. P(\) omit L. Cornelius Lentulus (13 and XXVI. i. 
11) and M. (ii. 2), also C, Calpurnius (XXVI. iii. 9). 



BOOK XXV. xLi. 7-13 

Agrigentum in a panic-stricken column, they them- b.o. 212 
selves scattered in every direction to the neighbouring 
cities, fearing a siege. Many thousand men were 
slain . . . thousand captured, also eight elephants. 
This was Marcellus' last battle in Sicily ; from it he 
returned as victor to Syracuse. 

^y this time the year was neai-ly at an end. Accord- 
ingly the senate at Rome decreed that Publius 
Cornelius, the praetor, should send a letter to the 
consuls at Capua, saying that, while Hannibal was 
far away and there was no decisive action around 
Capua, one of them, if they thought it best, should 
come to Rome for the replacement of magistrates. 
On receiving the letter the consuls an-anged between 
them that Claudius should conduct the elections, 
and Fulvius remain near Capua. For the consulship 
Claudius announced the election of Gnaeus Fulvius 
Centumalus and Publius Sulpicius Galba, son of 
Servius, although he had previously held no curule 
office. As praetors the following were then elected : 
Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Ce- 
thegus, Gaius Sulpicius, Gaius Calpurnius Piso. 
The duties of the city praetor fell to Piso,^ Sicily to 
Sulpicius, Apulia to Cethegus, Sardinia to Lentulus. 
As for the consuls, their military authority was 
continued for one year. 

^ Evidently the duties of the praetor peregrinus also were 
assigned to the praetor urbanus, as for the two preceding years ; 
cf. notes on i. 11 and iii. 2. 




P. CoRXELius SciPio, postca Africanus, ante annos 
aedilis factus. Hannibal urbcm Tarenton praeter arcem, 
in quam praesidium Roraanorum fugerat, per Tarentinos 
iuvencs, qui se noctu venatum ire simulaverant, cepit. 
Ludi ApoUinarcs ex Marcii carminibus, quibus Cannensis 
clades praedicta fuerat, instituti sunt. A Q. Fulvio et 
Ap. Claudio consulibus adversus Hannonem Poenorum 
ducem prospere pugnatum est. Tib. Sempronius Gracchus 
proconsul, ab hospite suo Lucano in insidias dcductus, a 
Magone interfectus est. Centenius Paenula, qui centurio 
rnilitaverat, cum petisset a senatu ut sibi exercitus daretur, 
pollicitusque esset, si hoc impetrasset, de Hannibale 
victoriam, VIII acceptis militum dux factus conflixit acie 
cum Hannibale et cum exercitu caesus est. Capua 
obsessa est a Q. Fulvio et Ap. Claudio consulibus. Cn. 
Fulvius praetor male adversus Hannibalem pugnavit, in 
quo proelio XX ^ hominum ceciderunt; ipse cum equitibus 
ducentis effugit. Claudius Marcellus Syracusas expug- 
navit tertio amio et ingentem se virura gessit. In eo 
tumultu captae urbis Archimedes intentus formis quas in 
pulvere descripserat interfectus est. P. et Cn. Scipiones 
in Hispania tot rerum feliciter gestarum tristem exituni 
tulerunt, prope cum totis exercitibus caesi anno octavo 
cjuam in Hispaniam ierunt. Amissaque eius provinciae 
possessio foret, nisi L. Marcii equitis Romani virtute et 
industria contractis exercituum reliquiis eiusdem hortatu 
bina castra hostium expugnata essent. Ad XXVII - 
caesa, ad^ miUe octingentos, praeda ingens capta. Dux 
Marcius appellatus est. 

^ This should be XVI : c/. xxi. 10. 
^ An error for XXXVII • c/. xxxix. 12. 

^ For ad {Sigonius) the MSS. have ex. 



PuBLius Cornelius Scirio, later Africanus, was made 
aedile before the legal age. Hannibal, with the aid of 
young Tarentines who had pretended that they were going 
hunting at night, captured the city of Tarentum, except 
the citadel, to which the Roman garrison had fled. The 
Ludi ApoUinares were established in accordance with the 
oracles of Marcius, in which the disaster at Cannae had 
been predicted. A successful battle was fought by Quintus 
Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the consuls, against Hanno, 
a general of the Carthaginians. Tiberius Serapronius 
Gracchus, the proconsul, was led into an ambuscade by 
his Lucanian guest-friend and slain by Mago. Centenius 
Paenula. who had served as a centurion, after begging 
the senate to give him an army and promising a victory 
over Hannibal if he gamed his request, received eight 
thousand soldiers, was made commander, engaged Hannibal 
in battle-line, and with his army was slain. Capua was 
besieged by Quint us Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the 
consuls. Gnaeus Fulvius, a praetor, was defeated in a 
battle with Hannibal in which twenty thousand men fell. 
Fulvius himself escaped with two hundred horsemen. 
Claudius Marcellus took Syracuse after two years and bore 
himself as a great man. In that uproar of the captured 
city Archimedes, while intent upon the figures he had 
traced in the dust, Avas slain. Publius and Gnaeus Scipio 
in Spain met with an uiihappy end of their many successes, 
being slain with almost their entire armies in the eighth 
year after they went to Spain. And possession of that 
province would have been lost, had not the remnants of 
the armies been brought together by the bravery and 
activity of Lucius Marcius, a Roman knight, and with his 
encouragement two camps of the enemy been taken by 
storm. About twenty-seven thousand were slain, about 
one thousand eight hundred men and vast booty captured. 
Marcius was named commander. 



Syracuse is the extreme example of a Greek city 
whose walls for military reasons, and probably for" I 
no other reasons, enclosed a vastly larger space than ' 
was required by the actual size of the city. Other 
examples were Priene, Ephesus, Samos, Croton ; 
also a number of small and little-known cities in 
Aetolia and Acarnania.^ In such cases the desire 
to include some commanding height or heights in 
dangerous proximity to the city led to a conspicuous 
enlargement of the walled circuit. For Syracuse 
no other motive accounts for the Wall of Dionysius, 
enclosing the great triangular plateau to the north 
and northwest of the city. Military operations on 
this elevation during the siege by the Athenian army 
(414-413 B.C.) had only confirmed the obvious, that 
it was essential to prevent any invader from estab- 
lishing himself on heights so near the city. Diony- 
sius accordingly extended the city walls so as to 
enclose the entire triangle, from its apex to the 
west, at his fortress of Euryalus, all the way to its 
M-ide base close to the Ionian Sea, i.e. a distance of 
3| miles. 

^ Cf. von Gerkan, Griechische Stadteanlagen, 1924, ]}. 110; 
Noack, in Archdologischer Anzeiger, 1916, 215 f. 


Thenceforward the entire circuit of the walls of 
Syracuse amounted to 17 miles (English) or 27 km., 
about 7 km. (4i miles) more than the Walls of 
Aurelian at Rome, or about 9 km. (5| miles) more 
than the walls of Alexandria. No one now believes 
that Syracuse at the height of its prosperity had so 
immense a population. The tendency of recent 
estimates is in the opposite direction, due account 
being taken of the agricultural basis on which that 
prosperity rested, and of the constant practice of 
employing mercenaries, so that previous estimates 
based upon the strength of the army are to be 

Maps produced at the beginning of the XVIIth 
century show the entire plateau occupied by streets, 
houses and other buildings, of which no trace can 
be found. They make Epipolae, the Heights, an 
inhabited quarter, though nowhere mentioned as 
such in our sources. They have Achradina stretch- 
ing away to the northern Wall of Dionysius, quite 
three miles from the southern limit of the same 
quarter on the Porto Grande ; and Tycha just inside 
the same north wall and near the Hexapylon. In 
these also they are unsupported by ancient authority. 
From these highly imaginative sheets of Mirabella 
and Cluver have descended the maps in all of our 
atlases, in histories (e.g. Freeman), in special works 
on Syracuse, in editions of Thucydides, Cicero's 
J er rifles and Livy. 

" There is no doubt that the population of Syracuse 
never filled up anything like the whole space en- 
closed by the walls of Dionj'sius." So wcote Haver- 

^ Cf. von Gerkan in Deutsche Litteraturzeitunq, 1933, Sp. 
1403. ^ 



field fifty years ago.^ Visitors, more and more 
numerous, have had steadily increasing doubts with 
regard to the possibiUty that Epipolae could ever 
have been more than very sparsely inhabited. No 
one who stands on the ruins of Euryalus and looks 
down the length and breadth of that vast isosceles 
triangle, with its base (two miles long from north to 
south) almost reaching the sea, will be easily per- 
suaded that even scattered villas occupied so barren 
and rockv a soil. 

This scepticism, shared by such a master as Orsi, 
has culminated in the studies of the historian, Pro- 
fessor Knud Fabricius, of the University of Copen- 
hagen, pul)lished in his Das antike Si/rakus (Klio, 
Beiheft XXVIII. 1932), with illustrations and a map. 
A model of clear-cut method, this work shows con- 
clusively that Epipolae was never in ancient times 
reckoned one of the quarters of the city ; that the 
real city lay to the south of the plateau ; that the 
latter was fortified, not for its own sake, but to 
ensure the city against attack from higher ground 
dangei'ouslv near ; that it becomes necessary to 
revise our maps, to show Tycha and Achradina on 
the lower level south of the quarries. 

Epipolae, frequently mentioned by Thucydides, 
was to his mind simply a height (e.g. VI. xcvi f. ; 
VII. iv), and his " outer city " (?; Ifw, VI. iii) cer- 
tainly did not extend so far from Ortygia. Livy 
mentions Epipolae in a single chapter (XXW xxiv), 
calling it at first merely a locus (§ 4), then a pars 
urhis (§ 5) ; but this does not prove that he classed 
it vdth the quarters named, probably after Timaeus, 
by Cicero in his list of four tirbes (Insula, Achradina, 

^ Classical Reimiv, 1889, p. 111. 



Tycha, Neapolis — in Verrem IV. 119).^ For as the 
walls belong to Syracuse, any place inside the walls 
is in a loose sense a pars urbis.^ To be sure, when 
Marcellus has forced the Hexapylon (xxiv. § 7), we 
read ovmihus copiis urhem ingressus, but only the 
outer works can be meant, for it is from the high 
ground of Epipolae that he has an unobstructed 
view of the city itself in the distance (§ 11; of. 
Plutarch, Marcellus 19. 1). 

Fabricius's demonstration that the heights were 
almost unoccupied has been completely approved by 
such competent authorities as von Gerkan (in 
Deutsche Litter aturzeitung, 1933, Sp. 1404-07) and 
Ian Richmond {Classical Review, 1933, pp. 16 f.), 
both of whom are experts on city walls in ancient 
times ; also by Libertini (Jl Mondo Classico, 1934, 
pp. 29 ff.). 

If, then, there were no inhabited quarters on the 
plateau it becomes necessary to remove Tycha from 
a position near the Hexapylon assigned to it by 
tradition since the Renaissance. The topographers 
have thought that that gate admitted one directly 
to this quarter, and hence placed Tycha just inside 
the northern Wall of Dionysius, adjoining Achradina, 
as they believed, on the east and Epipolae on the 
south and west. If Livy, however, is correct (XXV. 
xxiv. 4) the six-fold gate did not give entrance to 
Tycha but to Epipolae, and nothing proves that Tycha 

1 Strabo's nevTairoXis (VI. ii. 4) does not necessarily in- 
clude Epipolae, for he may have listed Teraenites in addition 
to Neapolis. If he did mean Epipolae it does not follow that 
he really thought of it as a built-up quarter. 

^ Cf. XXV. XXV. 2, where Euryalus is in extrema parte 
urbis — too literally interpreted by tlie mapmakers. 



was anywhere near the gate. No archaeological 
evidence supports the supposition that this quarter 
(a populous section according to Cicero, I.e., with 
several temples and a gymnasium) was more than 
two miles from the centre of the city, or even on 
the plateau at all. The most that we can be said to 
know is that those who entered Dionysius' Hexa- 
pylon came to Tycha before they could reach the 
gates of Achradina (XXIV. xxi. 7). No clue is given 
as to the distance, nor does Thucydides even mention 

A further consequence of Fabricius's demonstra- 
tion that no quarters of the city were on the plateau 
is the necessary reduction — a great reduction — in 
the area assigned to Achradina. Haverfield seems 
to have been the first to suggest that Achradina was 
merely " the lower ground between Ortygia and 
Epipolae " (I.e.). This view abandoned " upper 
Achradina " (a modern term), extending northward 
to the sea near Livy's Portus Trogilorum (Trogilos), 
and no opinion was expressed as to the situation of 
a northern wall for the diminished quarter. Prob- 
ably Haverfield would have looked for such a line of 
defence just above the series of quarries (Q, Q on 
our map). 

Fabricius accepts this reduction in principle, but 
brings the northern limit of Achradina still further 
south. For it is to the 7iorth of Achradina, and ex- 
tending only as far as the quarries, that he finds a 
place for Tycha, thus made to adjoin NeapoUs on 
the west. Both of these quarters directly adjoined 
Achradina, which Plutarch describes as " the 
strongest, most beautiful and largest part," adding -. 

that " it had been fortified on the side towards the I 



outer city, one part of which they call Neapolis, and 
another Tyche " [Marcellus, L.C.L., by Pen-in, 18. 4). 

This wall separating the quarters just named has 
been understood to mean the so-called " Wall of 
Gelon " (this unwarranted name only since 1839). 
But Fabricius (p. 14) has shown that it is not a wall ; 
that it shows no signs of ever having been prolonged 
to north or south of its 700 metres ; that it was, in 
fact, a quarry. Hence nothing survives to indicate 
that Achradina was vastly larger than the three 
other quarters, or that Tycha lay to the tvest of any 
pai't of it. 

The new position assigned by the Danish scholar 
to Tycha, i.e. directly north of a much-diminished 
Achradina, has been accepted on our map, not with- 
out some hesitation. Difficulties remain in account- 
ing for the complete disappearance both of the north 
wall of Tycha, perhaps just above the latomie, and 
of another more or less parallel wall, still stronger, 
which separated these two quarters from each other, 
at a distance of perhaps half a mile south of the 
quarries. But any other position for Tycha involves 
greater difficulties. Further studies will probably 
bring confii-mation of the main proposition, and it 
must be at once granted that a long step in advance 
has been taken by Professor Fabricius.^ 

^ Hochholzer's Zur Geographie des antiken Syrakus {Klio, 
1936, pp. 164 fF.) agrees substantially with Fabricius, not 
without some confusion, and adds little to our purpose. 



{TIte References are to Pages) 

ACERRAE, 54, 56 (bis) ; Acerrani, 56, 64 

Achaia, 39S 

Achradiiia (Syracuse), 242, 244 (bis), 
246, 248, 256, 278 (bis), 282 (bis), 
434 (bis), 436 (bis), 440 (bis), 446, 
454 (bis), 456 (ler), 458 (ter) 

Aciliani anuales, 492 

Acrae, 288 

Acrillae, 288 

Acuca, 238 

Adranodoras, 186, 188 (bis), 190, 194, 
242 (his), 244 (ter), 246, 248, 252 
(bis), 254 (ter), 256, 258, 260 

Aecae, 236 

Aegates insulae, 40 

Aclius Paetus, Q. (pontifex), 72 

Aeniilius, M. (praetor, 216 B.C.), 68 

Aemilius Lepidus, M. (consul, 232 B.C. 
and about 220), 102 ; his sons, 
ibid. ; Aemilius Lepidus, M. (praetor, 
213 B.C.), 314 (bis), 342, 346, 348, 

Aemilius Papus, L. (consul, 225 B.C. ; 
censor, 220 B.C.), 72 

Aemilius Paulus, L. (consul, 219 and 
216 B.C.), 72 (bis), 76 (bis), 154, 210 

Aemilius Regillus, M., 196, 198 

Aequimaelium, 328 

Aetoli, 430 

Africa, 14, 16 (bis), 46, 70, 86, 102, 
140 (bis), 156, 200 (bis), 290, 324, 
328, 332 (bis), 340, 446 (bis), 
448; Airi, 96 (bis); Afer, 498; 
collective, 98 ; Alricanus (Scipio), 

Agrigeutum, 288 (bis), 300, 42», 448, 
494, 496, 500 

Albanus mons, 364 

Alexandria, 32, 258 

Allia, 360 (bis) 

Alpes, 94, 114, 152 

Amitemum, 316 

Amtorgis, 462, 464 

Anapus, 290 

Anicius, JI., 68 

Aniu, 198; Aniensis tribus, 190, 202 

Antistius, L., 134 

Apollo, 384, 386 (ter); Pythius, 32; 

ara Apollinis, 34 ; ludi Apollinares, 

Apollonia, 302 (bis), 306 ; Apollouiates 

(-tae), 304 (bis) 
ApoUonides, 264 
Apulia, 2, 76. 84, 86, 112, 114, 1.5(5, 

158, 162, 184, 206, 208, 240, 316, 

326, 346, 420, 500; Apuli, 34, 236, 

Apustius, L., 132 (bis) 
Archimedes, 282, 284, 286, 460 
Ardaneae, 238 
Arethusa fons, 456 (bis) 
Argivus, 384, 436 
Aricia, 316 
Ariminum, 314 
Aristo, 252 

Aristomachus, 180 (bis), 184 (bis) 
Arpi, 156, 184, 212 (bis), 318 (bis), 320, 

322, 326, 396: Arpiai. 324 

(quinqiiies) ; praetor Arpinus, 324 
Ascua, 90 
Atellanus, 232 
Atbenienses, 436, 452 
Atilius, C, 72; Atilius, L., 176; 

Atilius, M., 72 
Atilius Regulus, M. (consul, 227 and 

217 B.C.; censor 214 B.C.), 72, 210, 

312 (bis); Atilius Regulus, M. 

(praetor, 213 B.C.), 314 (bis) 
Atinius, M, 398 (bis), 400 (bis) 
Atrinum, 326 
Attalus, 430 
Aurelius, C, 54 
Aurelius Cotta, M. (aedile, 216 B.C.), 

102, 424 



Aurini, 310 

Austicula, 134 

Aventinus, 226 

Averui lacus, 212 (bis), 238 

Badius, 410 (tcr), 412 (bis), 414 (ler) 
Baleares insulao, 120. 138 140 
Bautius, L., 48 ' 

Barciua factio, 36; familia, 42- 

Barcinus, 464, 492 
Beneventum, 212, 21C, 224 226 2^2 

400- rl'\' fa'o (*")• 392!' 394,' 396.' 
400 (bis), 402; Beneventani, 224 
dSb, 410; Beneventanus agcr, 408, 

Bigerra, 308 
Blanda, 236 

Blossius, Marius, 20. 22 
Boii, 82 

^°^A''fA}^^ ^'''■*>' 290 (bis), 440, 

444, 446 (quater), 448 
Bostar, 116 
Bovianum, 390 

^T3"8'*'3oT'42?'' r''- ?-°^ 208, 214, 
^d8, 302, 42G ; Brundislnus portus, 

142 146, 156, 174 (qualer),n% 178 
(bis), ISO (ter), U2(bis),lAis) 

404, oruttius (collective), 178, 220- 
ager Bruttius, 340 ' 

Oaeotjus Metellus, M. (tribune, 

Mpti^^-^A P^^ 2^2; Caecilius 
Metellus, Q. (consul, 206 B.C.), 72 

Caiatia, 46 '' 

Caieta (possibly), 316 

Calabria, 116, 210, 302 

Calavius, Pacuvius, 4, 8, 10, 22 24 • 
his son, 24 '>>>■*, 

Cales 104 (bis), 126, 206, 216, 320; 
Caleni legati, 320 » « " 1 

Callo, 190 

Calor, 216, 408, 410 

Calpurnius Piso, G. (praetor, 211 B.C.), 
500; Calpurnius Piso Prugi L 
(historian; co?wu/, 133 B.c ) 49'' ' 

i^r^l^; i'^' 2*5' ^«> 56, 106, 114, 
118, 174, 212, 390; Campaiii, 6, 12 
(et passim) ; Campanus (collective), 
Inn' nf" Campanus, 2, 158, 162 
400 410; c.vis 18, 20; exercitus 
122 populus, 12, 106 ; praetor, 20 
senatus, 120; defectio Campana; 


410; luxuria, 152; res -^qfl- 
equit^s Campani. 106 ; ' castra 
Campana, 124 ' 

Canna amnis, 384 (bis) 

Canaae, 14, 34, 40, 48, 60, 104 144 
146, 148, 154 (ter), 164 192 202 

db4 d76 Cannenais aciea, 62, 360; 
^^tl'J\Y\^^' ^^2, 104 318 
in!" o.?n' ,^?'' ''24. 484; excrcitus 
36 58 ?2'o;'j ^"^.=''«-': P^^^'^.Z 
fqs-V '^^*'= '^■"a.84; victoria 
498 , Oamiense proelium, 50 
Canusuun, 12 
Capena porta, 110, 494 
Capitolium, 74, 104. 106 119 '>c\± 
^ 206, 342,'350; 364,'492 ' ' "'*' 
Capua, 4, 6, 18, 22, 28 (bis) 30 (ter^ 
Alibis), M, 44, 48, 56 Is, 60,^^' 

}^K^''i-^^ 1^*^' "«' 210 (6w) 212 
?qo^' -fcf^^V^^e. 326 (6t.), 388 a^), 
390 396 («^), 400, 402, 414, 416 
(bis), 418, 420, 424 (Quater'\ 42fi 
0^), 428 (6t.), 500 («^{' '^^^ ^^^ 

Carales, 136, 138 (6u), 140 

Oarmentalis porta, 326, 364 

^^<^^^?i.^^' 30, 34, 92 (bis), 110 
120, 138, 142, 146, 192 (6i/V 200 
286 396, 428, 444 (tu)!' l^\ 
Oartbagimenses, 38, 68, 84 88 94 
f*"). 116. 128, 166, 174, 188,206,264 

?0?V.^•^^' If?' 290. 296, 298, SOe! 
308 (6j;s), 312, 326, 328 (bis), 330 
(bis), 332 (bis), 348 368 (bisi 3qs 

466 480 496; Carthagiii-ensis 
(collective), 326; ager Oartha- 
gimensis, 140; hostis, 330- 
imperator, 498; populus, 192, 196;' 
Oarthagimenses legiones, 332 ' 
nobiles, 138 ,00-, 

Carthalo, 42 (possibly), 410 

%''^o"'^^^- .("■*«"^. 212 B.C.), 350, 

Bx.j, 3^o':rir' 'p- ^"^•''""^' 212 

Carvilius Maximua, Sp. (cotw;/?, 293 
and -272 B.C.), 204; CarVilius 
B C x™*^' ^P- (con««/, 234 and. 228 

Casilinum 46 (bis), 56 (quater), 58 
(ifT), 62, 64 (f«-), 66, 68 (bis), 74 

Castrum Album, 306 


Castulo, 308 

Caudinae Furculac, 360; Caudinac 
legiones, 360 

Caudini, v. Samnites 

Celtiberi, 334 (ftii), 462, 464 ('jualer) 

Centenius Paenula, M., 416, 422 

Ceres, 296 

Clialbus, 88 

Claudiana Castra, 104 (bis), 136, 162, 

Claudius Asellus, 158 (fer), 160 {ter), 

Claudius Cento, C. (consul, 240 B.C.; 
censor, 225), 344 

Claudius Marcellus, M. (consul, 222, 
214, 210, 208 B.C.), 44, 46, 48, 50 
(bis), 52 (bis), 54 (bis), 64, 78, 84 
(bis), 104 (bis), 106 (qmter), 108 
(fer), 136, 142, 144, 148 (bis), 218, 
228, 234 (ler), 236, 238, 240, 262 (bis), 
266, 26S, 274, 282, 286, 288, 290 
(bis), 294, 300 (bis), 312, 314, 348, 
356 (ter), 358, 362, 364, 428, 430 
(bis), 432, 434 (bis), 436 (bis), 438 
(ter), 440 (bis), 442 (bis), 444, 446, 
448 (ter), 452 (bis), 454, 456 (qualer), 
458 (ter), 460, 494 (ter), 498, 500; 
Claudius Marcellus, M. (aedile 
216 B.C.), 102 

Claudius Nero, C. (consul, 2o7 B.C. ; 
censor, 204), 226 (bis), 228, 344, 
346 (bis), 424 

Claudius Pulcher, Ap. (consul, 212 
B.C.), 6, 80, 104 (bis), 142 (bis), 178, 
192, 196, 262 (ter), 266, 270, 280, 
290, 300, 344, 346, 394, 416 (ter), 
424, 500 (bis) 

Claudius Quadrigarius, Q. (historian), 

Coelius Antipater (historian), 18 

Combulteria, 134 

Comlnium Ocritum. 394 

Compsa, 2, 236 

Concordia, temple of (Rome, in arce), 
72 ; altar of (Syracuse), 244, 246 

Conpulteria, 236 

Consentia, 100 ; Consentini, 340 

Cornelius Calussa, P. (pontijex maximus 
before 304 B.C.), 354 

Cornelius Cethegus, M. (censor, 209 
B.C.; consul, 204), 344 (bis), 354, 

Cornelius Lentulus, Cn. (co7isul, 201 
B.C.), 410, 414 ; Cornelius Lentulus, 
L. (pontifex maximus), 344 ; 


Cornelius Lentulus, L. praetor, 
211 B.C.), 344, 500; Cornelius 
Lentukzs, P. (praetor, 214 B.C.), 202, 
206, 212, 316, .348, 356 (bis) 

Cornelius JIammula, A. (propraetor, 
216 B.C.), 70, 72, 110, 118 

Cornelius Scipio Calvus, Cn. (consul, 
222 B.C.), 86, 100, 162, .306, 308 (ter), 
310, 328, 348, 464 (bis), 466, 472 
(bis), 476 (ter), 478, 488 

Cornelius Scipio, P. (consul, 218 B.C.), 
86, 100, 162, 306, 308, 328, SiH, 
464 (bis), 466 (bis), 468, 470, 476, 
478 ; Cornelius Selpio (Africanus), 
P. (consul, 205, 194 B.C. ; censor, 
199), 344 

Cornelius Sulla, P. (praetor, 212 B.C.), 
344, 346, 384, 396, 416, 424, 426, 

Cornus, 136. 140 

Oretenses, 272, 274 

Grito, 134 

Croto(n), 100, 178 (ler), 180 (bis), 182, 
184; Crotouiatae (-tes), 182 (bis), 

Cumae, 48, 124, 126 (quater), 130 (ter), 
152, 162, 364; Cumani, 106, 120 
(bis), 122 (bis); ager Cumanus, 
126, 214, 416; res Oumaua, 120; 
Cumanus senatus, 120 

Cyrenae, 30 

Dam A RATA, 246, 256 

Damipnus, 430 

Dasius Altinius, 318, 320, 322 

Decius, V. Magius 

Decius Mus, P. (consul IV, 295 B.C.), 

Delphi, 32 
Diana, 430 

Dinomenes, 194 (ter), 248, 270 
Diomedis campus, 384 (bis) 
DionTsius, tyrant of Syracuse, 182, 

188, 246 

EpICYDES, 190, 194, 250, 252, 260, 
262, 266 (bis), 268, 270, 272 (ter), 
276, 278 (bis), 280 (bis), 288, 430 
(bis), 432, 434, 436, 440 (quater), 
442, 446, 448 (quater), 450 (bis), 
452, 494, 496; Epicydes Sindon, 

Epipolae (Syracuse), 432, 434 

Erycina, v. Teuus 

Etruria, 396, 418, 424 ; Etruscus, 14 


L L 


Euros, 44G 

Euryalus (Syracuse), 436, 438, 440 

Fabius Buteo, M. (consul, 245 B.C.; 

censor, 241), 76 
Fabiiis Masimus Kullus, Q. (consul V, 

295 B.C.), 204 
Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, Q, 

(consul, 233, 228, 215, 214, 209 B.C.; 

dictator, 217), 72, 71, 102 (bU), 106, 

108, 112, 126, 128, 1.34 (bis), 136; 

156, 196 (bis), 202, 204 (bis), 210, 

212, 216, 232, 234 (ter), 236 (bis), 

238, 312 (bis), 314, 318, 320, 418; 

his son Q. (consul, 213 B.C.), 202, 

208, 212, 238, 312, 314, 316, 318, 

322, 346 
Fabius Pictor, Q. (historian), 32 
Flaminius, C. (consul, 223, 217 B.C.; 

censor, 220), 44, 72, 76 (bis), 154, 

Flavus, 402, 404, 406 
Fonteius, Ti., 468, 476, 478 
Fortuna (Praenes te),68 ; (Rome), 

328, 364 
Fugifulae, 236 
Fulvius Centumaliis, Cii. (consul, 211 

B.C.), 314 (bis), 326, 346, 500 
Fulvius Flaccus, Cn. (praetor, 212 B.C.), 

344, 346 (bis), 420 (bis), 422; 

Fulvius Flaccus, Q. (consul, 237, 

224, 212, 209 B.C.), 72, 80, 104, 112, 

118, 140, 164, 202, 344, 346, 350, 

354, 390, 416, 424, 500 
Fundanius Fundulus, M. (aedile, 213 

B.C.), 346 
Furculae Caudinae, 360 
Furius Camillu,s, M. (consul, 403 B.C.; 

dictator, 396), 352 
Furius Philus, P. (consul, 223 B.C.; 

cerisor, 214), 70, 210, 312 (bis), 344 

GABn, 206 

Gades, 332 

Gaetuli, 58 

Gala, 332 (quater) 

Galaesus, 378 

Galeagra turris, 430 

Gallia, 80, 84, 208, 348; Galli, 80 

(ter), 82 (bis), 242, 310 (bis), 374; 

Gallus, 198 (bis); Gallicus ager, 

42, 206 ; Gallicum bellum, 84, 204 ; 

Gallica arma, 374; auxilia, 94; 

spolia, 44, 310 

Gelo, 102, 188, 252 (bis) 256 (bis), 258 

Gisgo, 116 (v. Hasdrubal) 

Graecia, 116, 316, 348; Graeci, 252 
374 ; Graecus, 374 ; ritus, 386 (bis) 
sermo, 492 ; Graecum carmen, 32 
Graeca urbs, 100, 178, 452 
Graecae artes, 494 

Grumentum, 130 

HADUIA, 208 

Hamae, 120, 124 (bis), 126 (bis) 

Hamilcar, 174, 176 

Hamilcar Barca, 34, 306, 462, 470 

Hampsicora, 110, 136, 138 (bis), 140 

Hamiibal, 2 (bis), 4 (et passim); his 
wife, 308 ; the son of Bomilcar, 166 ; 
another Hannibal, 190 

Hanno (opponent of Hannibal), 36, 
38, 42; a general, 130 (6m), 138 
(bis), 142, 146, 148, 156, 174, 178, 
182, 184, 216 (bis), 236, 340, 348, 
388 (ter), 390, 392, 394 (bis), 398 
(bis); another Hanno, 494, 496 

Harmonia, 252, 256 

Hasdrubal (brother of Hannibal), 86, 
88 (bis), 90 (bis), 92 (ter), 94 (i/uin- 
quies), 96 (bis), 98 (bis), 100, 166 
(bis), 306, 462 (bis), 464 (bis), 470, 
492 (ter); the son of Gisgo, 306, 
462, 464 (bis), 472, 478, 482; 
Hasdrubal Calvus, 112, 120, 138 
(ter), 140 

Hegeas, 4 

Helorus, 286 

Henna, 292, 296 (bis), 300 (bis); 
Hennenses, 292, 294, 296, 298, 300 

Heraclea (Lucania), 358; ager Hera- 
cleensis, 240 

Heraclea Minoa, 286, 288, 448, 496, 

Heraclia, 256 

Heraclitus, 134 

Herbesus, 270, 272 (bis), 286 

Herculis columjiae, 14 

Herdonea, 420, 426 

Herennius Bassus, 148, 150 

Herius, v. Pettius 

Hexapylon (Syracuse), 242, 276, 278 
(bis), 282, 300, 432 (bis), 434 

Hibera, 94 

Hiberas, 86, 92, 94 (bis), 306 (bis), 
478 (bis) 

Hiero II, king of Syracuse, 72, 102, 134 



(bis), 184, 186, 188 (<«•), 192, 242, 
244, 246, 254, 256 (ter), 264, 286, 
316, 348, 436, 440, 450, 452, 458 

Hieronvmus, tlo., 184, 188, 190, 192 
iter), 240, 244, 250, 254 (qtialer), 256, 
258 (ter), 264, 272, 450, 452 

Himera (the southern), 192, 496 

Himilco, 36, 38 {bis), 40 ; another, 92 ; 
another, 100; another (a general) 
286, 2SS (bis), 290 (ler), 292, 298, 
300, 428, 438, 440, 444 

Hippacritanus, 496 

Hippocrates, 190, 194, 250, 260, 262, 
266 (ler), 268, 270, 272 (ter), 274 
(bis), 276 (bis), 278, 280, 286 (bis), 
288 (bis), 290, 300, 428, 438, 440 
(bis), 442, 444 (bis), 450 (bis), 452, 496 

Hirpini, 2, 130 (bis), 146 ; ager Hir- 
pinus, 142, 146 

Hispania, 42 (bis), 86, 92 (qmter), 94, 
98 (ter), 100, 102, 110 (bis), 112, 156, 
162, 168, 306 (bis), 308, 312 (bis), 
328, 330 (bis), 332 (bis), 334 (bis), 
340, 454, 462 (ter), 464, 476 (bis), 
492, 494; Hispaniae, 348, 476 (bis); 
HJspani, 96, 98 (bis), 156 (bis), 162, 
212, 252, 306, 326 (bis), 334, 408, 
454, 464 ; Hispaiius, 454, 456 ; dux, 
460 ; eques, 88 ; Ilispaniensis 
exercitus, 94, 164 

nostus, 136, 140 


Iliturgi(s), 166 (bis), 308 (bis) 

Illyrii, 242 

Indibilis, 468 (bis) 

Insteius vicus, 206 

Insula (STracuse), 242, 244, 246 (bis), 

248, 254 (ter), 434 (Ms); v. Nasos 
Intibili, 166 
Ionium mare, 114 
Isalcas, 58 
Italia, 14, 16 (et passim); Italic!, 46, 

218,324; Italicum nomen, 148 
lugarius vicus, 328 
lunius, D., 424 
lunius Pera, M. (consul, 230 B.C. ; 

dictator, 216), 42, 108 
lunius Silanus, M. (praetor, 212 B.C.), 

46, 344, 346 (bis), 418 
luno Lacinia, temple of, 114, 116, 182 ; 

Sospita (Lanu^iuni), 108, 206 
luppiter, 384 ; temple at Aricia ; 316 ; 

Olvmpius, temples at and near 

Sjiracuse, 242, 280 ; Vicilinus, 316 


Lacinia, v. Juno 

Laetorius, (J. (aedile, 216 B.C.), 102, 

Lanurium, 108, 206 
Latini, 18, 74 (bis), 350; Latinus, 74; 

lyatinum nomen, 40, 56, 74; 

Latinae (feriae), 382 ; Latinus 

sermo, 492 
Latona, 386 
Leon, 300 
Leontini, 194, 240, 246, 248, 266 (bis), 

268 (bis), 270 (ter), 274, 276 (bis), 

278, 282 (bis), 300 
Libertas, temple of, 226 ; atrium of, 

Libyphoenices, 496 
Licinius Crassus, P. (co7isul, 205 B.C.), 

Lilybaeum, 70, 140, 462 (bis) 
Litana silva, 80 
Liternum, 122 
Livius llacatus, M., 238 
Livius Salinator, M. (consul, 219, 207 

B.C. ; censor, 204), 6 
Locri, 142 (bis), 178 (bis), 184 (bis), 

250, 268 ; Locrenses, 100, 142, 174, 

176 (bis), 178 (ter), 184 
Lucani, 34, 130 (bis), 218, 236 (bis), 

316, 326, 340 (bis), 348 (bis), 402 

(quinquies), 410, 416 (bis), 418 ; 

lAicanus (collective), 220; hospes, 

408 ; populus, 204 ; proditor, 406 ; 

nomen Lucanum, 406 ; Lucani 

fines, 130 
Luceria, 114, 130, 162, 184, 208, 212, 

216, 238, 314, 346 
Lutatius Catulus, U. (consul, 241 B.C.), 


Macedonia, 116, 132, 214, 306, 316 ; 
Macedones, 114, 116, 118, 130, 206, 
302; Macedouicum bellum, 132 
(ter), 162, 164 

Maecilius Croto, Ti., 104 

Maesuli, 332 

Magius, On., 232 ; Magius, Decius, 20 
(bis), 22 (bis), 28, 30 (his), 32 

Mago, brother of Hannibal, 2, 34, 36, 
38, 40 (quater), 110 (his), 112 (bis), 
166, 306, 310, 462, 464 (bis), 472, 
492 (bis); a relative of Hannibal, 
138; a general, 398 (bis), 404 (bis), 
408, 410, 422; another, 116 

Maharbal, 58 

L L 2 



Manlius Torquatiis, T. (consul, 347, 

344, 340 B.C.), 198; Manlius Tor- 

qaatus, T. (consul, 235, 224 B.C.; 

cmsor, 231), 74, 120, 136 (bis), 138 

(6m), 140, 354 
Manlius Volso, I... (praclor, 218 B.C.), 72 
Mantua, 206 
MarceUi, 452 
Marcius, 382, 384 ; Marciana carmina, 

Marcius, Septimus, L., 476, 478, 480 

ibis), 482, 492 (bis) ; Marcius clipeus, 

Marius, v. Blossius 
Marius Alfius, 124 (bis) 
Marrucinl, 208 

Mare, 208 ; (= proelium), 330, 414, 332 (bis), 466 
Matuta, temple of, 328, 364 
Mauri, 16, 98, 220, 240; Maurus, 90 
Maurusii, 332 

Megara, 270, 272, 274 (bis), 286 
Mens, temple cf, 106. 112 
Messana, 142 (bis), 176 
Metapontum, 380, 396 ; Metapontini, 

396 (bis) ; Metapontinus ager, 240 
MetiUus, M., 424 
iliucius, 206 

Minucius, M. (tribune, 216 B.C.), 72 
Miseni promimturium, 214 
Moeniacoeptus, 310 
Moericus, 454, 456 (ter), 458 
Mopsii, 2 
Macius Scaevola, Q. (praetor, 215 B.C.), 

80, 104, 118, 120, 136, 206, 316, 

Munda, 308 

Murgantia, 262, 292, 296, 300 
Muttines, 496 (quater), 498 
Mylas, 270, 276 

NAEvros Crista, Q., 304 

Kasos (= Insula, Syracuse), 434, 454, 

456 (bis). 458 (bis), 460 
Xeapolis. 2, 46 (ter), 48, 126, 158; 

Neapolitani, 2, 44, 46; ager 

Keapolitauus, 214, 226 
Keapolis (quarter of Syracuse), 438 

Nice, 366 (his), 372 (bis) 
Kinnius Celer, Pacuvius, 22 ; Sthenius, 

Kola, 46 (bis), 48 (bis), 50 (6w), 54, 

108, 134, 136, 142, 144, 146 (bis), 

148 (ter), 150 (lis), 152 (bis), 154, 

156 (6m), 158, 162, 216 (6m), 226, 
228, 234 (quater), 236, 238, 498; 
Kolani, 46. 52 (ter), 64, 150, 152, 
156, 216; ager Kolanus, 44, 46, 
152; civis, 48; populus, 150; 
senatores, 148; Nolana res, 46, 48; 
plebes, 50, 214; subsidia, 154 
Knceria, 46, 48, 50, 148, 150 
Kumidae, 4, 16, 42, 96 (6m), 98, 146, 
156 (6m), 212, 218, 220, 240, 328 
(6m), 330 (ter), 332, 370 (6m), 372, 
408, 466, 468, 470, 472 (tM), 474, 
496 (6m), 498 (6m) ; Numida cques, 
88, 468 
Kumidia, 332 

OCEANUS, 14, 332 

Olympium (Syracuse), 280 

Orbitanium, 236 

Oricmn, 302 (ter), 304, 306 (6m) 

Ostia, 132, 418 

Otacilius Crassus, T. (praetor, 217, 
214 B.C.), 70, 72, 106, 112, 140, 196, 
198, 200 (ter), 202 (6m), 206, 210, 
212, 316, 348, 462 


(bis), 290, 446 (6m) 
Pacuvius, V. Calavius 
Paeligni, 392; Paelignus, 394; 

Paeligna cohors, 392 
Panormus, 290 (6m) 
Papirius Cursor, L. (consul II, 295 

B.C.), 204 
Papirius Masso, C. (Cf., pontifex), 344 

(6m); Papirius Masso, C. (L-f.), 

Pedanius, T., 392, 394 
Perusini, 68 ; Perusina cohors, 58 
PeteUa, 100 (6w); Petelini, 68 (6w), 

Pettius, Herius, 148 
Phileas, 366 

PhUemenus, 366, 368 (6m), 372 (ter) 
Philippus, king of Macedonia, 114 

(6m), 116 (ter), 118, 130, 132 (6m), 

134, 162, 206, 214, 300, 302, 306, 

Philistio, 448 
Ptiilodemus, 436, 440 
Picenum, 208, 316, 346; Picemis 

ager, 42, 112, 206 
Pinarius, L., 292, 294 
Piscina publica, 110 
Piso (historian), t. Calpumius 



I'oeiii, G (bis), 18 (et passim); Poenus, 
2, 4, IS, 20 (et passim); collective, 
114, 362, etc. 

rol\-cUtiis, 448 

Polyaenus, 244, 246 

Pomponius Matho, Sf. (praetor, 216 
B.C.), 78, 206, 226, 314 

romponiiis Teientaiius, T., 340, 348 

Postumius, M., 348 (bis), 350, 352 (ter), 

Postumius Albinus, A. (cunsiil, 241 
B.C.), 40; Postumius Albiiius, ]j. 
(consul, 234, 229 B.C., designate, 
216), 80 (ter), 82, 86, 106 

Praeneste, 56, 66, 68 ; Praenestini 
56, 58, 66, 68 

Proserpina, 296, 300 

Ptolomaeus VI, Philopator, 32, 256 

Punicus cultus, 118; exercitus, 166, 
444,474; mos, 24; Puuicaamicitia, 
28; ars, 488; classis, 136, 138, 
262, 440, 446 (bis); societas, 148; 
Punicum bellum, 40, 104/^ 132, 
356; foedus, 22, 320; imperium, 
192 ; nomen, 36 ; praesidium, 20, 
216, 312, 326 ; Puuicae naves, 380 ; 
Punica amia, 374 ; castra, 308, 
310, 390, 408 

Puteoli, 196, 212, 214, 418, 424 

Pyrenaeus (mons), 152 

PjTgeusis, 348, 352 

Pvrrhus, 20, 142, 144, 180, 192, 318, 

QuiNCTTOS Crispintjs, T. (consul, 
208 B.C.), 300, 440, 442 (bis); 
Qoinctins Crispiuus, T., 410 (bis), 
412 (quiTiqtiies), 414 (his) 

Quinctius Flaminiuus, L., 344 

Quirinalis flamen, 198 

Quirites, 346 

Reate, 364 

R«gium, 174, 176 (bis), 178 (bis); 
Regioi, 100 

Roma, 6 (et passim); Romaui, 2 
(et passim) ; Romanus (collective), 
114 (bU), 120, 220, 226, 310, 362, 
etc. ; Romanus civis, 376 ; consul, 
18; exercitus, 438, 444, 464; 
imperator, 330, 334, 404 (bis), 462, 
470; miles, 360; mos, 330; 
populus, 28, 84, 106, 224 (et passim) ; 
praefectus, 298 ; praetor, 44 ; 
senatus, 68, 294 328; Romana 

acies, 96, 98, 146, 152, 414, 418 (bis) ; 
amicitia, 68, 450, 466 ; classis, 210, 
290,306,440; cohors, 488; iustitia, 
476; provincia, 266; res, 18, 36, 
228, 318, 320, 404, 446; societas, 
22, 28, 44, 102, 148, 188, 406; 
statio, 268 ; urbs, 96 ; llomanuni 
agmen, 306 ; foedus, 24 ; imperium, 
12, 16, 40, 110, 148, 316 ; nomerL 18, 
276, 481; praesidium, lU-^!,?), 
214, 292 (his), 294, 302, SOS, «6, 
458, 460 (bis); Romani di, 4p4 ; 
duces, 464, 466 ; fines, 18 ; Romanae 
lesiones, 420; naves, 114, 430, 446; 
Romana castra, 308, 326, 408, 442. 
444 ; hospitia, 376 

S.VBIM, 206 

Saguntum, 60, 312 

Salapia, 240, 326 ^ 

Salinae, 326 -^ 

Sallentini, 340 ; Sallentiuus agcr, 162, 
240, 340 

Samnites, 34, 146, 204, 236; Samnites 
Caudini, 142, 236 ; Samnis, 14, 236 ; 
Samnis ager, 146 ; hostis, 14 

Samniimi, 2, 142, 360, 388 (bis) 

Sardinia, 70 (his), 104, 108, 110, 112, 
118, 120 (his), 136 (his), 140 (bis), 
164, 206, 20S, 316, 348, 418, 424, 
500; Sardi, 110, 120, 136, 138 
(qtiater), 140; Sardi Pelliti, 136 

Saticula, 14 ; ager Saticulanus, 46 

Scantinius, P. (pontifex), 72 

Scipiones (Cu. and P.), 100, 166, 480, 

Scribonius Libo, L. (tribune, 216 B.C.), 

Sempronius Gracchus, Ti. (consul, 
215 and 213 B.C.), 64 (ter), 80, 84, 
102 (his), 104 (bis), 108, 112, 122 
(ter), 124, 126 (his), 128 (his), 130, 
162, 184, 206, 208, 212, 216, 218 
(his), 220 (bis), 222, 224, 226 (ter), 
232, 2U, 236 (bis), 312, 314, 340, 
344, 362, 402, 404 (ter), 406 (ter), 
408 (ter), 410, 420; Sempronianus 
exercitus, 414 

Sempronius Longus, Ti. (consul, 218 
B.C.), 130 

Sempronius Tuditanus, P. (censor, 
209 B.C.; consul, 204), 314 (ter), 
326, 348 

Servilii^s Oaepio, On. (consul, 203 B.C.), 




Servilius Casua, C. (tribune, 212 B.C.), 

350 (ter) 
Servilius Geminus, 0. {consul, 203 

B.C.), 396 
Sicilia, 18, 70, 84, 86, 102 Qer), 104 
(quater), 106, 108 (bis), 112 (bis), 
132, 164, 1S2, 184, 192 (ter), 196, 
206, 208 (bis), 210, 212, 230, 240, 
250, 258, 262, 266, 268, 286, 288 (his), 
290, 300 (Irr), 344, 348, 356 (bis), 
362, 446, 448, 450, 494, 496, 500 
(bis); Siculi, 288, 290, 292, 294, 
300, 358, 444 (bis), 448 (ter); 
Siculus exercitus, 446 ; Siculae 
iirbes, 12 
feieilinum, 130 
Sidiciiius liostis, 14 
Sinuessa, 108, 112, 122 
Sopater, 248, 264 
Sosis, 240, 242, 248, 270, 436 
Sositheus, 134 
Sospita, V. luno 
Spes, temple of, 364 
Spoletium 208 
Statius, V. Trebiizs 
Statius Metius, 232 
Statorius, Q., 330 (bis) 
Suessetani, 468 

Suessula. 46, 56, 104, 108, 136, 158, 
162. 216, 226, 314, 316, 322, 326, 
346, 364, 424 
Sulpicius, C. (praetor, 211 B.C.), 600 

Sulpicius Galba, P. (consul, 211 and 

200 B.C.), 500. 
Syphax, 328, 330, 332 (quinquies) 
Syracusae, 186, 192, 194, 242, 248, 
250 (bis), 252, 258 (his), 262 (ter), 
266 (bis), 274 (quater), 276 (his), 
278 (ter), 280, 282 (bis), 286, 288, 
290 (quinquies), 300, 348, 362, 428 
(ter), 430, 444 (his), 446, 448, 450 
(ter), 452 (bis), 458 (bis), 460 
(bis), 462 (bis), 494 (quater), 500; 
S-VTacusani, 188, 240, 244, 262, 264, 
268 (quater), 270, 272, 274, 280 (bis), 
286, 436, 440, 446, 450, 452, 454, 
458 (bis), 460 (ter); Syracusanus 
dux, 496; exercitvL«, 288; portus, 
440; tyramius; 192; Syracusaiia 
res, 280, 440; Syracusannm 
regniun, 192 ; Syracusani milites, 
274 ; praetores, 274 ; transfugae, 
428 ; Syracusana consilia, 196 ; 
moenia, 460 

Tarentum, 112 (bis), 132 (ter), 134, 
212, 214 (ter), 228, 238 (bis), 370 
(quater), 382, 386, 396 (bis), 426, 
448; Tarentiui, 20, 214, 238, 340, 
364, 366, 368, 374, 376 (quater), 378, 
380, 382; Tarentinus ager, 238, 
240; populus, 204; portus; 114, 
396; Tarentina arx, 396 (bis)\ 
iuventus, 212 ; res, 214; Tarentini 
duces, 374 ; iuvenes, 366, 374 ; 
obsides, 366 ; principcs, 380 

Tarracina, 316, 366 

Tartesii, 88 (bis) 

Tauriani, 340 

Teanum, 80, 108 

Telesia, 236 

Temenitis porta (Tarentum), 372 

Terentius Varro, C. (consul, 216 B.C.). 
76, 84, 86, 112 (bis), 206, 208, 316, 
346; exercitus Terentianus, 112; 
milites Varroniani, 132 

Themistus, 252 (ter), 2.54, 256, 260 

Theodotus, 190 (ter), 240, 242, 248 

Thraso, 188 (bis), 190 (ter) 

Thurii, 398, Tburiiii, 366, 396, 398 
(his); Tliiirinus ager, 398 ; iuventus 
Thurina, 398 

Tiberis, 204 

Tifata, 126 (bis), 130, 136, 146, 212 

TrasumeniuLs, 4, 60, 146, 154, 164, 
202, 212, 272, 376 

Trebia, 60, 146, 154 

Trebianus agar, 46 

Trebius, 2 (ter) 

Trebula, 134 

Trogilorum portus, 430 

Troiugena, 384 

'nirdetani, 312 

Tusci, 346 

Tycba (Syracuse), 242, 438 (bis) 

UTICA, 462 (bis) 

Vacuna, 206 

Valerius Antias (historian), 492; 

Valerius Antias, L., 118 
Valerius Corvus, M. (consul VI, 299 

B.C.), 198 
Valerius Flaccus, 392; Valerius 

Flaccus, P., 54, 116, 132 (bis), 302 
Valerius Laevinus, M. (consul, 210 

B.C.), 80, 104, 108, 112, 114, 118, 

130, 132, 162, 206, 208, 238, 302 

(bis), 306, 316, 348 
Veii, 360 


Venus Ervcina, temple of, 102, 106 

Venusia, 12, 360 

^'erceIlium, 130 

Vescellium, 130 

Veteres campi, 408 

Vibellius Taiirea, Cerrinus, 24, loS 

(bts), 160 (ler), 198 
Vibius Accaus, 392, 394 
Vibius Virrius, 16 (bis) 
Victoriae mons, 306 

Villius Tappulus, L. (aedUe, 213 B.C.), 

Vismams, 310 
Volcanus, 156, 206 
Volturnus, 46, 58, 64, 122, 126, 134, 

216, 418, 424 

XENOPHA^^:s, 114 (bis), 116 
ZOIPPUS, 186, 188, 256, 258 



Printed in Great Britain by 

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6^52 Livy